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CJ5> 


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SPEECHES 


ON     THE 


LEGISLATIVE    ODEPENDENCE 


OF 


IRELAND. 


WITH      INTRODUCTOEY      NOTES 


BY 


THOMAS  FRANCIS  MEAGHER. 


REDFIELD, 

no    &    112    NASSAU    STREET,    NEW    YORK. 

18  5  3. 


4'^S5l 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1852,  by 

J.    S.    REBFIELD, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


CONTENTS. 


ENGLISH  LEGISLATION  IN  1846— GROWTH  OF  THE  NATIONAL 

SPIRIT. 

PAGE 

The  potatoe  blight — scientific  opinions  on  it — extent  and  probable 
causes  of  the  disease — appearance  in  France,  Holland,  Belgium, 
and  America — meetings  held  in  reference  to  it — measures  suggested 
to  meet  the  crisis — drainage — closing  the  ports — public  granaries, 
&c., — demand  for  precautionary  measures — conduct  of  Foreign 
Governments  under  the  calamity — Lord  Cloncurry's  letter  to  Sir 
Robert  Peel — Mansion  House  committee — resolutions  denouncing 
the  Government — Lord  John  Russell  bids  for  favor  on  the  Corn 
question — Parliament  opens — the  Queen's  speech — resignation  and 
avowal  of  Sir  R.  Peel  and  Lord  Stanley — Sir  Thomas  Freemantle's 
Motions  for  Public  "Works — Repeal  Association — Mr.  Grey  Porter — 
Mr.  Bourke,  of  Hayes,  and  the  Dublin  Evening  3fail — extract  from 
Mr.  Porter's  pamphlet — Mr.  Smith  O'Brien's  protest — policy  of  Lord 
J.  Russell o         .         .         .       1 


ARMS  ACT— POLISH  INSURRECTION. 

Mayo  election — famine  fever — Sir  James  Graham's  motion  for 
hospitals — food  verstcs  physic — opinions  on  the  bill — Mr.  Wakley's 
speech  in  the  House  of  Commons — state  of  the  country — statement 
of  Countess  of  Glengall,  Mr.  Tabiteau,  Mr.  Kemmis,  Mr.  Howley 
and  others  regarding  landlord  and  tenant's  "  outrages  " — Arms'  Act 
introduced  into  Parliament — its  provisions — opinions  on  the  bill — 
Lord  Melbourne's  letter  to  the  Repeal  Association — the  Sikhs  incensed 
against  the  British  authorities — march  to  Peshawur — invasion  of  the 
"British  possessions" — loss  of  the  Sikhs — vote  of  thanks  from  the 
Lords  and  Commons  to  the  Army  in  India — Mr.  Bright  presents  a 
petition  against  the  vote — sudden  rise  of  the  Poles  at  Cracow — instal 
a    Provisional    Government — GaUacia    in    "  rebellion  " — Veliska, 


IV  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

Sondez,  Lembourg  in  the  hands  of  the  Poles — the  Jews  sustain  the 
Provisional  Government  with  money — the  Polish  exiles  in  Paris 
leave  for  the  scene  of  action — xSO.OOO  sent  to  the  revolutionists  from 
the  Polish  nobles  in  Paris — the  women  in  arms — patriotism  of  the 
priests — the  prayer  at  the  altar — noble  manifesto — the  Austrians, 
Russians,  and  Prussians,  enter  Cracovv' — vengeance  of  despotism — 
depopulation  of  the  land — assassination  of  Count  Morska,  brother 
and  mother — outrages  on  his  wife — the  wages  of  treason  .         .     18 

POLITICAL  ECON"OMY— MORALITY  OF  SELF-GO^TERI^MEFr. 

Mr.  Butt's  lectures  on  political  economy — protection  to  native 
industry — Mr.  Mitchel's  speech — Earl  Grey's  speech  on  the  "inquiry 
into  the  state  of  Ireland  " — Ireland  the  "  deep  blot "  upon  Britain 
— the  Duke  of  Wellington's  opinion — caution  to  the  House  of 
Lords    .  34 


EVIPRISON'MENT   OF   MR.    SMITH    O'BRIEI^   BY  THE  HOUSE 

OF   COMMOISTS. 

Speaker's  warrant  of  arrest  for  non-attendance  on  Parliamentary 
Committees — supposition  that  Mr.  Hume  leagued  with  Mr.  O'Connell 
for  the  purpose  of  testing  the  warrant — power  of  the  Commons  to 
coerce  the  Irish  members — Mr.  O'Connell  refuses  to  obey  the  war- 
rant— letters  of  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  and  Mr.  O'Connell,  refusing  to 
serve  on  English  railway  committees — second  letter  of  Mr.  O'Brien — 
reply  of  Mr.  T,  G,  B,  Estcourt,  chairman  of  the  selection  committee 
— the  Commons  order  Mr.  O'Brien  to  attend — his  speech  on  the 
occasion — Mr.  Estcourt  moved  his  arrest — opinions  of  members  on 
the  motion — arrest  of  Mr.  O'Brien — his  letter  to  Mr.  E.  B.  Roche — 
recreancy  of  the  Irish  members — meetings  in  Ireland  approving 
Mr.  O'Brien's  course — extracts  from  addresses  to  him      .        .        .     4t 


ACCESSION"  OF  THE  WHIGS  TO  OFFICE. 

Powerless  position  of  Sir  Robert  Peel — course  of  the  Protectionists 
— discussion  on  the  first  reading  of  the  Coercion  Bill — Protectionists 
and  leading  Whigs  oppose  it  on  second  reading — speech  of  Lord 
George  Bentinck — Mr.  D'Israeli's  charge  against  Sir  R.  Peel — Wliig 
attempts  to  coalesce  with  the  Repeal  party — Mr.  O'Connell's  grati- 
tude to  them 64 


CONTENTS. 


FREEDOM  OF  OPINIO^^— MORALITY  OF  WAR. 

Desigued  prolongation  of  the  debate  on  the  Coercion  Bill — 
Ministers  defeated  on  the  second  reading — their  resignation — speech 
of  Sir  R.  Peel  on  the  occasion — Whig  administration — promises  of 
Lord  J.  Russell — reinstates  the  Repeal  Magistrates — Mr.  O'Connell's 
gratitude — Mr.  R.  L.  Shiel  resigns  his  seat  for  Dungarvon — selected 
under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  O'Connell — the  "Peace  Resolutions"  in 
Conciliation  Hall,  their  nature — reason  of  their  introduction — ^Mr. 
O'Connell  acts  upon  the  statements  of  Lord  J.  Russell — opposition 
of  "  Young  Ireland "  to  the  Whigs — they  must  be  got  rid  of — the 
"marked  line"  between  "Young"  and.  "Old  Ireland" — Mr,  John 
O'Connell  reopens  the  "  Physical  Force "  discussions — Messrs. 
Mitchel,  O'Brien  and  Meagher  reply — speech  of  the  latter  inter- 
rupted by  Mr.  O'Connell  and  proclaimed  as  "most  dangerous" — 
secession    . .         .        .         .     'JT 


IRISH  CONFEDERATIOIS^— I^ATIONAL  UNIOK 

Formation  of  the  Irish  Confederation — its  principles — opposition 
of  the  Confederates  to  place-hunting — Mr.  O'Connell's  encourage- 
ment of  it — his  avowals — progress  of  the  Famine — starvation  of 
laborers  on  the  Public  Works — noxious  substitutes  for  food — excite- 
ment in  the  County  Kerry — "  Bread  or  Blood" — letter  of  Mr. 
Cummins,  J.P.,  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington  on  the  dreadful  state  of 
Skibbereen — export  statutes — presentment  session  statistics — sugges- 
tion of  Mr.  Monsell  to  appropriate  the  money  to  Public  Works — 
requisition  of  the  Irish  Peers,  and  meetings  of  the  landholders, 
magistrates,  clergy,  &c.,  seconding  the  proposition — speeches  at  the 
meeting  in  Dublin — Hogan's"  statue  of  O'Connell — Father  Front's 
description  of  it — Irish  friars  in  Rome 91 

GALWAY  ELECTIOIT— STRUGGLE  AGAIIs'ST  ENGLAND. 

Sir  Valentine  Blake  resigns  his  seat  for  Galway — a  Repeal  and  a  Whig 
candidate  present  themselves — Lord  Clanricarde  compels  his  ten- 
antry to  vote  for  the  government  candidate — the  laborers  on  the 
Public  Works  coerced  into  voting  likewise — the  W^hig  returned        .  112 

LANDLORD   COERCION  —  GOVERNMENT   COERCION. 
The  Galway  election  continued     ....  ...  118 


Vl  CONTENTS. 


miSH  PAUPERISM— OUT  DOOR   RELIEF. 

The  cook  of  the  Reform  Club  inyents  an.  economic  soup — proposes  to 
feed  the  people  of  Ireland — the  same  approved  of — government 
sends  him  to  Ireland — medical  opinion  on  the  soup — inauguration 
of  the  soup  kitchen  at  Dublin — experiment  with  it — model  beggars 
— Sir  Richard  Musgrave's  recommendation  to  hungry  people — 
fatality  of  the  famine — letters  of  Dr.  Trail  and  Rev.  Mr.  O'Driscoll — 
meeting  of  the  Dublin  employers — speech  of  Mr.  Fitzgibbon — prac- 
tical plan  to  feed  the  people      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .123 

AMERICAN   BENEVOLENCE— IRISH   GRATITUDE. 

Arrival  of  food  in  Ireland  from  America — banquet  to  Captain  Clarke 
of  the  Victor,  and  presentation  of  an  Irish  Flag  to  the  ladies  of 
America  by  the  citizens  of  Dublin     .......  140 


PLACE  BEGGING— SELF-RELIANCE. 

The  approach  of  a  general  election — the  Irish  Confederati'on  will 
support  only  the  anti-Place-begging  candidates — place-hunting  and 
patriotism  incompatible — meeting  in  Cork  seconding  the  Confedera- 
tion— Mr.  O'Connell's  health  declines — goes  to  Europe — dies  at 
Genoa 144 


DECLARATION  OF  RIGHTS— RESURRECTION  OF  ITALY. 

Meeting  in  Cork  to  form  a  branch  of  the  Confederation — opposition  of 
dissentient  parties. — Death  of  Pope  Gregoiy  XVI. — enthusiastic 
election  of  Cardinal  Ferretti  to  the  papacy — Reform  movements  of 
Pius  IX. — political  amnesty — state  pageantry  diminished — public  in- 
struction— popularity  of  the  Pope — the  Sacred  College  oppose  the 
reform  measures — reply  of  Pius  IX.  to  the  cardinal — circular  to  the 
governors  of  Roman  States — schools  for  the  education  of  the  people 
— continued  opposition  of  the  Cardinals — Cardinals  replaced  by  a 
Consulta  di  Stato — overtures  for  a  federative  union  in  Italy — opposi- 
tion of  the  Neapolitan  Court — diminution  of  crime — reorganization 
of  the  Papal  army — banquet  of  the  middle  classes — excitement  at 
the  Palazzo  Borghese — sympathy  of  Charles  Albert — recalls  Count 
Broglia — growth  of  the  revolutionary  spirit — display  in  Genoa — 
secret  proclamation — popular  enthusiasm  at  Romagna,  Forli,  Rimini, 
Ravenna,  &c. — "  Death  to  the  strangers  " — popular  manifestation  at 


CONTENTS.  ni 

PAGE 

Pisa  on  the  arrival  of  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  d'Este — explosion  in 
the  palace — increase  of  Austrian  troops — a  French  yice-consul 
placed  at  Ferrara — organisation  of  the  National  Guard — Austrians 
enter  some  of  the  Roman  towns — discovery  of  a  dangerous  plot — 
arrest  of  Cardinal  Freddi — the  Austrian  occupation  of  Ferrara  pro- 
tested against — Pius  IX.  preaches  self-reliance — proclamations — 
Austrians  overrun  Ferrara — possess  themselves  of  the  public  places 
— Cicerouacchio — Count  Auersperg  adopts  hostile  measures  at 
Ferrara — indignation  of  the  Italians — camp  at  Forli — the  friars  of 
Perugia  in  arms — Charles  Albert  protests  against  Austrian  aggres- 
sion— offers  his  army  and  navy  to  the  Pope — national  activity  at 
Piedmont,  Bologna,  Pisa,  Florence — marching  for  Ferrara — the 
Cabinet  at  Vienna  regret  the  occupation,  and  throw  the  blame  on 
Radetzky 156 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  IS^ORTH— EUROPEAN"  EXAMPLES. 

Deputation  of  Confederates  in  Belfast — opposition  of  the  O'Connell- 
ites — policy  and  principles  of  the  Confederation       .        .         .        .173 


OPENING-  OF  THE  GRATTAN  CLUB,  DUBLIN. 

The  Cause — Club  organization — creed  of  Liberty — no  leadership — "  no 
despotism  by  committee  " — memories  of  Grattan      .         .         .         .193 


POLICY  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION. 

Mr.  Mitchel  renounces  connexion  with  the  Nation  newspaper — his 
letter  to  the  Editor  of  that  paper — Mr.  Mitchel  believes  the  endea- 
vors of  the  Confederation  "  to  combine  the  classes  "  futile — he 
enters  warmly  into  the  meetings  of  the  Irish  Council — his  opi- 
nions on  the  Poor-law,  Native  industry.  Tenant-right,  Relief  mea- 
sures, etc. — to  feed  the  people,  no  new  resources  needed — his 
disappointment  at  the  course  of  the  Irish  Council — the  Coercion 
Bill — opinions  regarding  it — Mr.  Mitchel's  speech  on  it — ]\[r.  Devin 
Reilly  withdraws  from  the  Nation — his  letter — Mr.  Smith  O'Brien 
desires  to  test  the  principles  of  the  Confederation — Mr.  O'Brien's 
resolution — debate — adoption  of  the  resolution        .  .         .  203 


VIU  CONTENTS. 


WA.TERFORD  ELECTIOK 

Vacancy  in  the  representation  of  "Waterford — three  candidates  in  the 
field — Mr.  Meagher's  address  to  the  electors — the  O'Connellites  and 
priests  supj)ort  a  Government  pensioner — return  of  Sir  W.  H. 
Barron 219 


LETTER  TO  THE  GOUJ^CIL  OF  THE  IRISH  CONFEDERATIOK 
Congratulations  to  France 231 

THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION— APPEAL  TO  ARMS. 

Reform  banquets  in  France — King's  address  to  the  new  Chamber-— 
angry  debate  on  it — the  right  of  assembly  demanded — banquet  of 
the  12th  arrondissement  prohibited — precautionary  measures  of  the 
ministry — 50,000  men  around  Paris — 22nd  February,  gatherings  of 
students — anxiety  of  the  people — the  Marseillaise — 30,000  men 
knock  at  the  Chamber  of  Deputies — the  attack — collisions  between 
the  people  and  the  soldiers — the  barricades — "  the  head  of  Guizot " 
— incident  at  the  Hotel  des  Affaires  Etrangeres — Guizot  in  the 
Chamber — M.  Odillon  Barrot  impeaches  the  ministry — division  in 
the  Opposition — weakness  of  M.  Barrot — addresses  from  the  pro- 
vinces— perseverance  of  the  people — barricades — affair  at  the  Filles 
du  Cabraires — General  Sebastiani  killed — fraternization  of  the  Na- 
tional Guard  with  the  people — dismissal  of  ministers — affair  at  the 
hotel  of  M.  Guizot,  fifty-two  killed — the  torch-light  funeral — "  Veti- 
geance  " — night  in  Paris — "  Have  you  arms  ?" — M.  Thiers — proclama- 
tion— the  prisons  unbarred — demolition  of  the  Guard  House — the 
Palais  Royal  taken — the  Tuilleries  gutted — abdication  and  flight  of 
the  King — burning  of  the  throne — Duchess  of  Orleans  in  the  Chamber 
— proclamation  of  a  Republic — provisional  government — adhesions 

to  the  Republic. rinsurrection  in  Sicily — flight  of  Marshal  Landi 

— exhortations  of  the  Clergy — patriotism  of  the  Sicilian  women — 
Maria  Testa  di  Lana — provisional    government — bombardment  of 

Palermo — decrees  of  concession  from  the  King. Ireland,  change 

in  the  policy  of  the  Confederation — preparations  for  the  massacre 
of  the  citizens  of  Dublin — occupation  of  public  buildings  by  the 
soldiers — state  of  siege — proclamation  of  the  Confederation       .         .  234 


CONTENTS.  IX 

PAGE 

SYMPATHY  OF  FRANCE. 

Irish  Confederation  address  the  French  Republic — Irish  deputation 
proceed  to  Paris — rumors  of  the  English  press — reception  of  the 
Irish  deputies  by  M.  de  Lamartine— English  nature  of  his  reply — 
Sir  George  Grey  echoes  the  falsehoods  of  the  press  in  Parliament — 
Mr.  O'Brien's  bold  explanation — French  aid,  not  sought  for — Irish 
freedom  by  Irish  courage — falsehood  and  prevarication  of  M.  de 
Lamartine  in  his  words  and  writings — his  statements  refuted   .         .  255 


PRESENTATION  OF  THE  IRISH  TRICOLOR. 

Return  of  the  deputies  from  France — memories  of  a  revolutionary 
city — signification  of  the  Irish  tricolor      ......  262 


VINDICATION  OF  SEDITION. 

Arrest  of  Messrs.  O'Brien,  Mitchel,  and  Meagher — approval  of  Nation- 
alists of  their  conduct — invited  to  a  banquet  in  Limerick — assailed 
by  the  O'Connellites,  instigated  by  a  priest — ^military  called  out — 
sedition  no  crime 263 


TRANSPORTATION  OF  MITCHEL. 

Treason-Felony  bill — remarks  of  Mr.  "W.  J.  Fox  upon  it — provisions  of 
the  bill — arrest  of  Mr.  Mitchel  on  two  charges  of  "felony" — hig 
trial,  conviction,  and  sentence — hurried  off  in  irons — -jury  packing — 
statement  of  the  Confederation  in  reference  to  Mr.  Mitchel's  trial — 
extracts  from  the  English  press  on  the  jury-packing  system — reasons 
for  opposing  a  rescue — depression — the  "black  ship  upon  the 
southern  sea" — the  return  of  the  exile      ......  269 


LETTERS  ON  THE  BELGIAN  REVOLUTION— FIRST  LETTER. 

Different  agencies  of  revolution — military  and  political — treaties  of 
Vienna  and  Chaumont — balancing  of  European  interests — disposal 
of  Belgium — policy  of  the  Dutch  government — ^list  of  grievances — 
exclusion  of  Belgians  from  various  offices — transference  of  the 
Supreme  Court  from  Brussels  to  The  Hague — suppression  of  the 
Flemish  tongue — imposition  of  taxes — enactment  of  statutes  inter- 
fering with  the  national  religion — first  symptoms  of  the  storm  .         .  281 


X  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

SECOND  LETTER. 

Pains  and  penalties — disaifection  spreads — "seditious  meetings" — 
speeches — pamphlets — propagandism  by  the  press — the  Dutch 
government  hire  an  Italian  spy  to  write  down  the  "rebels" — scene 
at  the  Opera — "people  take  the  field" — first  blow  struck — Govern- 
ment try  a  trick  or  two — the  Dutch  king,  visits  Liege — rejection  of 
petitions — the  "  Order  of  Infamy  " 288 

THIRD  LETTER. 

French  Revolution  of  '30 — effect  in  Brussels — the  fire  spreads — the 
King  negotiates — burgher  guard  enrolled — "higher  orders"  hold 
back — a  few  words  on  aristocracy 294 

FOURTH  LETTER. 

Popular  excesses — ^no  disparagement  to  liberty — conceit  of  piety — the 
fight  warms — citadels,  royal  palaces,  and  cities  made  over  to  the 
"  rebels  " — lessons  taught  thereby  to  other  people — the  tricolor  of 
Brabant  flies  from  the  tower  of  St.  Gudule— the  Dutch  govern- 
ment gives  in — "concession  has  not  reached  its  limits" — "the 
royal  heart  bleeds  " — the  most  benevolent  measures  proposed  and 
rejected— inflexibility  of  the  people— the  ball  kept  going— the 
game  won 


300 


"THE  RED  ABOVE  THE  GREEK" 

English  anniversaries — patriotism  of  the  Dublin  drawing-rooms  and 
theatres — homage  to  the  Red  flag — prizes  won  by  Nelson — memories 
of  '82,  '98 — Irish  Brigade — Clontarf — the  fashion  and  the  beggary  of 
Ireland S07 


APPENDIX. 

Resolutions  of  the  Common  Council  of  New  York  on  the  arrival  of 
T.  F.  Meagher — deputation  at  the  Astor  House — presentation  of 
address  and  resolutions — Mr.  Meagher's  replies — declines  public 
procession  and  hospitalities  of  the  city      .         .         .         .         .         .311 


PREFACE. 


-^- 


In  coming  to  the  resolution  of  publishing  these  speeches, 
I  have  been  chiefly  influenced  by  the  desire  of  placing 
upon  record,  in  a  permanent  form,  the  opinions  that  led 
me,  though  various  changes  of  fortune  and  of  climate,  to 
this  Eepublic. 

The  anxiety  will  not  be  censured  which  induces  me  to 
save  from  injury  the  proofs  of  an  interest,  early  taken  in 
the  condition  of  my  Native  Land.  Nor  will  it  be  wholly 
ascribed  to  vanity,  if  the  hope  escapes  me,  that,  even  yet, 
these  words  of  mine  may  conduce  to  her  advantage. 

To  some  extent,  the  speeches  may  be  considered  out  of 
date.  The  tone,  inspired  by  a  people  in  the  attitude  of 
resistance,  sounds  strangely  upon  the  ear  when  the  chorus, 
which  hailed  the  coming  of  the  contest,  has  ceased — and 
the  fire  upon  the  altar  has  been  extinguished. 

To  revive  in  Ireland  the  spirit  which,  in  the  summer  of 
1848,  impetuously  sought  to  clear  a  way,  with  an  armed 
hand,  to  the  destiny  that  lay  beyond  an  intervening  camp 
and  throne,  may  be  for  the  time  forbidden. 

But,  in  the  pursuit  of  humbler  blessings — in  the  endur- 
ance even  of  defeat — the  vices,  which  adversity  engen- 
ders or  exasperates,  may  be  resisted — hope,  activity,  and 


XU  PREFACE. 

courage  be  awakened — all  those  virtues  be  restored  and 
nourished,  wMch,  in  a  loftier  mood,  were  loved  so  dearly 
for  the  strength  and  ornament  they  bestovred. 

The  suppression  of  sectarian  feuds — the  blending  of  the 
various  races  that  have  at  different  seasons  been  cast  upon 
our  soil,  and  have  taken  root  therein — the  love  of  truth, 
liberality,  and  labor — the  necessity  of  disinterestedness, 
integrity,  and  fortitude  amongst  the  people — the  neces- 
sity of  a  high  order  of  intellect,  honor,  and  propriety 
amongst  our  public  men — these  were  the  lessons  taught — ■ 
these  the  virtues  encouraged  and  enforced — when,  break- 
ing through  a  corrupt  system  of  politics,  the  young 
Democracy  of  Ireland  claimed  for  their  country,  the  rank 
and  title  which  was  her's  by  natural  law,  by  covenant,  and 
prescription. 

Such  lessons  are  still  profitable,  and  may  still  be  needed. 
Such  virtues  are  still  in  requisition,  and  should  still  be 
cherished.  Wherever — within  the  gates,  by  the  rivers, 
amongst  the  ruins,  amid  the  mountains,  of  the  old  land — 
the  former  are  forgotten,  or  the  latter  lie  entranced,  these 
echoes  of  a  voice  once  known,  may  waken  the  memory 
that  slumbers — the  morality  that  degenerates. 

Amongst  my  countrymen  in  America,  I  believe,  this 
volume  will  find  favor.  If  for  no  other  reason,  it  will  be 
kindly  thought  of,  for  the  memories,  the  sympathies,  the 
longings  out  of  which  it  has  grown — and  the  wreck  of 
which  it  is  a  fragment. 

There  are  homes,  however,  in  which  it  may  prove  some- 
thing more  than  an  idle  relic.  It  may  put  forth  a  healing 
power — may  rouse  a  faltering  love — an  expiring  faith — 
may  warm  the  desponding  heart,  and  set  its  currents  flow- 


PREFACE.  xili 

ing — may,  witli  tlie  genial  magic  of  some  familiar  hymn, 
touch  the  imprisoned  mind,  and  restore  it  to  the  sunshine 
of  its  early  skies. 

To  those  citizens  of  the  Republic  who  are  bound  by  no 
ties  of  birth  to  Ireland,  yet  are  moved  by  a  generous 
spirit  of  inquiry  to  explore  the  mystery  of  her  misfortune, 
the  following  pages  may  to  some  extent  explain  the  cir- 
cumstances which  preceded  and  provoked  the  attempt 
last  made  to  free  her,  and  the  frustration  of  which  has 
thrown  upon  the  shores,  and  scattered  through  the  cities 
of  this  great  commonwealth,  so  many  of  her  children. 


Thomas  Francis  Meagher. 


Irving  Place,  JVeio  YorJc, 

November  10th,  1852. 


INTHODUCTION. 


In  the  year  1176,  the  Norman  adventurers  landed  in 
Ireland.  Their  object  was  plunder,  lust,  and  conquest. 
They  wrought  their  work,  with  sword  and  flame,  and 
without  faith  or  mercy. 

They  met  a  stern  resistance,  however,  and  their  foothold 
for  centuries,  was  narrow,  slippery,  and  precarious.  The 
conflict  with  native  valor,  was  obstinate  and  enduring. 
Six  hundred  years  of  strife,  left  the  question  of  supremacy, 
undecided. 

At  the  end  of  that  long  period  of  confiscation,  treachery, 
and  blood,  Ireland  was  still  mistress  of  her  own  destiny. 
Partially  betrayed,  sacked,  and  stricken  down,  she  never 
had  been  despoiled  of  the  attributes  of  nationhood.  In 
1T9T,  she  had  an  Army,  a  Navy,  a  Flag,  a  Parliament,  a 
power,  and  a  will  of  her  own. 

This  was  a  singular  spectacle,  almost  a  miraculous  one 
— in  the  presence  of  England,  an  intolerable  result,  after 
an  expenditure  of  so  much  treasure,  and  life,  and  crime. 
Baffled  in  the  field,  bafi&ed  in  council,  baffled  in  diplomacy, 
her  strength  defied,  her  treachery  defeated,  England  had 
recourse  to  a  last  desperate  and  licentious  effort. 

She  succeeded,  and  in  consummating  the  act  of  Union, 
consummated  the  ruin  of  the  Irish  nation.  Ireland  was 
at  last  discrowned.  She  lost  her  Flag,  her  Army,  her 
Senate — her  Strength,  her  People,  and  her  Name. 


XVI  INTEODUCTION. 

How  England  accomplislied  lier  object,  it  is  needless  to 
tell.  The  details,  if  relevant,  would  be  repulsive.  Of 
its  moral  obligation  and  binding  force,  William  Saurin, 
one  of  its  opponents,  altliougli  a  servant  of  the  Crown, 
thus  speaks : — 

"  You  may  make  the  Union  binding  as  a  law,  but  you 
cannot  make  it  obligatory  in  conscience.  It  will  be 
obeyed  so  long  as  England  is  strong  ;  but  resistance  to  it 
will  be  in  the  abstract  a  duty." 

This  high  sentiment — the  prophecy  of  genius — survived 
the  wreck  as  the  beacon  of  national  salvation.  It  soon 
flashed  into  a  broad  purpose. 

The  "  Eepeal  of  the  Union"  was  the  first  object  filling 
the  measure  of  the  patriot  heart.  In  1810,  Mr.  O'Connell 
assigned  it  preeminence  over  Eeligious  Liberty.  In 
1812-'13,  he  again  repeated  his  preference.  In  1830,  he 
proclaimed  it  as  the  first  utterance  of  the  liberated  Catho- 
lics. In  1831,  an  organized  confederacy  grew  into  for- 
midable existence — animated  and  directed  by  the  hope  it 
inspired. 

Soon  afterwards,  it  ceased  to  be  heard  as  a  rallying  cry; 
but  the  spirit  it  awoke  was  the  most  active  and  audible 
within  the  island.  As  a  challenge  to  action,  it  was  hushed 
— but  only  to  be  born  as  a  prouder  passion. 

During  this  period,  while  Mr.  O'Connell  was  yielding  to 
an  experiment — of  whose  failure  he  was  thoroughly  con- 
scious— a  treacherous  and  ruinous  influence  found  its  way 
into  the  working  details.  Government  patronage  shed  its 
seeds  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

A  fatal  curse,  wherever  it  prevails.  In  Ireland,  the 
traces  of  it  are  indelibly  marked  in  her  misery  and  shame. 

While  it  was  eating  into  her  vitals,  it  became  apparent 
to  all,  that  Mr.  0' Council's  experiment,  as  he  had  foreseen, 
was  a  mockery,  and  again,  in  1839,  he  revived  the  national 
organization  for  the  "  Repeal  of  the  Union." 


INTRODUCTION.  XTU 

Altliougli  the  sentiment  was  but  the  expression  of  tlie 
cherished  hope  of  the  country,  still  the  great  bulk  of  the 
people,  to  whom  Mr.  O'Connell's  counsels  of  expediency 
were  not  intelligible,  stood  aloof  for  a  while,  doubting 
and  distrusting.  This  distrust  did  not  for  a  moment 
attach  personally  to  the  champion  of  the  cause,  or  question 
his  sincerity.  The  doubt  was  whether  the  'M^epeal  of  the 
Union  "  was  an  end  or  a  means.  Whether  owing  to  this  or 
some  other  cause,  the  new  association  made  slow  progress 
during  the  first  two  or  three  years. 

About  this  time,  a  new  element  breathed  itself  silently 
into  the  organization.  Heretofore  it  consisted  for  the  most 
part  of  politicians. 

"  Politician,"  suggests  the  idea  of  contempt  as  well  as 
power.  When  attached  to  a  great  man,  the  idea  of  power 
preponderates — when  to  a  little  man,  contempt.  So  uni- 
versal is  this  belief,  that  politicians  themselves  are  first 
and  loudest  in  welcome  of  men  not  belonging  to  their 
class — thus  doing  homage  to  patriotism,  purer  and  loftier 
than  their  own.  Through  this  channel  of  feeling,  the 
richest  and  ripest  glories  shed  their  warmth  and  light  on 
the  struggling  Repeal  Association. 

Thomas  Davis,  a  student  of  Trinity  College,  whose 
aspirations  of  courage,  hope,  love,  and  truth,  were  cur- 
tained by  the  College  wall,  and  there  only  breathed  to  his 
most  cherished  friends,  found  his  way  to  the  Association. 
He  owned  nothing  in  common  with  its  exterior  conforma- 
tion— its  formulas  of  action  or  routine  functions — but  his 
enthusiasm  grasped  its  undefined  soul.  Its  outward  linea- 
ments were  to  him  imperceptible,  while  holding  communion 
with  its  disembodied  aim.  That  aim  he  sought  to  impreg- 
nate with  indestructible  vitality.  Sedulously,  noiselessly, 
and  successfully,  he  was  moulding  to  his  wishes  the  inert, 
and  the  sternest  elements  of  the  Association. 

But  the  first  great  impulse  of  the  organization  dates 


'%}». 


XYlll  INTRODUCTION. 

from  the  debate  in  tlie  Dublin  Corporation,  on  tlie  28th 
day  of  February,  1843. 

The  Corporation  contained  antagonistic  parties.  It 
was  a  deliberative  assembly.  Almost  every  party  had 
representatives  there.  It  was  not  impelled  by  popular 
passions.  It  was  an  arena  not  alone  for  deliberation,  but 
dissent,  and  from  the  presence  there  of  some  of  Ireland's 
most  gifted  intellects,  an  opportunity  was  presented  for 
testing  the  reasons  which  could  be  urged  against,  as  well 
as  in  favor  of  "  Kepeal." 

Mr.  O'Connell  introduced  the  question.  His  speech 
was  a  miracle  of  power.  It  surpassed  every  effort  of  his 
varied  and  wonderful  career.  Its  bases  were  as  inde- 
structible as  the  foundations  of  the  island. 

Mr.  Butt,  a  man  possessing  unsullied  personal  charac- 
ter, cultivated  intellect,  and  rare  eloquence,  attempted  to 
reply.  But  his  shafts,  however  keenly  edged,  glanced  as 
if  from  a  marble  block  or  a  shield  of  polished  steel.  No 
conclusion  of  Mr.  O'Counell's  was  disturbed.  The  struc- 
ture of  his  argument  was  solid,  massive,  impregnable, 
unassailable. 

From  that  moment,  the  feelings  of  the  nation  swelled  into 
one  current,  and  swept  irresistibly  forward.  The  organi- 
zation embraced  the  island — its  strength,  its  purpose,  its 
intelligence,  its  pulsations,  and  its  breath  of  life.  The 
vigor  of  manhood,  the  yearning  of  boyhood,  the  soft, 
silent  prayer  of  womanhood,  rolled  along  in  that  resist- 
less tide.  No  nation  ever  yet  presented  a  grander  moral 
spectacle. 

In  the  hot  exulting  breath  of  an  uprising  people,  the 
seeds  of  corruption  withered.  Ireland  insensibly  assumed 
the  attitude  and  the  attributes  of  nationality.  The  word 
of  the  Association  became  her  law.  No  hall  could  enclose 
the  multitudes  enrolled  in  the  national  conscription,  and 
they  assembled  on  her  immemorial  hills.     The  people  sup- 


INTRODUCTION.  XIX 

plied  a  revenue  averaging  .£1,000  per  week,  which  was 
again  appropriated  to  the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  the 
repression  of  tyranny,  and  the  extension  of  the  organiza- 
tion. The  Government,  the  Parliament,  the  Courts  of 
Law,  w^ere  nearly  superseded  by  a  moral  combination, 
having  no  agency  but  a  superior  virtue.  The  spell  of  this 
element  acknowledged  no  confines. 

It  thrilled  to  the  soul  of  France,  and  her  bravest  spirits 
grasped  their  swords  and  purse  to  fling  them  in  the  scale. 
America,  with  a  graver  sympathy,  responded  to  it,  remem- 
bering her  own  suffering,  daring,  and  trials.  It  rose  to  the 
foot  of  Mont  Blanc,  and  murmured  along  the  Rhine. 

All  this  took  place  in  three  years  from  the  date  of  the 
Corporation  Debate.  It  was  encountered,  too,  by  the  pro- 
scription of  one  government,  and  the  coercion  of  another. 

In  the  shadow  of  this  gigantic  enterprise,  the  birth  of 
a  new  spirit  and  new  era  was  tended  by  Thomas  Davis, 
and  his  young  brotherhood  of  orators  and  poets.  He 
evoked  from  the  history,  the  traditions,  the  passions,  the 
beauty,  the  chivalry,  the  genius  of  the  country,  all  that 
could  elevate  and  inspire,  and  poured  it  over  the  hearts 
of  his  cotemporaries  in  a  flood  of  song. 

Out  of  this  the  sentiments  of  true  nationality  sprung. 
The  young  men  who  followed  him  and  won  his  love,  saw 
their  country  not  triumphing  over  a  parliament  restored, 
but  a  full  and  perfect  national  sovereignty  eternally 
secured.  Mr.  O'Connell,  as  if  conscious  of  this  pervading 
principle,  and  anxious  to  be  its  interpreter,  pronounced 
his  memorable  challenge  to  the  Government,  at  the  Mallow 
meeting,  on  the  10th  of  June,  1843. 

The  Government  accepted  this  challenge  in  a  different 
sense  and  spirit.  They  determined  to  combat  Mr.  O'Con- 
nell  in  the  courts  of  law. 

An  indictment  for  conspiracy  was  framed,  and  on  the 
first  of  October,  1843,  Mr.  O'Connell  was  held  to  bail. 


XX  '  INTRODUCTION. 

On  that  and  the  succeeding  days,  eight  others,  incUiding 
his  son  and  two  Roman  Catholic  clergymen,  were  placed 
under  arrest. 

From  that  time  forward,  the  bolder  energies  of  the 
Association  were  engaged  in  resisting  the  prosecution. 
Its  treasury  was  exhausted,  its  intellect  dissipated,  and  its 
strength  expended  on  quibbles  of  law.  It  was  discom- 
fited, and  on  the  30th  of  May,  1844,  Mr.  O'Connell,  with 
his  son  and  five  others  of  his  associates,  slept  within  a 
prison. 

This  event  brought  gloom  everywhere.  For  the  cause, 
however,  it  had  no  terrors.  On  the  contrary,  within  the 
circle  of  the  Association,  it  supplied  new  energy. 

A  rumor  obtained  currency  that  it  would  be  dispersed 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  William  Smith  O'Brien  had 
joined  during  the  trials.  His  energy  of  character  and 
stern  will  won  for  him  the  love  of  the  entire  body.  They 
would  have  accorded  him  the  place  of  honor  and  of  peril 
with  one  voice,  on  the  day  they  were  menaced  with  vio- 
lence, but  he  generously  yielded  a  post  which  so  many 
were  emulous  to  fill. 

Under  his  auspices,  the  Association  progressed  with  a 
surer,  truer,  and  steadier  aim  than  ever  it  did  before. 
The  organization  was  perfected.  The  young,  the  gene- 
rous, and  the  gifted,  clustered  round  the  new  chief,  who 
labored  to  exalt  their  genius,  and  give  their  talents  a 
practical  direction. 

Thus  the  passions  of  youth,  the  pride  of  literary  attain- 
ments, the  loftiest  inspirations  of  genius,  and  the  spirit 
of  song,  became  absorbed  in  patriotism.  Under  this 
aspect  it  won  the  admiration  and  respect  of  all. 

Meantime  an  appeal,  from  the  judgment  on  O'Connell, 
was  made  to  the  House  of  Lords.  Their  lordships  reversed 
the  judgment,  and  liberated  the  prisoners  after  an  im- 
prisonment of  fourteen  weeks.     This  was  regarded  as  a 


INTRODUCTION.  Xxi 

*       wondrous  triumph ;  and  so  it  was,  but  it  revealed  a  fact 
of  fearful  omen. 

The  O'Connell  who  entered  the  prison  never  came  forth 
again.  His  high  purpose,  his  indomitable  courage,  had 
succumbed.  He  returned  to  the  scene  of  his  labors,  trials, 
and  triumphs,  tame  in  purpose  and  in  heart.  The  man 
had  sunk  within  him,  and  his  subdued  feeling  communi- 
cated its  influence  to  the  action  of  the  Repeal  Association. 

He  retired  to  his  native  mountains,  and  there  evinced  a 
desire  to  fall  back  on  a  policy,  short  of  his  former  aspir- 
ations. Dissent  followed.  He  again  retracted,  but  a 
backward  step  is  not  to  be  recovered. 

Besides,  new  causes  of  dissension  arose.  They  were 
very  trifling,  however,  and  attended  with  no  serious  results. 
The  Association  remained  steady  in  its  great  purpose. 

A  new  organisation,  more  select,  more  refined,  more  in- 
fluential than  the  Association  itself — the  '82  Club — was 
formed.  This  body  was  sacred  from  polemical  discussion, 
or  any  other  question  which  could  disturb  its  brotherhood. 
Before  it  was  yet  a  year  old,  it  became  the  medium  of  a 
public  display,  intended  and  calculated,  if  the  thing  were 
possible,  to  revive  the  action  of  the  Association. 

The  anniversary  of  the  imprisonment  was  declared  sacred 
to  Liberty,  and  it  was  resolved  that  the  nation  should  come 
to  honor  the  liberated  chief  and  his  associates. 

The  Round  Room  of  the  Dublin  Rotunda  was  selected 
for  the  gorgeous  pageant.  There  sat  Mr.  O'Connell,  as  if 
on  a  throne,  surrounded  by  the  members  of  the  Club  in 
their  brilliant  uniform,  while  deputations  from  city  and 
province,  and  county,  and  corporations,  and  from  other 
provincial  boards,  did  him  kingly  homage.  On  that  day 
Dublin  presented  a  spectacle  of  grandeur  such  as  was  never 
witnessed  there,  before  or  since. 

A  meeting  of  the  leaders  of  the  Association,  the  Club,  and 
the  deputations,  was  held  in  an  adjoining  room,  at  which 


xxii  INTROI>UCTION. 

an  irrevocable  pledge  was  solemnly  adopted,  never  to  aban- 
don the  struggle  for  nationality.  To  this  pledge,  Daniel 
O'Connell's  was  the  first  signature.  Those  of  some  hun- 
dred others  followed.     It  remains  yet  to  be  redeemed. 

After  the  Eotunda  display,  an  imperceptible  reaction 
set  in.  The  dissensions  in  the  Association  were  not 
revived,  but  the  elements  of  distrust  were  becoming  pal- 
pable and  menacing.  Religious  partialities  and  prejudices 
became  more  distinct  and  dangerous. 

In  one  night,  a  sudden  blight  overspread  the  land, 
and  in  its  breath  the  entire  supply  of  food  for  8,000,000 
perished.  The  blow  was  not  immediately  felt,  nor  even 
comprehended.  God,  who  inflicted  the  terrible  dispensa- 
tion, spared  the  people  the  full  revelation  of  its  horrors. 
But  a  presentiment  of  the  coming  woes  seems  to  have 
excited  the  irritability  of  all  parties. 

The  dark  hand  of  Government  was  felt  everywhere, 
awaking  and  fanning  the  flames  of  discord  and  internecine 
strife.  Religion,  politics,  personality,  combined  to  bring 
the  chiefs  into  conflict,  and  the  nation  to  ruin. 

Amid  these  discordant  elements,  the  heart,  and  voice, 
and  pen  of  Thomas  Davis  were  tasked  to  the  uttermost  to 
restore  union,  cordiality,  and  brotherly  love.  Never  did 
genius  or  truth  assert  a  brighter  future,  than  when  she 
flashed  from  his  pen  in  the  din  of  these  unnatural  passions. 

But,  alas !  in  this  his  hour  of  highest  pride,  the  eagle 
was  struck  down.  The  news  of  his  illness  had  not 
reached  his  friends,  when  his  heart  and  voice  were  hushed 
for  ever.  He  passed  into  a  better  world  on  the  16th  of 
September,  1845. 

The  death  of  Thomas  Davis  was  an  unspeakable  cala- 
mity. Never  did  heavier  one  fall  upon  a  doomed  nation. 
It  was  in  this  hour  of  gloom,  in  the  first  wreck  of  such 
brilliant  hopes,  the  opening  speech  of  the  following  col- 
lection was  spoken. 


NOTE. 

In  the  collection  and  arrangement  of  the  notes,  prefacing  the  following 

Speeches,  I  have  been  greatly  assisted  by  my  friend,  Me.  John  Savage  ; 

and  feel  sincere  pleasm'e  in  acknowledging  the  kind  and  patient  industry 

he  bestowed  upon  them. 

T.  R  M. 


SPEECHES. 


-^»» 


ENGLISH  LEGISLATION.— GROWTH  OF  THE  NATIONAL 

SPIRIT. 

Conciliation  HalJ^  Dublin^  IQth  Fehruary^  1846. 

[In  the  autumn  of  1845,  the  potato  Lliglat  attracted  tlie  public 
attention.  In  September  *'  several  samples  of  potatoes  from  the  sur- 
rounding country"  were  exhibited  before  the  magistrates  of  St.  Ives 
**  all  much  diseased — a  fearful  calamity  for  the  country,  as  it  appears 
to  pervade  nearly  all  parts  of  England."  {Bedford  Mercury,  Eng.,  Sept, 
1845.)  The  same  anxiety  and  convictions,  in  a  greater  or  lesser  degree, 
were  expressed  by  all  the  English  journals.  Tlie  same  month,  date 
13th,  Lord  Portman,  President  of  the  Royal  Agricultural  Society,  in  a 
letter  to  William  Herapath,  Esq.,  the  Analytical  Chemist  of  Bristol,  says, 
«  "As  I  am  specially  bound,  during  this  year  of  my  holding  the  office  of 
President  of  tlie  Royal  Agricultural  Society  of  England,  to  promote  inquiry 
and  to  notify  observations  on  subjects  relative  to  the  produce  of  the  soil,  I 
trouble  you  with  this  letter,  and  ask  if  any  method  has  occurred  to  you  by 
which  the  potato  may  be  preserved  for  the  planting  of  1846.  *  *  ■«■  J 
apply  to  you  as  one  of  our  most  eminent  chemists  upon  this  point."  Mr. 
Herapath  summed  up  his  opinion  thus — "  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  either 
safe  or  prudent  to  depend  upon  the  infected  potatoes  of  the  present  season's 
seed  for  the  next  year."  Dr.  Varlez  writing  in  the  Belgian  Moniteur, 
about  the  same  period,  says,  "  After  having  been  exposed  to  this  tempera- 
ture (something  less  than  180°  Fahr.)  for  a  few  minutes,  a  copious  black 
matter  oozed  out  of  the  potatoes,  and  they  emitted  a  nauseous  fetid 
smell."  The  Very  Rev.  Dr.  M'Evoy,  P.  P.,  Kells,  (Co.  Westmeath)  writing 
to  the  FreemarCs  Journal,  says,  "On  my  most  minute  personal  inspection 

1 


2  '  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

of  the  state  of  the  potato  crop  in  this  most  fertile  potato-growing  locale,  is 
lounded  my  inexpressibly  painful  conyiction  that  one  family  in  twenty  of 
the  people  will  not  have  a  single  potato  left  on  Christmas  day  next."  Mr. 
Horace  Townsend  writing  to  the  Southern  Reporter,  says,  "  I  have  found  no 

field  without  the  disease." October  18th,  at  a  Special  Meeting  of  the 

Council  of  the  Eoyal  Agricultural  Improvement  Society  of  Ireland,  at 
which  were  present,  Sharman  Crawford,  Sir  Percy  ISTugent,  Bart.,  J.  Bolton 
Massy,  ex-Lord  Mayor  Roe,  John  Sproule,  &c.,  Robert  (now  Sir  Robert) 
Kane,  M.D ,  Chairman  of  the  sub-Committee  of  Inquiry  into  the  Potato  rot, 
reported  that,  after  sitting  two  days,  the  Committee,  from  the  difficult  nature  of 
their  inquiry,  could  not  report  anything  definite.  George  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, M.P.,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary,  suggested  "  that  the  Council  should 
take  means  for  bringing  the  subject  before  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  in  the  hope 
that  Government  might  take  some  steps  to  make  provision  against  the  immi- 
nent famine." The  reports  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  different  local  Farm- 
ing Societies  to  the  Royal  Agricultural  Society,  confirmed  the  fact  of  the 

prevalency  of  the  disease. The  Secretary  also  received,  by  direction  of  the 

Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Privy  Council  for  Trade,  "  the  Report  of  the  Com- 
mission of  Agriculture  of  the  Province  of  Groningen,  on  the  Disease  Affecting 
the  Potato  in  the  Netherlands."  This  report  gave  five,  as  the  probable, 
causes  of  the  disease,  among  which  were — the  too  rapid  development  of  the 
plant — the  intense  heat  in  the  early  summer  of  1845 — the  sudden  change  to 
cold  and  rain.  The  character  of  the  disease  w^as  the  same  as  in  other 
coimtries.  Several  remedies  for  the  disease  were  recommended,  the 
principal  of  which  was  "  a  drier  atmosphere."  The  report  remarked,  that 
rotten  potatoes  were  hurtful  not  only  to  man  but  also  to  cattle,  and  that  a 
too  frequent  use  of  spoiled  potatoes  was  equally  dangerous  to  those  who 

made  their  sole  food  of  them. October  21st,  th^  Corporation  of  the  City 

of  Dublin,  at  a  Special  Meeting  for  the  purpose,  appointed  a  Committee  of 
nine  to  inquire  into  and  report  on  the  potato  disease.  The  most  eminent 
chemical  and  agricultural  skill  failed  to  stay  the  blight  or  protect  the 
plant.  Already  wheat  had  risen  from  15s.  to  20s.  per  quarter.  {Mark 
Lane  Express,  Oct  20,  1845.)  Letters  from  Scotland  told  of  the  spread 
of  the  blight  in  that  country.  In  Ireland,  a  report  from  the  Com- 
missioners on  the  potato  disease  (Professors  Kane,  Lindley,  and  Playfair, 

was    laid    before    the    Lord   Lieutenant   (Heytesbury),    Oct.   24. The 

statistics  of  the  disease  proved,  almost  to  a  certainty,  that  fully  one-half 
of   the   crop,   on  which  millions   of   our   countrymen   are  half-fed  every 


GROWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL    SPIItlT.  3 

year,  was  destroyed.  There  was  not  a  county  in  Ireland  in  which  the 
potato-rot  had  not  by  this  time  appeared.  It  also  was  discovered  in 
France,  Holland,  Belgium,  America,  and  wherever  potatoes  were  cultivated. 
The  continental  states,  especially  Belgium,  had  prohibited  the  exportation 
of  grain,  meal,  and  flour.  The  Nation  of  this  date,  warning  the  landlords, 
asks,  "  Can  they  hope,  if  the  ordinary  driving  and  grinding  system  be  pur- 
sued this  cruel  year,  that  agrarian  outrage,  even  of  a  more  combined  and 
extensive  character  than  we  have  yet  seen,  will  not  stalk  in  blood  and 

terror  over  the  land  ?"  Oct.  25th. Oct.  28th,  A  meeting  of  the  Dublin 

Corporation  was  held  in  reference  to  the  potato  blight. Oct.  30th,  A 

public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Dublin  was  called  by  the  Lord  Mayor  at 
the  Music  Hall,  to  take  suitable  measures  to  avoid  the  approaching  famine. 
The  Duke  of  Leinster,  Lord  Cloncurry,  Daniel  O'Connell,  M.P.,  Henry 
Grattan,  M.P.,  Admiral  Oliver,  &c.,  were  present.  A  second  Report  of  the 
Commissioners  (dated  29th  Oct.)  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant  was  read.  It 
amounted  to  no  practical  use,  being  the  explanation  of  certain  chemical 
experiments.  Mr.  O'Connell  said,  at  this  meeting,  "  he  was  grateful  to  the 
government  for  giving  so  much  attention  to  the  subject,  but  was  afraid  it 
would  end  in  nothing."  Mr.  Henry  Grattan  suggested,  that  the  Executive 
should  be  called  upon  to  lay  an  embargo  upon  the  ports  of  Ireland.  He 
had  gone  through  the  counties  of  Monaghan,  Armagh,  Meatli,  Kildare, 
Cavan,  Longford  and  Wicklow,  and  he  found  the  disease  rapidly  progress- 
ing. The  Duke  of  Leinster  believed  in  the  "paternal  care"  of  the  govern- 
ment. "  He  had  heard  much  relative  to  the  potato  disease,  but  could 
give  no  information ;"  yet,  as  an  "  emergency  was  at  hand,"  suggested  a 
Committee,  to  take  into  consideration  the  recommendation  of  Mr.  Pierce 
Mahoney,  which  was  to  the  effect,  that  an  extensive  system  of  drainage 
should  be  adopted  by  the  government  to  give  employment  to  the  people. 
Mr.  O'Gorman,  sen.,  was  for  making  all  the  property  in  the  country  avail- 
able for  the  people.  Lord  Cloncurry  relied  on  the  oat  crop,  if  the  Lord 
Lieutenant  shut  up  the  ports  and  distillei'ies ;  he  felt  that  they  should  not 
suffer  the  corn  to  go  to  England ;  and  that  this  famine  could  have  been 
prevented,  years  ago,  had  they  instituted  public  granaries,  as  in  Switzerland 

and  Germany. Nov.  3rd,  a  deputation,  consisting  of  the  Lord  Mayor, 

Duke  of  Leinster,  Lord  Cloncurry,  Mr.  O'Connell,  Mr.  Henry  Grattan,  and 
others,  waited  on  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  Heytesbury.  That  official,  in  a 
written  reply,  expatiated  on  the  anxious  attention  of  government,  in  sending 
over  from  England  scientific  men  to  experimentalize  on  the  potato.     "  They 


4  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

have  not  yet  terminated  tlieir  inquiries,"  but  then  "  there  is  no  immediate 
■jfressure  in  the  market."  He  would,  however,  lose  no  time  in  sub- 
mitting the    suggestions  of    the   Deputation  to  the  Cabinet. A  Third 

Report  from  the  Commissioners  (Nov.  3rd)  was  submitted.  Same 
date,  at  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Dublin,  Mr.  James  Haughton,  a 
corn  merchant,  regretted  that  Government  was  called  upon  to  close 
the  ports.  He  would  j^i'opose,  that  government  should  purchase  and 
store  up  at  home,  and  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  a  sufficiency. 
He  opposed  Mr.  O'Connell's  proposition  to  raise  money  on  credit  of  the 
Woods'  and  Forests'  income ;  Government  should  advance  the  money,  to 
be  paid  by  a  tax  after  the  peril  had  passed.  Mr.  J.  Augustus  O'Neill 
remarked  that  the  blight  was  not  confined  to  Ireland,  and  that  most  of  the 
European  ports,  at  that  very  moment,  were  closed  for  self-preservation  ;  and 
further,  that  even  from  Odessa  a  report  of  the  failure  of  the  wheat  crop 
had  arrived.  Mr.  Gordon  hoped  that  measures  would  be  taken  for  an 
unconditional  repeal  of  the  restrictions  on  the  importation  of  food,  and 
thus  raise  a  supply.  Mr.  Dixon  said  that  their  former  committee  was 
"bowed  out  of  the  Castle,"  and  that  the  Queen's  representative  gave  no 
hope  that  the  Government  would  advance  a  shilling — in  fact,  they  were, 
in  effect,  told  to  rely  on  their  own  resources.  Mr.  O'Connell  was  for  free- 
trade,  but  not  to  the  exclusion  of  a  question  of  famine.  Ireland  had  to  pay 
tax  on  all  foreign  corn.  England  paid  tax  on  foreign  corn,  but  received 
every  grain  from  Ireland  free.  Mr.  Birmingham  was  of  opinion,  that  the 
expression  of  Lord  Clonbroek  should  be  that  of  every  landlord  to  his 
tenants,  "  Touch  not  your  oats ;  don't  take  it  out  of  your  haggards,  until 

you  are  safe  from  the  imminent  peril  that  threatens  you." Same  date, 

a  meeting  held  by  the  citizens  of  Belfast,  the  Mayor  presiding,  called  on 
Government  to  close  the  ports.  The  Town  Council  of  Londonderry 
adopted  a  similar  resolution.  The  Town  Council  of  Waterford,  the 
inhabitants  of  Galway  and  other  towns,  held  self-preservation  meetings. 

Mr.  Smith  O'Brien,  in  the  Repeal  Association  (Nov.  8),  demanded,  as 

one  of  the  Representatives  of  the  Irish  people,  that  Parliament  should  be 

convened  before  Christmas  to  consider  the  state  of  the  country. The 

voices  of  the  four  Provinces  joined  in  demanding  precautionarj*  measures : 
the  non-exportation  of  domestic,  and  free  importation  of  foreign  grain. 
The  conduct  of  foreign  governments  showed  the  necessity  .of  immediate 
action.  The  government  of  Belgium  held  her  grain  and  opened  her  ports; 
that  of  Holland  did  the  same ;   Russia  did  not  hesitate  to  do  the  same. 


GROWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL    SPIRIT.  6 

The  Grand  Seignior  did  the  same.  As  early  as  the  22nd  October,  Artim 
Bey,  the  prime  minister  of  the  Viceroy  of  Egypt,  issued  a  notice  that  his 
Highness,  "  ever  studying  the  welfare  of  Egyj)t,-'  decided  on  prohibiting 
for  the  present,  the  exportation  of  all  grain  and  pulse,  in  consequence  of 
the  short  crops.  Lord  Cloncurry,  writing  (Nov.  '7)  to  Sir  Robert  Peel,  then 
prime  minister,  impressed  on  him  the  extent  of  the  disease,  and  the  fatality 
attending  delay.  He  spoke  from  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  facts,  and 
gave  as  his  conviction,  in  unison  with  the  Mansion  House  Committee,  that, 
it  was  "the  imperative  duty  of  Government  to  adopt  some  or  all  of  the 
following  measures  " — they  were  :  The  opening  of  the  ports — Non-exporta- 
tion— Diminution  of  the  consumption  of  oats  by  the  cavalry  in  Ireland — 
Suspension  of  the  distilleries — The  raising  of  money  (million  and  half), 
chargeable  upon  Irish  resources  (Woods  and  Forests) — The  formation  of 
granaries — and  the  immediate  employment  of  the  people  on  works  of 
general  or  local  utility.  Sir  Robert  Peel,  in  reply,  begged  to  assure  Lord 
Cloncurry  that  the  subject  was  occupying  the  unremitting  attention  of  her 

Majesty's  confidential  advisers. A  fourth  (Nov.  7)  and  a  fifth  (Nov.  12) 

report  of  the  Commissioners  were  submitted  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant. 

The  Mansion  House  Committee  (Nov.  19),  Lord  Cloncurry  in  the  chair, 
■unanimously  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions,  stating  that  no  reasonable 
conjecture  could  be  formed,  with  respect  to  the  limits  of  the  effects  of  the 
disease,  short  of  the  entire  destruction  of  the  potato  crop.  The  fifth 
resolution  arraigned,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the  culpable  conduct  of  the 
Administration,  for  refusing  to  forward  any  alleviating  measures.  Also 
for  "the  positive  and  unequivocal  crime  of  keeping  the  ports  closed  against 
foreign  provisions."  The  sixth  denounced  the  criminality  of  the  Ministers 
of  the  Crown,  in  leaving  the  ports  open  to  the  exportation  of  the  most 
abundant  Irish  oat  crop,  already  amounting  to  a  quantity  nearly  adequate 
to  feed  the  entire  people  of  Ireland.  The  seventh  arraigned  the  Ministers 
for  "postponing  the  meeting  of  Parliament  to  next  year."  The  eighth 
proposed  an  address  to  her  Majesty  on  the  subject.  At  this  time,  the 
Dublin  papers  (Nov.  22)  write,  "  We  hear  of  several  foreign  markets  sup- 
plied with  Irish  corn," In  a  letter  to  the  Electors  of  London,  Lord  John 

Russell  says,  "Three  weeks  ago  it  was  generally  expected  that  Pnrlianient 
would  be  immediately  called  together.  The  announcement  that  Ministers 
were  prepared  at  that  time  to  advise  the  Crown  to  summon  Parliament, 
and  to  propose  on  their  first  meeting  a  suspension  of  the  import  duties  on 
corn,  would  have  caused  orders  at  once  to  be  sent  to  various  ports  of 


6  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Europe  and  America  for  the  purchase  and  transmission  of  grain  for  the 
consumption  of  the  United  Kingdom.  An  order  in  Coiineil  dispensing  with 
the  law  was  neither  necessary  nor  desirable.  ]S"o  party  in  Parliament 
woidd  have  made  itself  responsible  for  the  obstruction  of  a  measure  so 
urgent  and  so  beneficial."  He  took  advantage,  of  the  obnoxious  position 
in  which  the  Ministers  -yere  placed,  to  bid  for  public  favor,  pointing  out  the 
evils  of  the  Corndaws,  and  of  all  interference  with  the  supply  of  food. 
From  being  a  moderate  protectionist,  he  became  a  wholesale  abolitionist  as 
regards  the  Corndaws.  On  the  12tli  of  January,  having  been  presented 
by  the  Lord  Provost  with  the  "  freedom "  of  the  city  of  Glasgow,  his 
Lordship  repeated  "his  declaration  to  the  Electors  of  London,"  and  was 
decidedly  of  opinion,  that  "  those  Corndaws  ought  to  be  totally  repealed." 

Forty-one  of  the  most  eminent  bankers  and  merchants  of  the  city  of 

London,  in  a  published  document,  supported  the  repeal  of  the  Corndaws, 
and  declared  their  "  deliberate  conviction  "  that  no  necessity  could  justify 

the  legislature  in  tampering  with  the  food  of  the  people. Dec.  10th,  the 

Dublin  Corporation  addressed  a  petition  to  the  Queen  on  the  potato-crisis, 

and  the  prospects  of  famine. Much  excitement  prevailed  about  this  time 

in  consequence  of  an  announcement  in  the  Times  newspaper,  that  the  Cabinet 
had  met,  decided  on  calling  the  Parliament  together  on  the  6th  of  January, 
and  that  the  Speech  from  the  Throne  would  recommend  the  abolition  of 

the  corn  duties. The  free-traders  redoubled  their  efforts — Liverpool  and 

Manchester  subscribed  £85,000  to  the  Anti-Corn-law  League.  Parliament 
assembled  on  the  22nd  of  January.  The  Queen's  Speech  regretted  the 
"  crimes  in  Ireland,"  and  solicited  the  Lords  and  Commons  to  join  with 
her  in  "  protecting  life  in  that  country."  It  also  lamented  the  failure 
of  the  potato  crop  as,  "  in  consequence  there  will  be  a  deficient  supply  of  an 
article  of  food,  which  proves  the  chief  subsistence  of  great  numbers  of  my 
people."  Sir  Eobert  Peel  explained,  that  his  resignation  of  the  Premiership 
and  breaking  up  of  the  late  government,  in  the  month  of  December,  was 
caused  by  the  potato  rot — "the  subject  required  immediate  decision  as  to 
the  laws  regulating  the  importation  of  food,  but  though  the  immediate 
cause,  he  would  not  deny  that  his  opinions  on  the  subject  of  protection  had 
undergone  a  change."  Lord  Stanley  (now  Earl  of  Derby)  said  his  reason 
for  retiring  was  "  the  inadequacy  of  the  amount  of  protection  proposed  to 
be  allowed." Sir  Thomas  Freemantle  (Chief  Secretary  for  Iroland)  intro- 
duced a  bill  to  amend  the  act  for  the  promotion  of  Public  Works  in  Ireland. 
On  the  26th,  the  same  gentleman  moved  a  grant  of  £50,000  for  said  works  in 


GROWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL    SPIRIT.  7 

Ireland. On  the  2Yth  Jan.  1846,  Sir  Robert  Peel  proposed  tliat  every- 
thing in  the  category  of  vegetable  and  animal  food  should  be  admitted  duty 
free. 28th,  Public  Works  Bill  read  a  second  time. 31st,  the  Parlia- 
mentary Committee  of  the  Repeal  Association  reported  on  the  BilL  They 
viewed  "  with  indignation,"  the  inefficiency  of  the  grant,  and  the  opposition 
which  the  granting  of  even  such  a  sum  had  met  from  the  English 
Parliament  and  press.  They  disclaimed  any  participation  in  appeals  to 
England  or  Englishmen,  and  demanded  that  money  should  be  raised  by  a 

tax  on  Irish  absentee  landlords. Feb.  2,  Sir  Thomas  Freemantle  moved 

for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill,  granting  £50,000  for  the  construction  of  piers 
and  harbors  in  Ireland,  The  Bill  would  apply  to  rivers  as  well  as  sea- 
fisheries,  and  contain  many  clauses  similar  to  those  embodied  in  the  Drain- 
age Bill. Feb.  10.  The  Drainage  Bill  for  Ireland  went  through  Com- 
mittee. The  Repeal  Association  addressed  a  circular  to  the  Irish  members 
on  the  subject.  Such  was  the  progress  of  action  taken  by  the  Government, 
the  Parliament,  and  the  people,  during  the  growth  of  the  famine,  up  to  the 

date  of  the  following  speech. Concurrently,  the  national  feeling  began 

to  show  itself  in  quarters  where  it  was  least  expected,  and  the  prospects  of 
national  unanimity,  in  behalf  of  the  country,  were  every  day  becoming 
more  and  more  promising. Doctor  Maunsell,  a  distinguished  Conserva- 
tive, in  the  preceding  year,  moved  in  the  Dublin  Corporation  a  petition  in 
favor  of  rotatory  Parliaments;  that  is,  in  favor  of  the  Imperial  Parliament 
meeting  alternately  in  London,  Dublin,  and  Edinburgh.  In  moving  this 
petition  he  dwelt  with  force  on  the  injustice  of  the  Act  of  Union,  and  gave 
expression  to  many  national  sentiments,  which  not  only  attracted,  to  a 
considerable  extent,  the  attention  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  but  also  that  of 

the  English  press. Mr.  Grey  V.  Porter,  a  Protestant  Ulster  gentleman 

of  large  property,  who  had  been  High  Sheriff  of  the  county  Fermanagh, 
early  in  1844,  attracted  much  notice  by  the  publication  of  a  pamphlet 
in  which  he  condemned  the  Act  of  Union.  He  was  of  opinion  that 
a  new  and  equal  Union  between  England  and  Ireland  would  work  well ; 
but  if  that  were  not  possible,  or  failed  in  working,  he  was  for  striking 
for  complete  independence.  He  also  proposed  the  raising  of  an  Irish 
militia.  He  joined  the  Repeal  Association,  but  after  a  short  time  resigned 
his  membership.  However,  he  published  a  second  pamphlet  in  August^ 
1845,  entitled  "  Calm  Observations  on  Irish  Affairs."  In  this  pamphlet  he 
states  his  position  thus :  "  The  great  hypothesis  upon  which  I  stand,  with 
aU  my  views  and  opinions,  is,  that  the  Irish  people  are  determined  to  be  a 


8  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

nation,  and  to  take  their  place  as  a  nation  among  the  nations  of  the  -world ; 
■whether  in  union  with  our  industrious  neighbors,  the  British  people,  as 
their  partners  in  the  Hiberno-British  Empire,  and,  for  its  sake,  under  one 
Supreme  Legislative  Assembly  in  London;  or,  in  absolute,  separate  inde- 
pendence bj  themselves,  with  their  own  armj,  navj,  flag,  ambassadors,  and 
I  suppose  a  republican  President  at  top,  is  a  matter  of  second-rate  impor- 
tance. *  *  *  *  "-  *  Ireland  was,  and  is,  a  deeply  cheated,  deeply 
humbugged  country  by  the  Act  of  (so  called)  Union  of  1800,  which 
was  got  by  frauds,  and  bribes,  and  threats  of  every  kind,  in  a  season  of 
national  weakness,  under  the  bayonets  of  an  immense  English  army,  and  in 
opposition  to  the  wishes  of  all  respectable  and  independent  men  in  Ireland." 
A  meeting  to  petition  the  Queen  for  local  committees,  to  adjudicate  on 
Irish  Railways,  was  held  in  Limerick,  Dec.  18,  1845.  Lord  Gort,  Smith 
O'Brien,  Sir  Aubrey  De  Yere,  Bart,  Sir  David  Roche,  Bart,  Mr.  Samuel 
Dickson,  and  Mr.  Wm.  Monsell,  D.L.,  spoke  on  the  occasion.  About  £4000 
per  Railway  was  expended  for  the  necessary  inquiries  before  the  bill  pro- 
posed is  introduced  to  the  house.  There  were,  on  the  Dublin  Gazette,  more 
than  eighty  intended  applications  for  Railway  bills.  According  to  the 
arrangement  existing,  Ireland  is  deprived  of  the  entire  benefit  of  this 
expenditure,  the  Irish  Railway  legislation  being  conducted  in  London  (see 

Sir  C.  O'Loghlin's  Report). Mr.  Robert  Bourke  (now  Lord  K"aas,  and 

former  Tory  candidate  for  Kildare),  in  December,  1845,  in  an  address  to  the 
electors  of  that  county,  advocated  a  modification  in  the  Act  of  Union.  He 
proposed  that  the  Parliament  should  sit  two  months  in  the  year  in  Dublin, 
for  the  transaction  of  Irish  business.  He  was  not  a  Repealer,  believing 
that  Repeal  meant  separation,  and,  in  his  mind,  "separation  would  be 
destruction  alike  to  England's  greatness  and  Ireland's  prosperity."  He  was 
fully  aware,  however,  that  Irish  affairs  had  been  "  habitually  administered, 
not  with  reference  to  Irish  interests,  but  to  English  politics  and  parties." 

In  January,  1846,  The  Evening  Mail,  the  leading  Conservative  journal 

in  Ireland,  proposed  the  formation  of  a  combined  Irish  party. During 

the  uncertain  state  of  parties,  and  with  eveiy  prospect  of  the  succession  of 
the  Whigs  to  power,  the  Queen  having  called  on  Lord  John  Russell  to  form 
an  administration  upon  the  resignation  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  (Dec.  8,  1845), 
Smith  O'Brien,  in  several  speeches  and  in  letters  to  the  Repeal  Association, 
protested  against  any  compromise  or  alliance  with  any  English  parties 
whatever.     "iS"ever,"  wrote  he  (18th  Dec.  1845),  "in  the  day  of  danger— 


GEOWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL    SPIRIT.  9 

never,  in  the  hour  of  hope — never  to  desist,  never  to  pause  from  onr  high 
and  hallowed  labors  until  we  shall  have  obtained  a_  Parliament  for  our 
native  land, — is  the  vow  to  which  the  Irish  nation  is  irrevocably 
pledged."  Previous  to  this,  December  1st,  he  had  stated,  in  Concilia- 
tion Hall,  that  "it  was  iitterly  impossible  for  Lord  John  Russell,  as 
the  leader  of  the  "Whig  party,  to  rally  the  Whig  and  Radical  force,  and 
unite  them  in  opposition  to  the  Tory  government,  until  he  could  effect 
a  junction  between  the  Corn-law  Repealers  and  the  Whigs ;"  that  "  he 
had,  with  great  dexterity,  surrendered  his  opinions  on  the  question ;" 
and  that  "  henceforth,  the  English  Liberal  party  would  be  consolidated  by 
the  mutual  bond  of  common  hostility  to  the  Corn-laws" — he  thought  it 
right,  therefore,  "  to  warn  the  people  of  Ireland,  that  an  attempt  would  be 
made  by  the  English  Whigs,  to  induce  them  to  merge  their  agitation  in  one 
for  the  repeal  of  the  Corn-laws" — for  his  part,  "he  was  resolved  to  retire 
into  private  life,  rather  than  deviate  from  the  principle  of  having  nothing 
to  do  with  the  English  factions  ;"  that  "  their  party  was  their  country,  their 
partizans,  the  Irish  people ;"  and  that  "  the  minister,  be  he  Whig  or  Tory, 
who  wished  them  to  confederate  with  him  to  promote  his  object,  should 
begin  by  declaring  for  the  Repeal  of  the  Legislative  Union."  This  course 
seemed  to  him  the  more  necessary  at  this  period,  as  the  organ  of  Lord 
Palmerston  calculated  "that  no  immediate  obstacle  would  be  presented  by 
the  Repeal  leaders"  to  the  prospects  of  Lord  J.  Russell;  and  the  London 
Sun,  the  principal  organ  of  the  English  Radicals  and  Free  Traders,  announced 
that  "  the  receipt  of  Mr.  O'Connell's  speech  on  Monday  last  (Dec.  15th)  had 
placed  the  future  policy  of  Lord  John  Russell  beyond  all  doubt " — "  O'Con- 
nell  prefers  food  to  Repeal" — "Lord  John  Russell's  course  as  to  Ireland  was 
free  from  one  great  difficulty." During  the  famine,  the  Times  "  Com- 
missioner," in  a  series  of  very  able  letters,  continued  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland  by  his  exciting  revelations  of  the 
state,  prospects,  and  sufferings  of  the  peasantry.] 

I  rise,  Sir,  at  the  request  of  the  parliamentary  committee,  to  state 
to  the  Association,  that  the  following  circular,  in  reference  to  the 
drainage  bill  for  Ireland,  was  forwarded,  last  week  to  the  members 
of  the  Imperial  parliament.  Having  but  a  very  limited  time  at 
their  command,  previous  to  its  being  committed,  the  parliamentary 

1* 


10  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

committee  substituted  this  mode  of  conveying  tlieir  opinions  ujDon 
tlie  bill  for  the  more  customary  one  of  a  report : — 

^^  Dublin,  10th  February,  1846. 

"  Sir — The  parliamentary  committee  of  the  Loyal  National 
Repeal  Association  beg  leave  to  call  your  particular  attention  to 
the  following  suggestions,  respecting  the  details  of  the  drainage 
bill  now  passing  through  parliament. 

"In  most  of  the  provisions  of  this  act,  they  entirely  concur; 
but  they  would  suggest,  that  that  portion  of  clause  5,  which  gives 
power  to  the  Board  of  Works  to  recover  instalments  in  arrear  by 
distress,  should  be  omitted.  They  consider  the  law  of  distress 
should  not  be  extended  more  than  it  is  at  present ;  and  moreover 
it  appears  to  them  most  objectionable  to  extend  it  to  the  recovery 
of  drainage  instalments,  as  these  are,  in  the  generality  of  cases, 
payable  by  the  landlord,  and  not  by  the  tenant,  upon  whose 
property  the  distress,  of  course,  would  be  made.  The  committee 
are  also  of  opinion,  that  that  portion  of  the  same  clause  which 
limits  the  sum  to  be  recovered  by  civil  bill  to  £10,  should  also  be 
struck  out,  as  they  consider  it  advisable  that  the  greatest  facilities 
should  be  afforded  for  the  recos^ery  of  instalments  by  civil  bill. 

"In  clause  9,  the  committee  would  suggest,  that  after  the  word 
'grand  jury,'  (p.  7,  line  29)  should  be  introduced , the  words  'on 
the  application  of  any  cess-payer ; '  as  they  consider  power  should 
be  given  to  cess-payers  to  initiate  the  proceedings  contemj^lated 
by  that  action,  in  case  no  grand  juror  was  found  to  do  so. 

"  In  reference  to  the  amount  which  may  be  advanced  by  the 
Board  of  Works,  in  any  one  year,  in  aid  of  the  deposit  necessary 
for  preliminary  expenses,  the  committee  see  no  reason  in  fixing 
any  limit,  as  is  done  by  clause  10,  inasmuch  as  the  advance  is 
solely  by  way  of  loan,  to  be  repaid  out  of  the  money  raised  for 
carrying  on  the  works. 


GROWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL    SPIRIT.  11 

"The  committee  consider  that  clause  14  should  be  omitted. 
The  power  of  appeal  to  the  assistant-barrister  is  most  important, 
as  without  it  the  Board  of  Works  would  be  invested  with  arbitrary- 
power.  Under  the  present  law  the  power  of  appeal  exists,  and 
the  committee  see  no  reason  for  taking  it  away. 

"  Clause  17  the  committee  consider  is  too  general,  and  that  it 
should  be  confined  to  mere  formal  errors.  Errors  in  substance 
should  be  still  open  to  objection. 

"In  conclusion,  the  committee  would  suggest  that  the  clauses 
for  regulating  what  the  bill  calls  '  summary  proceedings,'  should 
be  rendered  more  clear  and  precise,  as  at  present  they  consider 
them  very  obscure. 

"  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

"  T.  M.  Ray,  Secretary." 

Sir,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  suggestions  contained  in  that 
circular  have  not  been  attended  to — particularly  those  relating  to 
the  5th  and  14th  clauses — and  that  the  bill  has  passed  the  com- 
mittee of  the  House  of  Commons  without  any  amendment.  Had 
those  suggestions  been  attended  to,  the  bill  would  have  been  ren- 
dered most  acceptable,  and  of  its  useful  operation  there  might  now 
be  entertained  no  reasonable  doubt. 

For  myself,  I  regret  that  the  duty  of  directing  the  attention  of 
the  Associatioij  to  this  subject,  was  not  entrusted  to  one  more 
famihar  with  the  various  details  to  which  it  relates. 

From  what  I  have  stated,  however,  it  will  be  perceived  abroad, 
that,  upon  this  important  subject,  the  Association  has  not  been 
inattentive  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  whose  energies  it  directs, 
and  of  whose  sentiments  it  is  the  organ.  It  will  be  perceived,  I 
trust,  that — unelected  though  it  be  by  the  people,  unrecognised 
though  it  be  by  the  government — it  occupies  the  place,  and  fulfils 
in  great  measure  the  duties,  of  a  native  legislature — scrutinizing  the 
proceedings  of  the  parliament  that  has  deprived  you  of  the  first 


12  ,  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

privilege  of  a  free  people — counteracting,  as  far  as  its  unauthorized 
power  will  admit,  the  errors  of  that  parliament — investigating  the 
resources  and  the  grievances  of  the  country — deliberating  and 
advising  on  them — day  after  day  impressing  the  broad  truths  of 
freedom  upon  the  public  mind — and,  by  enlightened  agencies, 
preparing  society  for  a  great  change  in  the  destiny  of  Ireland. 

Sir,  another  subject,  during  the  last  week,  has  met  the  attention 
of  the  committee — the  sea  fisheries  of  Ireland.  Upon  this 
important  subject  two  very  valuable  reports  have  been  already 
adopted  by  the  Association — the  first,  in  September,  1841 — the 
second,  in  September,  1844.  It  has  been  thought  advisable  to 
lay  it  a  thu'd  time  before  you,  a  bill  for  the  encouragement  of  the 
Irish  fisheries  being  now  in  progress  through  parliament. 

Into  the  question  of  these  fisheries,  I  shall  not  at  present  enter ; 
nor  is  it  my  intention  to  offer  any  observations  upon  the  bill  to 
Vv^hich  I  have  referred,  since  it  will  come  under  the  consideration 
of  the  committee  in  the  ensuing  week,  and  form  there  a  prominent 
subject  of  discussion. 

I  will  observe,  however,  in  reference  to  the  inadequate  grant  of 
£50,000 — to  be  applied  to  the  purposes  of  the  act  in  question — 
that  the  illiberal  spirit  in  which  the  government  has  come  forward 
at  this  period  of  grievous  distress — whilst  famine  is  breeding  in  the 
very  soil — to  give  employment  to  the  people,  to  aid  their  industrial 
efforts,  and  thus  avert,  in  some  measure,  the  horrors  of  the  threat- 
ened plague,  affords  new  evidence  of  the  rooted  reluctance  of 
England  to  do  good  for  Ireland. 

And  it  is  natural  that  it  should  be  so.  The  Eussian  sympa- 
thizes not  with  the  Pole  whom  he  has  struck  down  ;  and  if  you 
expect  it  to  be  otherwise,  you  do  not  possess  the  sagacity  of  men, 
and  are  only  qualified  to  be  slaves. 

Even  from  the  royal  lips,  with  an  expression  of  pity  for  our 
country,  there  came  a  cold,  harsh  threat  of  coercion,  and  it  was 
intimated  to  us,   that,  in  the   coming  season,  another  weapon, 


GROWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL   SPIRIT.  13 

besides  tlie  poisoned  arrow  of  pestilence,  would  be  busy  witb  tlie 
mass  of  peasant  life.  Thus,  year  after  year,  session  after  session, 
the  conviction  grows  still  more  strong,  and  forces  itself  yet  more 
urgently  upon  the  public  mind,  that  the  salvation  of  Ireland  is  in 
self-government,  and  in  that  alone. 

But,  Sir,  whilst  this,  the  opinion  of  the  Association,  is  confirmed, 
the  opinions  of  the  most  honorable  and  best  educated  men  in  the 
community — men  heretofore  wholly  opposed  to  us  upon  the  ques- 
tion of  a  home  parliament — are  in  process  of  change. 

The  proposition  made  by  Doctor  Maunsell  in  your  corporation 
last  year — the  pamphlets  of  Mr.  Grey  Porter — the  meeting  in 
Limerick  and  other  towns,  to  memorialize  government  for  the 
transference  of  the  Irish  railway  committees  to  Dublin,  and  the 
intelligent  advocacy  of  that  measure  by  the  Conservative  press  of 
Ireland — the  letter  of  Mr.  Burke,  of  Hayes,  to  the  electors  of  Kil- 
dare — the  more  recent  letter  of  Mr.  Fetherston  Haugh — the  forma- 
tion of  an  Irish  party — a  project  earnestly  suggested  by  the  lead- 
ing Conservative  journal  of  this  city,  and  which  project,  I  must 
say,  was  met  in  a  most  ungenerous  spirit  by  the  Whig  organ 
— these  manifestations,  together  with  the  sentiments  that  are 
heai'd  each  day  in  the  various  walks  of  society,  indicate  a  great 
revolution  of  opinion  in  this  country,  which  must  in  time  convince 
the  minister,  whoever  he  may  be,  that  this  Union,  as  at  present 
constituted,  will  stand  no  longer. 

But,  Sir,  we  have  pledged  ourselves  never  to  accept  the  Union 
— to  accept  the  Union  upon  no  terms — nor  any  modification  of 
the  Union. 

It  ill  becomes  a  country  like  ours — a  country  with  an  ancient 
fame — a- country  that  gave  light  to  Europe,  whilst  Europe's  oldest 
state  of  this  day  was  yet  an  infant  in  civilization  and  in  arms — a 
country  that  has  written  down  great  names  upon  the  brightest 
page  of  European  literature — a  country  that  has  sent  orators  into 
the  senate  whose  eloquence,  to  the  latest  day,  will  inspire  free  sen- 


14  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

timents,  and  dictate  bold  acts — a  country  tliat  has  sent  soldiers  into 
the  field  whose  courage  and  whose  honor  it  will  ever  be  our  proud- 
est privilege  to  record,  if  not  our  noblest  duty  to  imitate — a  coun- 
try whose  sculptors  rank  high  in  Rome,  and  whose  painters  have 
won  for  Irish  genius  a  proud  pre-eminence  even  in  the  capital  of 
the  stranger — a  country  whose  musicians  may  be  said  to  stand  this 
day  in  glorious  rivalship  with  those  of  Italy,  and  whose  poets  have 
had  their  melodies  re-echoed  from  the  most  polished  courts  of 
Europe  to  the  loneliest  dwelling  in  the  deep  forests  beyond  the 
Mississippi — it  ill  becomes  a  country,  so  distinguished  and  respect- 
able, to  serve  as  the  subaltern  of  England,  qualified  as  she  is  to 
take  up  an  eminent  position,  and  stand  erect  in  the  face  of  Europe. 

It  is  hers  to  command,  for  she  possesses,  the  materials  of  manly 
power  and  stately  opulence.  Education  is  abroad,  and  her  people 
are  being  tutored  in  the  arts  and  virtues  of  an  enlightened  nation- 
hood. They  are  being  taught  how  to  enjoy,  and  how  to  preserve, 
the  beatitude  of  freedom. 

A  spirit  of  brotherhood  is  alive,  and  breathing  through  the  land. 
Old  antipathies  are  losing  ground — traditional  distinctions  of  sect 
and  party  are  being  now  eff'aced.  Irrespective  of  descent  or  creed, 
we  begin  at  last  to  appreciate  the  abilities  and  virtues  of  all  our 
fellow  countrymen. 

We  now  look  into  history  with  the  generous  pride  of  the 
nationalist,  not  with  the  cramped  prejudice  of  the  partisan.  We 
do  homage  to  Irish  valor,  whether  it  conquers  on  the  walls  of 
Deny,  or  capitulates  with  honor  before  the  ramparts  of  Limerick 
— and,  Sir,  we  award  the  laurel  to  Irish  genius,  whether  it  has  lit 
its  flame  within  the  walls  of  old  Trinity,  or  has  drawn  its  inspira- 
tion from  the  sanctuary  of  Saint  Omer's. 

Acting  in  this  spirit,  we  shall  repair  the  errors,  and  reverse  the 
mean  condition  of  the  past.  If  not,  we  perpetuate  the  evil  that 
has,  for  so  many  years,  consigned  this  country  to  the  calamities  of 
war  and  the  infirmities  of  vassalage. 


GROWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL    SPIRIT.  15 

"We  must  tolerate  each  otlier,"  said  Henry  Grattan,  tlie 
inspired  preaclier  of  Irish  nationahty — he  whose  eloquence,  as 
Moore  has  described  it,  was  the  very  music  of  Freedom — "  We 
must  tolerate  each  other,  or  we  must  tolerate  the  common  enemy." 

After  years  of  social  disorder,  years  of  detestable  recrimination, 
between  factions,  and  provinces,  and  creeds,  we  are  on  the  march 
to  freedom.  A  nation,  organized  and  disciplined,  instructed  and 
inspired,  under  the  guidance  of  wise  spirits,  and  in  the  dawning 
light  of  a  glorious  future,  makes  head  against  a  powerful  supre- 
,macy. 

On  the  march,  let  us  sustain  a  firm,  a  gallant,  and  a  courteous 
bearing.  Let  us  avoid  all  offence  to  those  who  pass  us  by ;  and, 
by  rude  affi'onts,  let  us  not  drive  still  further  from  our  ranks,  those 
who  at  present  decline  to  join. 

If  aspersed,  we  must  not  stop  to  retaliate.  With  proud  hearts, 
let  us  look  forward  to  the  event  that  will  refute  all  calumnies — 
that  will  vindicate  our  motives  and  recompense  our  labors.  An 
honorable  forbearance  towards  those  who  censure  us,  a  generous 
respect  for  those  who  differ  from  us,  will  do  much  to  diminish  the 
difficulties  that  impede  our  progress. 

Let  us  cherish,  and,  upon  every  occasion,  manifest  an  anxiety 
for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  all  our  fellow  countrymen — 
their  rights  as  citizens — their  municipal  rights — the  privileges 
which  their  rank  in  society  has  given  them — the  position  which 
their  wealth  has  purchased  or  their  education  has  conferred — and 
we  will  in  time,  and  before  long,  efface  the  impression,  that  we 
seek  for  Repeal  with  a  view  to  crush  those  rights— to  erect  a 
church-ascendency,  to  injure  property,  and  create  a  slave-class. 

But,  Sir,  whilst  we  thus  act  towards  those  who  dissent  from  the 
principles  we  profess,  let  us  not  forget  the  duties  we  owe  each 
other.  The  good  will  it  becomes  us  to  evince  towards  our  oppo- 
nents, the  same  should  we  cultivate  amongst  ourselves. 

Above  all,  let  us  cherish,  and  in  its  fall  integrity  maintain,  the 


16  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

riglit  of  free  discussion.  Witli  his  views  identified  with  ours  upon 
the  one  great  question,  let  us  not  accuse  of  treason  to  the  national 
cause  the  associate  who  may  deem  this  measure  advisable,  or  that 
measure  inexpedient.  Upon  subordinate  questions — questions  of 
detail — there  must  naturally  arise  in  this  assembly  a  difference  of 
opinion.  If  views,  adverse  to  the  majority,  be  entertained,  we 
should  solicit  their  exposition,  and  meet  them  by  honest  argument. 
If  the  majority  rule,  let  the  minority  be  heard.  Toleration  of 
opinion  will  generate  confidence  amongst  all  classes,  and  lay  the 
sure  basis  of  national  independence. 

But,  Sir,  whilst  we  thus  endeavor  wisely  to  conciliate,  let  us  not, 
to  the  strongest  foe,  nor  in  the  most  tempting  emergency,  weakly 
capitulate.  A  decisive  attitude — an  unequivocal  tone — language 
that  cannot  be  construed  by  the  English  press  into  the  renuncia- 
tion or  the  postponement  of  our  claim — these  should  be  the  cha- 
racteristics of  this  assembly  at  the  present  crisis,  if  we  desire  to 
convince  the  opponents  of  our  freedom,  that  our  sentiments  are 
sincere  and  our  vow  irrevocable. 

Hence,  the  course  advised  by  the  Honorable  Member  for  Lime- 
rick, for  this  Association  to  pursue,  must  have  met  the  approval  of 
every  man  who  is  earnest  in  the  cause.  It  is  the  course  most  con- 
sistent with  the  repeated  declarations  of  this  Association — the  most 
compatible  with  the  principles  on  which  it  is  founded,  and  the 
character  it  has  been  its  ambition  to  sustain.  It  was  the  advice 
of  a  man  who  loved  his  country  above  all  else,  and  loved  that 
country  earnestly,  that,  in  the  present  juncture  of  public  aflfairs, 
we  should  act  independently  of  the  English  factions,  and  not 
deviate  a  degree  from  the  straightforward  pursuit  of  the  one  great 
national  blessing. 

Sir,  we  must  be  true  to  the  principles  we  have  embraced — the 
principles  of  1782.  We  must  be  true  to  the  pledge,  which,  on 
the  first  anniversary  of  the  lawless  imprisonment  of  our  great 
leader  and  his  distinguished  associates,  we  deliberately,  uncondi- 


GROWTH    OF    THE    NATIONAL    SPIRIT.  lY 

tionally,  and  imequivocally  signed.  We  must  be  true  to  tliat 
pledge  in  every  vicissitude  of  party,  and  under  every  denomina- 
tion of  government — be  true  to  that  pledge,  whether  it  be  Heytes- 
bury,  the  diplomatist,  or  Normanby,  the  cavalier,  who  holds  the 
Castle.  We  must  be  true  to  that  pledge  wherever  we  command 
the  slightest  influence — wherever  we  can  pronounce  an  opinion,  or 
register  a  vote.  We  must  be  true  to  that  pledge  in  the  council 
chamber  and  the  board  of  guardians — we  must  renew  it  at  the 
registry,  and  redeem  it  on  the  hustings. 

Let  earnest  truth,  stern  fidelity  to  principle,  love  for  all  who 
bear  the  name  of  Irishman,  sustain,  ennoble,  and  immortalize  this 
cause.  Thus  shall  we  reverse  the  dark  fortunes  of  the  Irish  race, 
and  call  forth  here  a  new  nation  from  the  ruins  of  the  old.  Thus 
shall  a  parliament — moulded  from  the  soil,  racy  of  the  soil,  preg- 
nant with  the  sympathies  and  glowing  with  the  genius  of  the  soil 
— be  here  raised  up.  Thus  shall  an  honorable  kingdom  be  enabled 
to  fulfil  the  great  ends  that  a  bounteous  Providence  hath  assigned 
her — which  ends  have  been  signified  to  her  in  the  resources  of  her 
soil,  and  the  abilities  of  her  sons. 


ARMS  ACT.— POLISH  INSURRECTION. 

Conciliation  Hall^  Dublin^    27id  March,   1846. 

[Mato  Election. — In  consequence  of  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Martin  J. 
Blake,  the  representation  of  Mayo  became  vacant.  The  Repeal  Association 
started  a  candidate,  Mr.  Joseph  M.  Macdonnell,  who  was  elected  (March  7th, 
1846).    His  return  was  hailed  with  enthusiasm  hj  the  people  of  Connaught, 

who  accompanied  the  event  with  the  usual  rejoicings. FeverHospitals. — 

The  Government  having  received  advices  from  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  stating 
that  almost  in  every  county  in  Ireland,  fever,  arising  from  the  potato  failure, 
was  prevalent,  Sir  James  Graham,  head  of  the  Home  Department  (March 
13),  moved  the  establishment  of  Fever  Hospitals  in  Ireland.  Mr,  Wakley 
contended,  that  it  would  entail  needless  expense — the  people  wanted  food, 
not  physic,  and  quoted  the  pamphlet  of  Dr.  Corrigan  on  "Famine  and 
Fever,"  which,  "  founded  on  the  most  convincing  statistical  details,  shewed 
clearly  that  no  change  of  weather,  climate,  condition,  or  circumstances 
would  stay  the  progress  of  such  fevers,  but  only  the  additional  supply  of 
food."  Mr.  Colquhoun  referred  to  the  precedents  of  1823  and  1831,  when 
the  West  of  Ireland  was  in  the  same  predicament,  and  the  only  possible 
relief  was  food.  The  fever  in  Ireland  arose  from  want  of  food  (Lord  G. 
Bentinck).  The  condition  of  the  people  was  such  that  they  could  not  wait 
for  railways,  or  anything  of  the  sort ;  they  must  have  immediate  relief 
(Mr.  Bernal).  It  was  cruel  and  impolitic  to  starve  them  down  to  the  fever 
pitch  before  any  assistance  was  given  (Mr.  P.  Serope).  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien 
"  had  himself  but  departed  thence  a  week,  and  he  had  more  than  once  seen 
whole  families  sitting  down  to  a  meal  of  potatoes,  which  any  member  of 
that  house  would  be  sorry  to  offer  to  his  Jbogs."  During  a  discussion  rela- 
tive to  the  second  reading  of  this  bill  (Fever  Relief)  in  the  Commons 
(March  16),  the  Arms  Act  passed  the  Lords  and  was  brought  down  to  the 
former  as  the  Hospitals'  debate  came  to  a  close.  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  said,  "In 
107  Unions,  distributed  over  twenty-five  counties,  the  reports  proved  there 
was  fever,  diarrhoea,  and  all  manner  of  complaints  arising  from  scanty  and 


ARMS  ACT POLISH    INSURRECTIO^^  19 

diseased  food"  (March  18).  "If  a  poor  man  were  to  die  of  staryation  in 
this  country  (England),  after  having  made  application  for  relief  to  the 
proper  officers  appointed  to  administer  it,  of  what  offence  would  those 
officers  be  guilty  at  law  ?  Why,  if  they  had  withheld  the  relief,  they 
would  be  guilty  of  the  crime  of  murder  "  (Mr.  "Wakley  in  the  Commons). 

Arms  Act. — Some  outrages,  growing  out  of  the  landlord  and  tenant 

disputes  in  Tipperary,  Westmeath,  Cavan,  and  other  places,  gave  the 
magistrates  a  pretext  for  denouncing  the  people,  and  calling  upon  Govern- 
ment for  the  most  tyrannous  measures  against  them.  Their  memorials 
were  condemned  in  the  Repeal  Association  as  "cunning  and  cruel,  cowardly 

and  calumnious." The  late  Countess  of  Glengall,  being  asked,  if  she  was 

aware  of  any  difficulties  which  impeded  the  industry  of  the  female  peasantry, 
answered,  "They  are  perfectly  naked  as  to  clothing,  and  perfectly  helpless, 
without  any  comfort  or  convenience,  or  any  possible  way  of  getting  a 
livelihood,  and  the  gentry  are  so  used  to  that  kind  of  distress  that  it  does 
not  shock  them.  They  see  people  naked,  with  nothing  in  the  world  but  a 
blanket  to  sleep  on,  without  a  bed  to  lie  on,  and  they  are  not  aware  that 
that  is  not  the  usual  and  proper  way  for  the  people  to  exist."  Mr. 
Tabiteau,  a  stipendiary  magistrate,  some  six  years  previous,  stated,  before  a 
committee  of  the  House  of  Lords,  that  Tipperary  abounded  in  destitution, 
and  that  something  about  land  was  the  cause  of  every  murder  committed 
in  that  county.  Mr.  Kemmis,  Crown  Solicitor  of  the  circuit,  deposed,  that 
more  than  three-fourths  of  the  outrages  there  were  caused  by  turning 
tenants  out  of  possession.  "  I  had  one  hundred  and  fifty  ejectments  in  one 
Quarter  Sessions,  besides  all  that  were  brought  in  the  Upper  Courts,"  said 
Mr.  Howley,  chairman  of  that  county.  The  agent  of  Baron  Pennefather 
declared  it  was  miraculous  that  they  had  the  patience  to  live  as  they  did. 
Another  person  said,  that  he  had  seen,  in  the  neighborhood  of  N"enagh, 
seven,  eight,  or  nine  persons  upon  one  heap  of  straw,  without  as  much 
as  a  blanket  over  them,  or  any  other  covering  than  their  rags — "so," 
said  the  English  Morning  Chronicle,  "  the  progress  of  two  and  twenty 
years  has  altered  their  condition  only  by  stripping  them  of  the  blanket 

which    they  had    in    the   time   of    Lady    Glengall." Feb.    10th,    the 

Earl  of  St.  Germains  laid  on  the  table  of  the  House  of  Lords,  the  bill 
for  the  "  Better  Protection  of  Life  and  Property  in  Ireland."  Read  the 
third  time  (Feb.  23).  This  bill  gave  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Privy 
Council  the  power  to  proclaim,  as  disaffected,  any  county  in  which  a  man 
should  have  received  a  blow  at  a  fair — to  transport  a  man,  for  not  less  than 


20  ENGLISH    LEaiSLATION. 

seven  years,  who  appeared  out  of  his  house  after  sunset  or  before  sunrise — 
to  quarter,  on  any  district,  any  additional  police  force  they  pleased — to  pay 
informers  and  detectives — to  compensate,  with  monej'-,  the  relatives  of  any 
person  murdered — to  imprison  for  three  years,  or  transport  for  fifteen,  any 
person  having  in  his  possession  a  gun  without  license — to  pay  every  expense 
thought  fit  to  be  incurred  in  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  the  bill — to 
raise  a  tax  on  the  tenantry  to  meet  such  expense,  in  the  form  of  a  poundage 
tax  on  the  net  annual  value  of  the  several  hereditaments  within  the  pro- 
claimed district.  A  distinct  clause  made  this  payable  only  by  the  poor  occu- 
piers, and  not  by  the  lessor  or  owner,  and  the  latter  were  forbidden  to  allow 
it  to  the  tenant  in  rent  payment.     Such  was  the  bill  for  the  quieting  of  the 

people. Lords  Lansdowne,  Farnham,  and  Clanricarde  supported  the  bill. 

Lord  Brougham  said  their  first  duty  was  to  make  Ireland  a  habitable 
country ;  he  desired  to  have  a  provision  in  the  bill,  to  have  the  trial  and 
accusation  take  place  in  a  part  of  the  country  where  the  prosecuting 
parties  and  witnesses  were  not  liable  to  be  shot.  "They  caU  it  a  pacifica- 
tion bill,  but  it  is  really  a  bill  to  create  insurrection  in  Ireland "  (Smith 
O'Brien).  "  It  is  an  atrocious  measure — an  Algerine  act.  It  holds  out  the 
fiendish  intention  of  being  perpetual.  It  announces  distinctly  that,  as  long 
as  this  Union  statute  is  law,  this  Coercion  bill  shall  be  the  charter  of 
Irish  slavery  and  degradation"  (O'Connell).  A  remonstrance  against 
the  bill  was  moved,   Feb.  23d,  and  presented  to  the  people,  March  3d. 

■ In  reply  to  a  circular,  forwarded   by  the  Secretary  of  the  Repeal 

Association  to  the  members  of  the  House  of  Lords,  praying  "  their  influence 
to  prevent  the  Coercion  bill  being  hurried  with  undue  precipitation  through 
the  House,  in  order  that  the  people  of  Ireland  may  have  an  opportunity  of 
matm'ely  considering  the  measure,"  the  following  note  was  received  : —   ~ 

"South  street,  Feb.  24,  1846. 

"Sir,— 

"  I  beg  leave  to  acknowledge  your  letter  of  the  20th  instant,  and  to 
inform  you,  in  reply,  that  it  is  my  decided  opinion  that  the  measure  now 
before  the  House  of  Lords,  which  has  for  its  object  the  more  effectual 
prevention  and  the  more  certain  discovery  of  the  frightful  crimes  which 
prevail  in  many  parts  of  Ireland,  has  clearly  been  delayed  too  long,  and 
cannot  now  be  pressed  with  too  much  celerity. 

"I  remain,  sir,  your  faithful  and  obedient  servant, 

"  Melbourne. 
"  To  the  Secretary  of  the  Loyal  National  Association,  Ireland." 


ARMS  ACT POLISH    INSURRECTION.  21 

War  in  the  Ptinjaub. — ^The  Bombay  Times  of  Dec.  1845,  brought  the 

news  to  England  that,  the  Sikh  government,  incensed  at  the  reported 
intention  of  the  British  authorities  to  "appropriate  the  territories  on  this 
side  the  Sutlej,"  marched  the  soldiery  to  that  river  to  repel  the  "  expected 
aggression."  The  troops  were  "greatlj  elated"  at  the  prospect  of 
hostilities,  and  stated  that,  "if  onlj  permitted  to  cross  the  river,  they 
required  no  pay  or  gratuity  from  the  Sirka,"  The  soldiers  in  the  battalions 
of  Mewa  Singh,  Goolab  Singh,  and  the  Dhera  Count  Sahib,  were  much 
excited.  Impatient  for  the  march  to  Kussoor,  they  might  be  heard  saying 
"  that,  as  soon  as  the  order  was  issued,  they  would  proceed  with  such 
celerity  as  to  dine  in  Lahore,  and  drink  the  customary  draught  of  water 
after  the  meal  on  the  far  side  of  the  Sutlej."  On  the  12th  Nov.,  the  troops 
were  on  their  way  to  Peshawur.  The  Rajah  of  Pattialah,  a  "  protected  " 
state,  sent  to  say  that  he  was  being  "  greatly  annoyed "  by  the  British 
authorities,  and  that  troops  ought  to  be  sent  to  his  assistance ;  it  was  he 
who  despatched  the  last  batch  of  Zumeendars,  and  "  was  certain  that  the 
moment  the  Sikaree  troops  crossed,  the  whole  country  would  rise  against 
the  British."  52,000  men  were  concentrating  on  the  frontier  under  Sir 
Henry  Hardinge.  The  Sikhs,  with  a  reported  force  of  50,000,  and  150 
pieces  of  artillery,  invaded  the  "British  possessions"  on  the  21st  December. 
A  battle  immediately  took  place,  which  lasted  till  the  23rd.  The  loss  was 
immense  on  both  sides,  the  Sikhs  suffering  most.  They  lost  65  pieces  of 
cannon.  Sir  John  Littler,  who  commanded  the  left  wing  of  the  British, 
was  forced  to  retire  on  the  first  attack,  but  the  Governor-General  and 
Commander-in-Chief  advancing,  the  "enemy"  were  routed.  In  the  House 
of  Lords,  March  2d,  the  Earl  of  Ripon  moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the 
Army  in  India,  for  the  "  energy,  ability,  and  heroism  with  which  they 
repelled  the  unprovoked  invasion,  by  the  Sikh  army,  of  the  dominions 
of  the  British  government,  and  of  the  protected  States  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Sutlej."  On  the  same  night,  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
Sir  Robert  Peel  made  a  similar  motion.  Mr.  Bright  (the  member  for 
Durham)  having  interposed,  immediately  after  the  Minister  had  risen 
to  address  the  House,  presented  a  petition  from  Reading,  praying  thst 
the  House  would  not  vote  thanks  to  the  Army  in  India,  "  as  the  troops  had 

been  engaged  in  an  unjust  and  impolitic  warfare." Polish  Insurrection. — 

"The  Poles  are  again  in  arms!"  A  letter  from  Silesia,  d.ited  26th  Febru- 
ary, which  appeared  in  the  German  Gazette,  stated,  that  as  the  Austrian 
General  Collin  "  was  preparing  to  leave  Cracow  with  his  troops,  they  were 


22  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

assailed  with   such  sudden   impetuosity   by  some   considerable  bands  of 
insurgents,  that,  after  having  had  several  killed  and  vs^ounded,  they  were 
obliged  to  evacuate  the  place  with  the  utmost  precipitation."     It  further 
stated,  that  a  Provisional  Government  had  been  established  at  Cracow ;  had 
installed  itself,  on  the  evening  of  the  22d  February,  in  the  Tower  of  Saint 
Christopher;  and  had  at  its  command  between  9,000  and  10,000  armed 
men,  part  of  them  peasants  with  their  scythes.     The  English  papers  of  the 
day  announced,  that  Cracow  was  in  the  "peaceable  and  complete  possession 
of  the  insurgents,"  and  added,  that  the  German  papers  themselves,  "  though 
tinder  the  control  of  the  censorship,  could  not  conceal  their  admiration  of 
the  order  and  propriety  of  all  the  proceedings  adopted  by  the  Provisional 
Government."     The  revolt  had  crossed  the  Vistula.     The  Insurgents  were 
in  possession  of  the  whole  district  of  Yeliska.     The  town  of  Sondez,  at  the 
foot  of  the   Carpathian  Mountains,  was   occupied  by  6000  Polish  troops, 
"  fully  armed,  and  well  provided  with  stores."     A  great  part  of  Gallicia 
was  also  reported  to  be  in  a  "state  of  insurrection,"  and  Lembourg,  the 
capital  of  the  province,  was  said  to  have  shared  the  fate  of  Sondez.    The 
Provisional  Government  at  Cracow  (to  sustain  which  the  Polish  Jews  had 
promptly  offered  a  considerable  sum  of  money)  intimated  to  the  Polish 
Committee  in  Paris,  that  it  considered  itself  merely  as  its  representative, 
and  was  ready  to  give  up  the  management  of  affairs  to  it,  as  soon  as  called 
upon  to  do  so.    Several  of  the  refugees,  consequently,  left  Paris  for  the  scene 
of  action,  amongst  them  some  of  the  most  distinguished  ofHcers  who  served 
in  the  insurrection  of  1830.     The  wealthier  Polish  nobles  resident  in  Paris, 
Bold  shares  in  the  French  railway  to  the  amount  of  £80,000,  and  sent  the 
proceeds  to  their  countrymen,  to  aid  the  revolution.     In  the  meanwhile,  the 
Government  were  enrolling  troops,  amongst  whom  (according  to  the  Jour- 
nal des  Debats)  might  be  seen  priests,  monks,  old  men  and  children !     The 
Leipsic  Gazette  stated,  that  even  the  women  had  taken  up  arms,  and  might 
be  seen  riding  on  horseback  through  the  streets,  bearing  Polish  eagles,  and 
banners  of  white  and  purple,  embroidered  by  their  own  hands.     An  old 
clergyman,  one  of  those  who  in  their  vestments  had  blest  the  arms,  the 
men,  and  banners  of  the  "revolt,"   exclaimed  at  the  altar,   "My  adored 
country !  so  long  dead,  appears  to  me  rising  from  the  grave  !     I  behold  her 
with  my  own  eyes — I  touch  her  with  my  own  hands !     Her  wounds  are 
healed — the   immortal  God   has   animated   her    with   his   breath — she    is 
living !     Oh !  emigrants — regretted  friends — you  the  sons  of  her  blood,  how 
I  grieve  that  you  have  not  assisted  at  her  glorious  resurrection."    A  noble 


ARMS  ACT POLISH    INSURRECTION.  23 

manifesto,  issued  from  the  house  of  Krytoforz  (the  residence  of  Joseph  Poni- 
atowski  during  the  campaign  of  1809)  declared,  in  the  name  of  the  Provi- 
sional  Government,  the  abolition  of  serfdom,  "Let  there  be  no  more 
privileges,"  it  exclaims,  "but  each  Pole  find  full  security  for  himself,  his 
wife,  and  children  ;  and  let  him,  who  is  inferior  in  mind  or  body,  find,  with- 
out humiliation,  the  infallible  aid  of  the  nation,  which  shall  have  the  abso- 
lute property  of  the  land  which  to-day  is  only  enjoyed  by  some.  From 
this  moment  we  recognise  no  difterence.  Let  us  henceforward  be  as  the 
children  of  one  mother — of  Justice ;  of  one  father — the  God  who  is  in 
Heaven.  Let  us  invoke  his  aid,  he  will  bless  our  arms,  and  give  us  victory ; 
but,  in  order  to  draw  down  his  blessing,  we  must  not  sully  ourselves  by 
the  vice  of  drunkenness,  or  any  other  infamous  action.  Let  us  not  treat 
despotically  those  who  have  been  confided  to  us ;  let  us  not  kill  those  who 
are  without  arms,  nor  such  as  do  not  think  with  ourselves,  nor  strangers ; 
for  we  fight  not  with  a  people,  but  with  their  oppressors.  Let  them  but 
make  one  step  more,  and  Poland  exists  no  longer.  Our  grandchildren  will 
curse  our  memory  for  having  left  them  nothing,  in  one  of  the  finest 
countries  in  the  world,  but  deserts  and  ruins  ;  for  having  left  our  warlike 
people  in  irons;  for  having  forced  them  to  profess  a  foreign  faith,  to  speak 
a  strange  language,  and  for  having  reduced  them  to  be  the  slaves  of  our 
oppressors.  The  dust  of  our  fathers,  martyrs  for  the  rights  of  the  nation, 
cries  from  the  tomb  to  avenge  them.  Children  at  the  breast  implore  us  to 
preserve  for  them  the  country  that  God  has  confided  to  us.  The  free 
nations  of  the  world  invite  us  not  to  allow  our  nationality  to  be  destroved. 
God  himself  invites  us — He  who  will  one  day  demand  an  account  of  our 
stewardship."  But  the  day  of  her  freedom  had  not  yet  come.  After  a 
glimpse  of  life,  Poland  was  thrust  back  to  her  tomb.  The  Austrians  and 
Eussians  entered  Cracow  on  the  3rd  March.  The  Prussians  entered  on  the 
5tli.  The  Austrian  Government  had  previously  offered  a  premium  for  the 
head  of  every  land-owner,  or  lord  of  a  manor.  Encouraged  by  this  procla- 
mation, the  peasants  massacred  two  hundred  of  the  nobility.  The  "insur- 
gents" were  visited  with  the  severest  vengeance.  So  much  so,  that  on  the 
7th  March,  a  deputation  of  ladies  from  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Posen  had 
arrived  at  Berlin,  to  implore  the  clemency  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  Field- 
Marshal  Paskiewiteh  was  appointed  to  the  chief  command  in  the  kingdom 
of  Poland,  and  the  governments  of  Vollymia  and  Podolia.  In  these  three 
provinces,  martial  law  was  immediately  proclaimed.  At  Siedlec  and 
Warsaw,  the  principal  leaders  were  hanged.     Many  were  degraded  from 


24  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

their  rank  and  condemned  to  hard  labor  in  the  salt  mines  and  deserts  of 
Siberia,  having  been  compelled,  on  their  leaving  prison,  to  pass  under  the 
gallows.  In  three  of  the  most  populous  and  opulent  districts,  scarcely  a 
single  proprietor  remained.  All  had  been  either  killed  or  compelled  to  fly. 
The  hoiises  had  been  plundered.  In  the  circle  of  Tarno,  only  six  proprie- 
tors escaped  the  general  massacre.  The  beautiful  estates  belonging  to  the 
Princess  De  Ligny  had  been  completely  devastated.  So,  too,  with  the 
estates  of  Prince  Ladislaus  Lengurzko.  The  chateau  of  the  Countess 
Morska  was  stormed;  her  husband,  her  brother,  and  her  mother-in-law 
assassinated.  Having  compelled  her  to  drink  a  quantity  of  brandy  with 
them,  the  peasantry  perpetrated  the  most  horrid  crimes  on  the  Countess 
herself,  and  then  flung  her  into  a  ditch  to  die.  A  letter  from  Lembourg, 
which  appeared  in  the  Journal  des  Debats,  referring  to  these  atrocities, 
expresses  the  hope  that  "  the  government,  although  it  has  not  yet  done  so, 
will  take  measures  to  put  a  stop  to  these  horrors;"  adding,  that  "the 
audacity  of  the  peasants  is  increased  by  the  conviction  that  they  will  be 
recompensed  for  committing  these  abominable  excesses."  The  "  insurrec- 
tion" being  thus  brought  to  a  close,  the  Emperor  of  Russia  directed 
Marshal  Paskie witch  to  announce  the  fact  to  the  Ministers  of  Russia  at 
foreign  Courts ;  and  ordered,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  peasants  who  con- 
tribiited'to  the  suppression  of  the  revolt,  should  be  rewarded  by  money, 
medals,  and  a  remission  of  taxation.  Subsequently,  the  emperor  issued 
a  proclamation,  addressed  to  his  "faithful  Gallieians,"  thanking  them  for 
"the  good  spirit  they  had  displayed  in  resisting  the  attempts  of  a  few 
insurgents,  who  had  been  led  into  a  rebellion  got  up  by  a  conspiracy 
abroad."  The  Vienna  Gazette  of  the  22d  March  informs  us  that  the  "faith- 
ful Gallieians"  repaired  to  Cracow,  to  sell  the  jewels  and  other  valuable 
objects  they  had  robbed — "  with  the  sanction,"  it  intimates,  "  of  the 
Austrian  authorities."] 

Sir — I  have  the  honor  to  move  that  tlie  letter,  addressed  by  Mr. 
Doheny  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Association,  be  inserted  on  the 
minutes. 

It  describes  in  eloquent  terms  a  great  triumph — a  triumph  which 
proves  that  the  wise  lessons  preached  from  this  tribune  are  ripen- 
ing into  manly  deeds — a  triumph  which  demonstrates  the  disci- 
pline that  regulates,  and  the  spirit  that  inspires  the  constituency 


ARMS  ACT POLISH    INSURKECTIOX.  25 

of  Mayo — predicting*  tlie  conduct  and  success,  at  the  coming  elec- 
tions, of  the  other  Repeal  constituencies  of  Ireland.  It  is  a  tri- 
umph, moreover,  wliich  assures  us,  that  the  Union  has  taken  no 
hold  of  the  Irish  mind,  and  that,  therefore,  it  is  a  doomed  measure. 

Sir,  whatever  be  the  laws  and  institutions  of  a  country — how- 
ever strongly  these  laws  and  institutions  may  be  imbued  with  the 
despotic,  or  with  that,  which  we  repudiate  as  distinctly — the  cen- 
tralising principle — so  long  as  the  intellect  and  impulse  of  the 
people  are  adverse  to  them — so  long  do  those  laws  and  institutions 
fail  to  work  their  worst  effect.  The  darkenino-  shadow  is  there 
more  than  the  crushing'  substance.  In  the  lio-ht  of  an  informed 
nation,  that  shadow  shall  pass  away.  Institutions  that  had  no 
foundation  in  the  national  heart — laws  that  received  no  sanction 
from  the  national  will — that  existed,  but  did  not  thrive — that  w^ere 
enforced,  but  not  accepted — that  were  endured,  but  not  supported 
— institutions  like  these  shall  fall,  and  laws  like  these  shall  be 
effaced,  in  whatever  country  they  may  be,  when  the  sentiment, 
that  has  been  their  antagonist  for  years,  shall  have  grown  to  its 
full  power,  and,  swelling  beyond  the  limits  of  a  religion  or  a  class, 
shall  have  become  the  active  sentiment  of  the  nation. 

Thus  shall  the  Union  fall — a  law  that  was  never  based  upon  the 
sympathies,  nor  sanctioned  by  the  intelligence,  of  the  Irish  people. 

And,  Sir,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  parliament,  which  usurped  the 
legislative  functions  of  this  country,  was  anxious  to  accelerate  that 
fall,  and  add  fresh  vigor  to  the  spirit  by  which  it  shall  be  accom- 
plished. The  disposition  evinced  by  that  parliament  towards  this 
country,  since  the  commencement  of  the  present  session,  has  had 
that  effect — weakening,  not  strengthening,  the  legislative  annexa- 
tion. 

A  pestilence,  as  strange  as  it  is  sweeping,  comes  upon  the  land. 
The  putrifying  earth  reveals  it  to  the  peasant — men  of  science 
report  it  to  the  minister.  The  peer,  the  merchant,  and  the  priest, 
call  aloud  for  succor,  beseeching  the  minister  to  interpose  between 


26  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

the  people  who  starve  and  the  famine  that  strikes.  To  mitigate 
the  plague — to  ward  oflf  fear — to  inspire  hope — to  compose  the 
public  mind — to  bring  consolation  to  the  peasant's  hearth — ^to 
protect  life — so  says  the  treacherous  preamble — they  give  you  this 
coercion  bill ! 

Those  English  Lords,  who  never  trod  on  Irish  soil — who  know 
not  the  afflictions  of  the  people  whose  character  they  defame — 
who  never  sympathized  with  those  whom  they  would  now  coerce 
— those  English  Lords,  in  whose  pictured  galleries  we  would  vainly 
search  for  the  stricken  image  of  the  Irish  peasant,  and  on  whose 
damasked  tables  the  Irish  famine  will  not  cast  its  scaring  shadow 
— those  English  Lords,  to  whom  Strafford,  and  Campden,  and 
Carhampton  seem  to  have  bequeathed  their  spirit  and  their  blood 
— those  English  Lords,  to  whom  the  Irish  millions,  on  the  day  of 
retribution,  will  address  these  words  of  sacred  accusation — "  We 
were  naked,  and  you  clothed  us  not ;  we  were  hungry,  and  you 
gave  us  not  to  eat ;  we  were  thirsty,  and  you  gave  us  not  to  drink" 
— those  English  Lords,  at  this  day,  renew  the  enactments  that 
have  long  since  brought  down  upon  the  English  supremacy  the 
curse  of  the  Irish  province. 

Sir,  laws  like  this  have  driven  a  people  into  insurrection ;  and 
when  insurrection  triumphs,  it  receives  the  homage  of  mankind. 

But  the  Irish  people  have  had  too  severe  an  experience  of  the 
calamities  which  a  rash  revolt  originates.  Exasperating  as  this 
lav/  may  be,  they  will  not  deviate  from  the  policy  of  an  instructed 
confederation.  They  will  not  hazard,  by  a  precipitate  act,  the 
freedom  which  a  deliberate  movement  like  ours  can  alone  secure. 

Sir,  it  has  been  said  that  an  evil  seldom  comes  from  which  some 
good  may  not  arise.  In  the  present  instance  I  recognise  the  truth 
of  a  familiar  proverb. 

Bad  as  this  enactment  is,  the  discussion  it  occasioned  has  been 
of  advantage  to  us.  It  has  brought  out  the  Whigs.  In  the 
speeches  delivered  in  the  Lords — in  the  letter  received  by  the 


ARMS  ACT POLISH    INSURRECTION.  2Y 

secretary  of  this  iVssociation  from  Viscount  Melbourne — we  have 
distinct  proofs  of  the  true  spirit  that  animate  the  men  who  have  so 
long  professed  themselves  to  be  the  friends  of  the  Irish  people. 

The  Whigs  have  ceased  to  be  the  muffled  foes  of  Irish  freedom. 
Standing  before  us,  not  with  select  appointments  and  jail  deliveries, 
but  with  the  coercion  bill  and  its  amendments  in  their  hands,  the 
Whigs  will  never  more  corrupt,  for  they  have  thrown  aside  the 
mask  that  enabled  them  to  deceive. 

I  rejoice  at  this  occurrence,  for,  I  confess,  that  often  calculating 
upon  the  influences  by  which  our  cause  might  be  imperilled,  I 
always  did  foresee  more  danger  from  the  seductive  compliments  of 
a  Whig,  than  from  the  aggressive  edicts  of  a  Conservative  admi- 
nistration. We  all  know  that  poison  may  be  infused,  where  a  blow 
has  missed  its  aim. 

I  repeat  it,  I  rejoice  at  this  occurrence,  for  I  have  ever  looked 
upon  the  W^higs  as  the  most  effective  enemies  which  the  dissemi- 
nators of  the  national  sentiment  were  destined  to  encounter. 

In  the  days  of  their  government,  English  supremacy  in  this 
country  knew  no  assailant.  In  those  days,  men  were  taught  to 
serve  the  minister  rather  than  the  country  ;  were  taught  to  look 
to  the  government  for  patronage,  not  to  the  pubhc  for  support ; 
were  taught  to  prefer  the  purchased  interest  of  officials,  to  the  free 
sympathy  of  honest  citizens ;  were  taught  to  solicit  appointments 
for  themselves,  not  to  demand  measures  for  the  country.  The 
policy  of  the  Whigs,  working  on  all  the  less  exalted  passions  of 
society,  was  hourly  hastening  the  project  of  the  Union  to  its  most 
odious  consummation.  The  servitude,  that  existed  only  in  law, 
was  sinking  into  the  soul  of  the  country ;  and  once  it  was  centred 
there,  England  might  withdraw  her  troops,  disband  her  police 
force,  and  put  arms  withm  the  grasp  of  every  peasant  in  the  land 
— their  spirit  extinguished,  they  would  not  strike  to  emancipate. 

A  nation's  thanks  to  the  God  of  Freedom  !  Those  statesmen 
were  checked  in  their  career.     We  have  recovered  and  grown 


28  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

strong  since  their  defeat  in  the  summer  of  1841  ;  and  if,  at  some 
future  period,  they  return  to  office,  they  shall  find  us  a  reformed 
people — too  honest  to  be  bribed,  too  powerful  to  be  crushed. 

Sir,  into  the  consideration  of  this  coercion  bill,  which  is  at  pre- 
sent the  chief  topic  of  public  debate,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  pro- 
ceed. That  task  has  been  already  well  performed  by  several 
members  of  this  Association,  much  more  competent  than  I  am  to 
investigate  questions  of  such  importance.  In  the  letters  received 
from  Mr.  O'Connell,  in  the  speeches  that  have  been  delivered  by 
Mr.  Smith  O'Brien,  Mr.  Grattan,  Mr.  Barry,  Mr.  O'Gorman,  and 
Mr.  Balfe,  its  provisions  have  been  fully  discussed,  and  their  evil 
tendencies  most  intelligently  exposed. 

I  will  make  one  observation,  however. 

Mr.  Balfe,  in  the  speech  which  you  heard  from  him  on  this  day 
fortnight,  and  which  must  have  afforded  to  the  country  much 
sound  information  upon  the  question,  in  a  masterly  argument 
pointed  out  the  inefficiency  of  this  act  for  the  purpose  it  professes 
to  accomplish — the  suppression  of  agrarian  outrage.  He  cited  the 
evidence  sworn  before  the  parliamentary  committee  in  1824,  and, 
from  testimonies  that  will  not  be  questioned,  distinctly  proved  the 
failure  of  similar  acts  at  antecedent  periods. 

An  eminent  French  historian.  Monsieur  Gustave  de  Beaumont, 
has  given  an  opinion,  corroborative  of  the  view  taken  by  Mr.  Balfe, 
in  his  celebrated  work  on  Ireland,  which,  with  the  permission  of 
the  meeting,  I  will  read: — 

"  In  vain  will  you  employ  a  Draconian  code  to  repress  atrocious 
outrages  ;  in  vain  will  you  enact  cruel  laws  to  arrest  the  course  of 
revolting  excesses ;  in  vain  will  you  affix  the  penalty  of  death  to 
minor  crimes ;  in  vain,  actuated  by  the  terrors  of  weakness,  will 
you  suspend  the  ordinary  course  of  law,  and  proclaim  entire  coun- 
ties under  the  insurrection  act ;  in  vain  will  you  violate  the  prin- 
ciple of  individual  liberty,  create  martial  law  and  special  commis- 
sions, and  so  produce  a  salutary  impression  of  terror ;  all  these 


ARMS  ACT POLISH    INSURRECTION.  29 

rigors  will  be  in  vain.  Instead  of  healing  the  wound,  they  will 
irritate  it,  and  render  it  the  more  painful  and  dangerous.  The 
peasants,  who,  in  1760,  revolted  against  a  bad  social  systena,  under 
the  name  of  Whiteboys,  renewed  the  insurrection,  some  years 
after,  under  the  name  of  Oakboys ;  in  1772,  under  the  name  of 
Steelboys  ;  in  1788,  they  were  called  Rightboys ;  at  a  later  period, 
they  took  the  name  of  Rockites,  subjects  of  Captain  Bock  and 
Fady  Clare;  in  1805,  they  called  themselves  the  Trash ers  ;  in 
1811,  '15,  '20, '21,  '23,  and  '29,  they  resumed  the  name  of  White- 
boys;  in  1831,  they  were  Terry  Alts;  in  1832,  '33,  and  '37, 
Whitefeet  and  Blackfeet ;  and,  under  these  various  denominations, 
you  may  see  them  actuated  by  the  sense  of  the  same  miseries, 
committing  the  same  acts  of  violence,  followed  by  the  same  cruel 
means  of  repression  which  have  been  always  powerless.  All  your 
measures  to  restore  peace  and  order  will  be  abortive,  because  the 
order  you  design  to  make  supreme  is  actual  disorder ;  because  the 
peace  you  wish  to  establish  is  oppression." 

Sir,  we  required  not  the  opinion  of  the  French  historian  to 
remind  us,  that,  for  the  purposes  of  peace,  coercive  enactments  in 
this  country  must  prove  inoperative.  The  English  Lords  and 
Commons,  too,  ought  long  since  to  have  derived  a  little  wisdom 
from  the  retrospect  of  their  penal  legislation. 

But  if  they  are  still  determined  to  test  the  efficacy  of  penal 
laws,  let  them  test  it  in  some  other  country.  Here  the  harsh 
experiment  always  failed.  Let  them  test  it  in  the  country  of  the 
Sikhs !  There  they  have  to  civilize  a  most  disordered  people ! 
There  they  have  to  deal,  not  with  a  defenceless,  but  an  armed 
people  !  A  gallant  people — who  prize  the  freedom  they  possess, 
and,  guarding  it  as  true  men  should  ever  guard  the  anointed  gift, 
will  not  meanly  economize  their  blood  in  its  defence  ! 

But  whatever  course  the  English  parliament  may  take,  let  this 
Association  continue  to  act  with  that  spirit  and  intelh'gence — with 
that  prudence,  yet  with  that  decision — which  has  acquired  for  it 
the  confidence  of  the  country,  the  independence  of  which  it  is  its 
honorable  mission  to  retrieve. 


80  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

To  repeat  what  I  said,  when  I  had  last  the  privilege  of  address- 
ing you,  let  us  be  true  to  the  principles  we  have  embraced — be 
true  to  them,  in  every  vicissitude  and  whatever  may  befal.  Whilst 
we  exhibit,  to  our  English  adversaries,  a  firm  determination  never 
to  withdraw  the  claim  we  urge,  let  us  prove,  to  those  who  are  as 
yet  opposed  to  us  in  this  country,  our  earnest  anxiety  to  dispel 
those  prejudices  which  here  estrange,  enfeeble,  and  debase. 

There  is  one  great  truth  we  recognize — our  country,  to  be  free, 
must  be  self-governed.  Let  us  recognize  another,  no  less  essential — 
that  for  the  people  of  this  country  to  resume  the  prerogative  of 
self-government,  they  must  be  united. 

With  this  truth  impressed  upon  our  minds,  let  us  act  a^it  dic- 
tates.    Let  the  profession  become  a  practice,  and  the  theory  a  fact. 

Let  us  denounce  the  man,  who,  from  our  history,  learns  nothing 
save  the  vices  of  the  past ;  who,  from  that  sad  book,  is  taught  not 
to  arrest,  but  to  propagate,  the  errors  of  our  fathei's  ;  who  still  con- 
tinues to  survey  the  scenes  of  our  civil  feuds,  with  the  passions 
that  made  those  feuds  detestable.  Let  us  denounce  the  man,  who, 
fi'om  the  banks  of  the  Suir,  would,  at  this  day,  demand  revenge  for 
those  who  were  vanquished  on  the  banks  of  the  Boyne  ;  and  who 
would  disorganize  the  nation  to  institute  a  faction.  Such  a  man 
pleads  for  Repeal  and  retrogression,  not  for  Repeal  and  reform. 

"  Degenerate  slave  !"  says  Schiller ;  "  who  cries  down  freedom 
amid  the  clanking  of  his  own  fetters." 

Sir,  if  we  act  with  strict  integrity — if  we  prove  ourselves  the 
friends  of  truth,  and,  in  every  sense,  the  friends  of  freedom — I 
cherish  no  faint  hope  that  the  union,  we  so  much  desire,  will  be  at 
length  accomplished — the  union  of  the  Irish  Protestant  with  the 
Irish  Catholic,  the  Irish  Radical  with  the  Irish  Conservative — the 
former  differing  on  religious  doctrines,  the  latter  on  legislative 
principles — yet  all  recognizing  the  claim  of  this  country  to  be  free, 
and  its  ability  to  be  great. 

In  demanding  an  independent  legislature  for  this  country,  we 


ARMS  ACT POLISH    INSURRECTION.  31 

demand  the  power  wliich  a  wise  policy  suggests,  and  to  whicli  a 
generous  ambition  must  aspire. 

In  acquiring  it,  we  do  not  revolutionize — we  restore.  Ireland 
insists  that  she  shall  be  independent  of  the  parliament  of  England, 
and  she  insists  upon  a  relation  with  that  country,  for  which  there 
is  a  memorable  precedent  and  an  imperishable  principle. 

Insisting  upon  her  freedom,  she  is  sustained  by  the  spirit  of  the 
age  and  the  examples  of  the  day.  In  the  name  of  freedom, 
Circassia  guards  her  mountain  passes — Italy  organizes — Poland 
strikes ! 

Sir,  we  weep  no  more  for  Poland,  for  Poland  is  in  arms !  The 
spirit  of  Kosciusko  sleeps  no  more  in  the  Cathedral  of  Cracow  ! 
It  walks  the  Carpathian  heights,  and  is  heard  in  the  cry — there  is 
hope  for  Poland,  whilst  in  Poland  there  is  a  life  to  lose ! 

From  those  heights,  I  trust,  there  will  yet  be  preached  a  lesson 
of  vengeance,  sure  and  smiting,  to  the  sceptred  robbers  of  old 
Sarmatia.  The  descendants  of  John  Sobieski — in  this  their  third 
hard  struggle  with  the  triple  despotism  that  has  beaten  them  to 
the  earth — have  the  passionate  sympathy  of  a  people,  who,  like 
them,  have  lost  their  liberty,  and,  like  them,  have  sworn  to 
restore  it. 

Would  to  God  that  our  sympathy  could  be  active  !  "Would  to 
God,  that,  whilst  we  cheer  the  patriots  of  Poland  with  our  sympa- 
thies, we  could  back  them  with  our  swords  !  "Would  to  God  that 
the  glowing  prophecy  of  one,  whom  the  anticipation  of  Irish  free- 
dom has  inspired,  could  be  now  fulfilled !  Would  to  God  that  on 
this  day  were  heard,  without  the  walls  of  the  Irish  senate-house, 
the  bugles  of  the  Irish  volunteers  whom  this  young  poet  has  pre- 
dicted, and  that  their  departure  for  the  red  plains  of  Poland  could 
this  night  be  sung  in  those  strains  which  his  impassioned  genius 
has  breathed  forth  : — 

"  Ten  thousand  Irish  soldiers 
To-morrow  cross  the  main ; 


32  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Bj  Dneiper  shall  their  carbines  ring, 
Their  charge  cleave  open  Russia's  wing, 
On  leaguered  Warsaw's  plain  ; 

"  For  we,  who  felt  oppression's  heel. 
Aid  struggling  Freedom's  powers ; 
And  long  as  aid  us  arm  and  steel, 
Whilst  Irish  waters  float  a  keel, 
Shall  Poland's  fight  be  ours." 

Sir,  we  have  been  called  upon  to  make  a  less  severe  sacrifice 
than  the  patriots  of  Poland  have  been,  for  the  country  it  is  our 
ambition  to  emancipate.  They  have  to  confront  a  military  des- 
potism— we  have  to  resist  a  legislative  domination.  Swords  alone 
can  subvert  the  one — opinion  will,  in  time,  work  down  the  other. 
Our  agencies  are  dissimilar,  but  our  cause  is  the  same,  and  let  our 
spirit  be  identical. 

The  aim  of  Austria  and  Prussia  has  been  to  Germanize — the 
aim  of  Russia  has  been  to  annihilate — the  Polish  race.  In  past 
years,  England  employed,  in  this  country,  the  exterminating  vio- 
lence of  the  latter — now  she  would  pursue  the  denationalizing 
policy  of  the  former.  She  no  longer  strives  to  exterminate — she 
strives  to  Saxonize. 

In  vain  ! 

From  the  Irish  mind,  the  inspiring  thought  that  there  was  once 
an  Irish  nation,  self-chartered  and  self-ruled,  can  never  be  effaced. 
The  burning  hope  that  there  will  be  one  again,  can  never  be  extin- 
guished. 

The  evidences  of  a  distinct  nationality  are  marked  upon  our 
scenery,  our  climate,  and  our  character.  In  the  traditions  of  our 
country,  in  its  records,  in  its  ancient  relics,  in  the  songs,  the  lan- 
guage, the  genius,  the  spirit  of  our  people,  we  recognize  the  ele- 
ments of  a  distinctive  destiny. 

Regardless  of  the  liberty  of  this  country — solicitous   only,  as  is 


ARMS  ACT POLISH  INSURRECTION.  33 

most  natural,  for  the  predominance  of  their  own — our  rulers  will 
in  vain  employ  their  arts,  and  exercise  their  powers,  to  assimilate 
the  two  countries.  Legislation  will  never  effect  what  nature  has 
forbidden. 

The  ambition  which  lifts  the  individual  above  the  crowd,  and 
gives  to  him  ennobling  peculiarities  of  position  and  of  character, 
the  same  inspires  the  nation,  and  bids  it  stand  alone ! 


POLITICAL   ECONOMY— MORALITY   OF    SELF-GOVERN- 
MENT. 

Conciliation  Hall,  Dublin,  6th  April,  1846. 

[Ix  Jan.  1846,  Isaac  Butt,  LL.D.,  formerly  Professor  of  Political  Economy, 
published  two  lectures,  delivered  before  the  Dublin  University,  in  1840, 
with  an  appendix,  suggested  by  the  crisis,  entitled  '^Protection  to  Home 
Industry :  some  cases  of  its  advantage  co7isidered."  Mr.  Butt  dwelt  on  the 
subject  of  non-exportation  and  home-manufacture,  as  a  question  of  right 
and  national  necessity,  without  reference  to  any  particular  measures  or 
time ;  but  his  work  was  so  apposite  to  the  exigencies  of  the  day,  that  it 
created  universal  attention.  "It  is  said  that  this  exportation  is  the  dis- 
posal of  our  surplus  produce,  and,  as  such,  is  an  advantage  to  the  country. 
I  know  of  no  surplus  produce,  until  all  our  own  people  are  fed — there 
can  be  no  such  thiog  as  a  surplus,  until  the  wants  of  all  classes  are 
supplied."  Following,  then,  in  the  path  of  Dean  Swift  and  Bishop 
Berkeley,  Mr.  Butt  strenuously  advocated  the  encouragement  of  native 
artisans,  as  the  true  system  of  national  economy.  The  annual  exporta- 
tion of  provisions  abroad,  he  termed  "a  subsidy  to  pay  the  rent  of 
absentee  landlords."  The  llepeal  Association  distributed  this  work  through 
their  reading  rooms.  Mr.  Mitehel  made  it  the  subject  of  an  able  speech 
m  the  Association.  "It  is  not  for  the  sake,"  said  he,  "of  anything  of 
Mr.  Butt's,  as  a  political  economist,  either  in  favor  of  protective  duties 
or  against  them,  that  the  Committee  have  come  to  the  resolution  of  circu- 
lating his  book.  The  book  deals  in  a  highly  national  spirit  with  the 
relations  of  Ireland  towards  England."  He  characterized  it  as  "  a  very 
admirable  Repeal  essay,  potent  to  convince  any  Irishman  (except,  perhaps, 
the  author  of  it),  that  Ireland's  only  hope  is  in  the  restoration  of  a 
domestic  legislature.  He  is  obliged  to  sustain  his  position  before  the 
University  of  Dublin,  by  the  arguments  and  the  very  language  of  Con- 
ciliation Hall." Enquiry  into   the   state  of  Ireland. — In    a    speech    in 

the  House  of  Lords   (March  23),    on  moving  an  inquiry  iuto   the  state 


POLIIICAL  ECONOMY MORALITY  OF  SELF-GOVEKNMEXT.  35 

of  Ireland,  Earl  Grey  insisted  on  the  utter  inadequacy  of  the  measures 
taken  "to  cure  the  social  evils"  of  Ireland,  and  called  upon  the  House 
to  declare,  by  a  solemn  vote,  that  they  were  only  temporary.  "The 
evils  of  that  unhappy  country  are  not  accidental,  not  transitory,  but 
chronic  and  habitual.  Ireland  is  our  weak  place — the  one  deep  blot  upon 
the  briglitness  of  Britain — our  disgrace.  It  is  the  reproach,  the  standing 
disgrace  of  this  eountrjy,  that  Ireland  remains  in  the  condition  she  is.  It  is 
so  regarded  throughout  the  civilized  world.  The  mere  fact,  that  Ireland  is 
in  so  deplorable  and  wretched  a  condition,  saves  whole  volumes  of  argu- 
ment, and  is,  of  itself,  a  complete  and  irrefutable  proof  of  misgovernment. 
I^or  can  we  lay  to  our  souls  the  flattering  unction,  that  this  misgovernment 
has  not  been  of  our  creation.  The  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Home  Depart- 
ment, two  years  ago,  asserted  that  Ireland  was  occupied,  not  governed,  like 
England;  and  now,  my  Lords,  I  ask  you,  is  that  a  state  of  thiogs  which 
ought  to  continue  ?"  After  reviewing  the  subject  from  the  time  of  the 
"Union"  to  the  Repeal  movement,  Earl  Grey  continued — "My  Lords,  I 
think  you  must  look  to  something  more  effectual  than  such  laws.  You 
cannot  gain  men's  hearts  by  force  (referring  to  the  Arms  act).  It  is 
impossible  to  grant  Repeal,  'tis  true,  but  let  us  try  the  effect  of  legislating 
as  an  Irish  Parliament  might  be  expected  to  do."  The  Duke  of  "Wellington 
refused  to  concur  in  the  motion,  as  the  latter  part  of  Lord  Grey's  speech 
tended  towards  the  extinction  of  the  Church  of  England  in  Ireland.  His 
Grace  also  believed  that,  "  there  never  was  a  country  which  advanced,"  as 
Ireland  had,  since  the  "Union,"  He,  therefore,  cautioned  the  house 
against  agreeing  with  "the  noble  Earl's  motion."  Earl  Fortescue  said, 
"  When  a  measure  had  been  passed  which  denied  a  man  the  right  of  eo-ress 
or  ingress  to  his  home.  Parliament  was  bound  to  look  into  the  causes  which 
made  such  a  law  necessary."] 

I  take  the  liberty  of  referring  to  the  work  which  was  brought 
before  the  Association,  on  the  last  day  of  meeting,  by  my  friend, 
Mr.  Mitchel. 

From  the  distribution  of  this  work  I  anticipate  the  best  results. 
I  do  not  confine  my  view  to  the  information  it  will  afford.  Exten- 
sive as  this  may  be,  I  look  further  on,  and  foresee  the  new  sym- 
pathies it  will  awaken.  From  this  work,  the  people  will  learn  to 
esteem  the  abilities  of  an  honest  man,  though  he  be  their  oppo- 


36  -  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

iient  on  many  questions,  and  to  appreciate  the  industrial  lessons  he 
has  taught,  though  from  his  political  tenets  they  may  have  reason 
to  dissent. 

The  impression,  I  conceive,  has  too  long  prevailed,  in  Ireland, 
that  men  of  conservative  principles,  without  exception,  were  faith- 
less teachers,  cherishing  no  affection  for  their  country,  inculcating 
no  truths  which  the  public  might  accept  with  confidence  and  act 
upon  with  success.  Here  is  a  conservative  gentleman,  an  accom- 
plished scholar,  an  honorable  citizen,  sympathizing  with  the  work- 
ing classes  of  this  country,  asserting  the  rights  of  labor,  and 
claiming,  for  Lish  industry,  the  protection  it  requires  ! 

With  the  permission  of  the  meeting,  I  will  read  an  extract 
illustrative  of  what  I  have  now  stated,  in  which  the  benevolence 
of  the  philanthropist  derives  a  new  lustre  from  the  eloquence  of 
the  scholar : — 

"  Every  man  in  this  country  is  born  a  member  of  a  great  and 
powerful  society ;  and  we  never  hesitate  to  act  towards  him  on 
the  supposition  that  his  being  born  so  gives  that  society  rights  to 
be  enforced  against  him.  Equally  true  is  it  that  he  has  a  birth- 
right by  being  born  a  member  of  society.  One  pennyworth  of 
property  he  may  not  inherit ;  his  parents  may  not  leave  him  one 
foot  of  the  earth  on  which  he  may  freely  walk ;  one  chattel  arti- 
cle that  the  conventional  laws  of  society  may  permit  him  to  call 
his  own  ;  all  that  he  sees  may  be  appropriated  to  others'  use ;  but 
yet,  as  a  member  of  our  community,  born  by  God's  ordinance, 
subject  to  its  laws,  and  owing,  independently  of  any  choice  of  his 
own,  an  allegiance  to  its  authority,  he  has  a  birthright,  as  sacred 
and  indefeasible  as  the  right  by  which  the  sovereign  inherits  the 
crown,  the  peer  his  privilege,  or  the  lord  of  broad  acres  his  estate. 
In  the  words  of  the  greatest  of  political  philosophers,  he  has  '  a 
right  to  all  that  society,  with  all  its  combinations  of  skill  and  capi- 
tal, can  do  in  his  favor.'  In  the  words  of  one  greater  than  man — 
the  words  in  which  is  recorded  the  primeval  sentence  of  our  race 
— a  sentence  which  contains  at  once  the  hard  lot  of  the  laboring 


POLITICAL  ECONOMY MORALITY  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT.  37 

man,  and  the  great  charter  of  his  rights — a  charter  prior  to  the 
authority  of  states  or  the  rights  of  property — he  has  a  right  '  in 
the  sweat  of  his  brow  to  eat  bread.'  That  society  has  forgotten 
its  duties  in  which  such  a  claim  as  this  is  not  answered ;  in  the 
social  or  economic  system  of  that  country  in  which  men  are  wal- 
ling to  work  and  cannot  earn  their  bread,  there  is  something  radi- 
cally wrong.  The  right  of  every  man  in  the  land  is,  to  the 
utmost  of  all  the  power  of  the  society  that  claims  him  as  a  mem- 
ber, to  have  the  power  of  earning  a  livelihood  secured  to  him. 
This  is  the  first,  the  elder  duty  of  society.  It  is  vain  to  speak  of 
the  blessings  of  increasing  national  wealth,  if  to  this  you  sacrifice 
the  comforts  of  the  poor.  Better,  far  better  for  the  country,  would 
be  the  state  of  things  which  would  give  to  every  working  man 
in  the  country  the  assurance  that  his  industry  would  command, 
for  its  reasonable  exertion,  the  means  of  livelihood,  than  the  most 
brilliant  prospects  which  could  be  opened  of  wealth  to  our  mer- 
chants, of  magnificence  to  our  nobles,  or  aggrandizement  to  our 
manufacturers."  * 

Sir,  this  work  will  efface,  I  trust,  a  serious  prejudice,  convincing 
us  that  the  name  of  an  opponent  is  no  index  to  the  merits  of  his 
book.  It  will  teach  us,  from  henceforth,  to  act  irrespective  of  the 
partialities  of  sect  or  party,  and  to  cherish  great  truths  from  what- 
ever source  they  emanate.  On  the  other  hand,  I  trust  that  the 
distribution  of  this  work  will  convince  our  opponents  of  the  impar- 
tiality of  this  Association,  and  win  from  them  a  confidence  in  our 
acts,  which,  as  yet,  they  have  been  reluctant  to  concede. 

It  is  thus  that  political  discussions  will  in  time  assume  a  new 
feature  in  this  country,  and  an  interchange  of  sound  opinion  and 
generous  sentiment,  between  the  diff'erent  political  schools,  will 
supersede,  I  trust,  that  rude  conflict  in  which  the  passions,  more 
than  the  intellect,  of  those  schools  have  been  heretofore  enofacred. 

There  is  one  passage  on  absenteeism,  to  which,  for  a  moment,  I 
wish  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  meetino-. 

In   page  94,  Mj-.  Butt  writes  : — "  In  two  ways  we  have  clearly 


38  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

seen  that  abseuteeism  is  injurious  to  this  country.  It  withdraws 
from  a  country  where  the  people  are  ill  fed,  the  food  that  is  raised 
in  it,  and  forces  us  to  export  that  produce  at  a  disadvantage." 

He  then  refutes  the  argument  of  Mr.  McCuUoch  ;  and,  in  page 
95,  having  given  it  as  his  opinion — and  in  this  opinion  I  think  we 
must  all  concur — that  the  exportation  of  Irish  agricultural  produce 
is  now  an  evil,  because  it  is  so  grievously  wanted  at  home,  and 
that  the  encouragement  of  our  home  industry,  or  any  other  pro- 
cess which  would  retain  it  at  home,  would  be  a  blessing  to  the 
land — having  given  this  opinion,  he  thus  concludes  this  part  of 
his  second  lecture  : — 

"  But  we  do  not  disguise  from  ourselves,  that,  while  we  assert 
these  propositions  as  true  of  the  particular  case,  they  involve  prin- 
ciples that  are  capable  of  a  far  wider  application ;  and  that,  palpa- 
ble and  manifest  as  is  the  evil  in  the  case  of  a  country  export- 
ing produce,  while  its  people  have  not  food  at  home,  that  evil  is, 
that  foreign  trade  is,  in  this  instance,  made  the  instrument  of  the 
monopoly  of  wealth  ;  and,  equally  with  absenteeism,  enables  those, 
who  have  riches,  to  spend  the  resources  of  the  country  upon  them- 
selves, and,  at  the  same  time,  escape  the  effect  of  the  compen- 
sating principle  of  being  obliged  to  resort  to  the  employment 
of  home  labor  for  that  end,  a  principle  which  would  oblige  them 
to  share  those  resources  with  others,  in  the  very  process  by  which 
they  spend  them  upon  themselves." 

Sir,  it  is  perfectly  useless  to  state  grievances,  unless  we  propose 
their  redress.  And  here,  whilst  we  must  admire  the  intelligence 
with  which  the  cardinal  evil  of  this  country  is  discussed,  we  can- 
not fail  to  express  our  regret,  that,  in  his  public  capacity — not  as  a 
professor  of  the  national  University,  but  as  an  Irish  citizen,  and  as 
a  distinguished  member  of  your  Corporation — Mr.  Butt  has  not 
been  the  advocate  of  that  measure  by  which  alone  you  can 
diminish,  to  a  great  extent,  if  you  do  not  wholly  eradicate,  this 
exhausting  evil. 


POLITICAL  ECONOMY MORALITY  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT.         39 

Absenteeism,  it  is  true,  is  an  evil  from  which  Ireland  has  always 
suffered,  and  severely  suffered.  "  It  is  a  calamity,"  writes  Mr. 
Staunton,  in  his  able  essay  on  the  Union,  "  peculiarly  Irish."  But 
if,  as  it  has  been  frequently  urged,  absenteeism  existed  before  the 
Union,  the  Union  has  magnified  the  evil.  In  fact,  the  Union 
enforces  absenteeism,  and  renders  it  incumbent.  If  we  are  to 
have  attentive  legislators,  as  I  have  often  said,  we  must  have  per- 
manent absentees. 

The  imposition  of  an  absentee-tax  is  advised  by  some,  with  a 
view  to  counteract  this  evil.  I  should  hesitate  to  urge  this  mea- 
sure, for,  in  the  first  instance,  it  is  a  direct  interference  with  indi- 
vidual liberty. 

There  is  but  one  just  measure,  I  conceive,  which  will  countervail 
this  evil.  Let  this  city  become  the  seat  of  legislation,  and  it  will 
become  the  seat  of  opulence.  National  obligations,  the  privileges 
of  rank,  private  interests,  personal  ambition,  every  motive  that  can 
actuate  the  man,  will  then  enforce  a  residence  in  this  country  of 
those  who,  by  their  position  in  society,  their  education  and 
resources,  are  qualified  to  be  the  efficient  guardians  of  its  interests. 
Till  then,  absenteeism  will  prevail,  and  you  must  suffer. 

Before  I  turn  to  other  subjects,  I  wish  to  allude  to  a  circum- 
stance which  occurred  here  on  the  last  day  of  meeting.  From 
this  work,  Mr.  Mitchel,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  cited  an 
extract,  in  which  this  country  is  likened  to  "  an  island  of  slaves 
toiling  under  the  lash  of  task-masters  in  another  country,  and 
retaining  for  themselves  but  what  the  regulation  of  the  driver 
allows  them." 

The  similitude  was  denied.  It  met  with  an  indignant  contra- 
diction, and  you  received  the  contradiction  with  enthusiasm.  You 
were  not  slaves,  you  were  freemen — this  was  the  exulting  cry  ! 

I  ask  you,  are  you  freemen  ? 

It  is  true  you  possess  the  spirit,  but  do  you  possess  the  authority 


40  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

of  freemen  ?     I  ask  you  for  your  senate — it  has  been  sold  !     Your 
flag — it  is  proscribed  !     Your  commerce — it  is  wrecked  ! 

Who  governs  you  ?  An  English  minister — the  nominee  of  the 
English  Commons.  Whence  come  the  laws  to  which  you  must 
submit  ?  From  an  English  parliament — a  parliament  responsible 
to  English  constituencies,  independent  of  the  Irish. 

Your  Castle — is  there  a  national  guard  at  the  gate  ?  Who 
holds  his  court  there  ?  Is  it  a  peer,  with  the  blood  of  the  Geral- 
dines  in  his  veins  ?  Is  Butler  there  ?  Is  St.  Lawrence  there,  who 
bears  a  sainted  name  in  virtue  of  a  battle-vow,  plighted  on  the 
Irish  Marathon  ?  Is  Clanricarde  there  ?  Is  O'Neill  there,  on 
whose  shield  gleams  the  red  hand  of  Tyrone  ?  Is  Charlemont, 
the  son  of  the  armed  patriot  of  '82,  the  Irish  Viceroy  ? 

Who  is  the  Secretary  ?  An  Irish  conservative  ?  A  gentleman 
with  an  interest  in  the  country,  and  linked  to  it  by  native  sympa- 
thies ?  No.  A  stranger.  An  English  nobleman — sent  over 
here,  to  go  through  his  official  novitiate  in  Dublin,  before  he  is 
professed  as  a  cabinet  minister  in  London. 

"  The  Archbishop  of  Dublin  is  an  Englishman  " — writes  the 
Evening  Mail — *'  the  chief  administrator  of  the  Irish  poor  law  is 
an  Englishman  ;  the  paymaster  of  the  Irish  civil  services  is  a 
Scotchman ;  the  chief  commissioner  of  the  Irish  pubhc  works  is 
an  Englishman ;  the  teller  of  the  Exchequer  is  an  Englishman  ; 
the  chief  officer  of  the  Irish  post-office  is  an  Englishman  ;  the  col- 
lector of  excise  is  a  Scotchman  ;  the  head  of  the  revenue  police  is 
an  Enghshman ;  the  second  in  command  is  a  Scotchman  ;  the 
persons  employed  in  the  collection  of  the  customs,  &c.,  are  English 
or  Scotch,  in  proportion  of  thirty-five  to  one." 

Thus,  you  see,  that,  whilst  the  Irish  belong  to  Ireland,  Ireland 
does  not  belong  to  the  Irish.  The  fate  of  Venice  is  your  fate. 
Your  country  has  passed  from  your  hands.  The  curse  of  Faliero 
has  crossed  from  the  Adriatic — it  is  here  fulfilled  : — 


POLITICAL  ECONOMY MORALITY  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT.         41 

"  She  shall  be  bought 
And  sold,  and  be  an  appanage  to  those 
Who  shall  despise  her." 

Sir,  we  must  not  deceive  ourselves.  We  have  yet  to  win  the  title 
of  free  citizens.  That  title  can  only  be  conferred  by  that  Senate 
which  we  have  vowed  shall  yet  hold  council  in  this  the  Irish  capital. 
Till  then,  we  occupy  no  European  position  ;  our  country  remains  a 
powerless  tributary,  a  reproach  to  ourselves — more  so  than  to 
England. 

The  Earl  Grey,  in  prefacing  his  motion  for  inquiry  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  a  few  days  since,  is  reported  to  have  said,  that  the  con- 
dition of  Ireland  was  a  disgrace  and  a  reproach  to  England.  For 
once,  let  us  acquit  England  and  blame  ourselves. 

The  fact  is  unquestionable — we  lost  faith  in  our  own  powers, 
and  looked  to  England  for  redress.  We  asked  for  justice,  with- 
drawing our  demand  for  independence.  What  then  ?  We  sub- 
mitted to  the  Union — we  recognized  the  English  parliament  as  the 
trustee  of  Irish  interests,  and  we  must  now  submit  to  the  conse- 
quences of  that  recognition — national  discomfiture,  national  dis- 
honor. 

But,  Sir,  I  forget  that  I  speak  to  men  who,  warned  by  the  past, 
stand  pledged  to  redeem  the  national  honor.  I  forget  that  I  speak 
to  men,  who  will  not  consent  to  the  Union,  even  on  the  most 
profitable  terms  that  can  be  proposed,  and  who,  if  the  debasing 
alternative  is  suggested,  will  not  accept  the  remedial  measures 
they  require,  for  the  stately  independence  they  ambition. 

Our  rulers  are  indeed  mistaken,  if  they  suppose  that  this 
Association  will  conclude  its  labors,  when  the  wrongs,  from  which 
it  sprung,  have  been  redressed. 

I  myself  believe,  that  the  redress  of  those  wrongs  will  not  pre- 
cede, but  follow,  the  Repeal.  The  question  of  redress,  however, 
does  not  afiect  the  question  of  Repeal.  The  true  nationalist 
aspires  to  legislative  independence,  and  will  not  stop  short  at  legis- 


42  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

lative  amelioration.  The  mission,  to  which  he  consecrates  the 
energies  of  his  mind,  will  not  be  accomplished,  until  the  indi- 
viduality of  this  nation  shall  have  been  fully  recognized.  He  will 
not  desist  when  he  repairs,  for  he  has  been  inspired  to  regenerate. 
To  be  distinct — our  object  is  Irish  independence,  not  Whig  reform. 

This  alone  can  justify  the  sacrifices  of  the  people,  and  authorize 
the  claims  that  have  been  made  upon  their  resources.  An  object 
less  exalted  would  be  incommensurate  with  the  generosity  of  the 
people,  as  it  would  be  unworthy  the  genius  of  their  leaders. 

It  is  well  to  state  our  purpose  thus  distinctly,  for  English  poli- 
ticians, treating  on  Ireland,  now  propose  equality. 

Sir,  we  will  not  be  satisfied  with  what  they  call  equality.  It  is 
a  disguise  for  subjection. 

Equality !  What  is  the  English  signification  of  that  term  ? 
Provincialism  improved.  Extended  franchises,  additional  repre- 
sentatives, municipal  privileges — what  are  these  ?  They  are  rights. 
How  do  they  come  ?  They  come  as  indulgences.  For  what  do 
they  come  ?     They  come  to  bribe  and  pacify  the  province. 

Look  to  the  game  of  the  imperialists.  There  was  an  Arms-Act 
last  week — there  is  a  sympathetic  motion  for  inquiry  in  the 
present.  This  week  the  English  Lords  study  to  make  us  amenable 
to  English  rule  by  concession,  having  in  the  last  set  us  against 
English  rule  by  coercion.  This  week  they  would  affiliate — last 
week  they  repelled.  To-day  they  enact  Mark  Anthony,  and  read 
their  dismal  orations — yesterday  they  signed  a  death-warrant,  and 
stabbed  like  Brutus. 

They  are  anxious,  at  last,  to  benefit  the  country,  it  is  said.  Sir, 
they  would  legislate  to  save  the  Union,  not  to  benefit  the  country. 

But  granting  that  their  intentions  are  the  best,  and  their  acts 
the  most  advisable,  their  legislation,  however  beneficial,  will  but 
improve  the  province — it  will  not  reinstate  the  nation.  Legislation 
like  this  may  give  to  us  the  franchises  of  an  English  county  ;  it 
will  not  restore  to  us  the  prerogatives  of  the  Irish  Kingdom. 


POLITICAL  ECONOMY MORALITY  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT.         43 

Again,  wliilst  it  corrects  the  political  system,  whilst  it  improves 
the  material  condition,  it  will  destroy  the  spiritual  elements  of  the 
people,  from  which  elements  the  people  derive  their  true  nobility. 
Deprive  a  people  of  the  faculties  of  legislation  ;  transfer  them,  or 
rather,  I  should  say,  after  fifty  years  of  disastrous  experiment, 
ratify  the  usurpation  of  them ;  and  you  take  away  from  that  peo- 
ple every  generous  incentive  to  action,  you  enervate  the  public 
spirit,  you  exonerate  that  people  from  their  just  responsibilities, 
and  you  generate  amongst  them  an  indiiference  to  the  condition 
of  their  country.  If  that  condition  deteriorates,  this  unprivileged 
people  will  not  hold  themselves  responsible — they  are  not  respon- 
sible. If  it  improves,  the  credit  is  not  theirs.  They  may  partake 
in  the  advantage,  they  do  not  participate  in  the  honor.  To  pre- 
serve that  condition,  therefore,  they  will  not  be  solicitous.  If  they 
be  solicitous,  mere  interest  will  prompt  them,  national  pride  will 
not.  Thus  you  call  all  the  meaner  instincts  into  play,  and  sup- 
press the  dictates  of  public  virtue.  Where  these  do  not  operate 
the  community  degenerates.  It  ceases  to  be  honest — it  becomes 
corrupt.  Becoming  corrupt,  the  crown  cannot  calculate  upon  its 
loyalty,  nor  the  priesthood  upon  its  faith.  To  govern  a  commu- 
nity like  this,  you  must  institute  the  spy  system  of  Paris.  The 
minister  will  require  the  abilities  of  a  Fouche,  and  a  secret  police 
will  constitute  his  most  efficient  cabinet.  ^ 

But  let  this  people  exercise  the  faculties  of  legislation,  and 
become,  as  they  ought  to  be,  responsible  for  the  condition  of  their 
country — the  scene  alters.  National  pride  exists  where  national 
power  resides.  Where  a  serious  responsibility  is  imposed,  an 
earnest  solicitude  will  inspire.  Public  virtue  will  have  its  incentive 
and  reward.  Conscious  of  the  trust  they  hold — conscious  that  its 
abuse  will  be  their  reproach,  if  not  their  downfall — conscious  that 
its  preservation  will  prove  their  advantage,  if  not  their  glory — the 
people  will  guard  it  with  integrity,  and,  justly  feeling  that  the 
national  character  is  ennobled  by  the  legislative  trust,  they  will  be 


44  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

ever  anxious  to  avoid  a  course  that  may  degrade  the  one  and  vio- 
late the  other. 

Sir,  it  has  been  well  observed  by  Mr.  Barry,  in  his  Prize  Essay 
on  Repeal,  that  there  are  many  things  in  independence,  besides 
laws,  that  raise  a  people.  "  Self-control,"  he  writes,  "  begets  self- 
reliance — national  pride  begets  personal  dignity.  The  rivalry  of 
the  state  with  other  states,  in  industry,  frugality,  and  enterprise, 
creates  a  like  rivalry  amongst  her  citizens.  Liberty  is  not  only 
herself  a  blessing,  but,  like  charity,  has  a  breast  to  nurse  a  thou- 
sand virtues." 

This  is  the  eloquent  sentiment  of  one  with  whose  name  you  are 
well  familiar — one  who  has  dedicated  the  energies  of  his  accom- 
plished mind  to  the  service  of  that  country — the  expanding  free- 
dom, not  less  than  the  reviving  literature  of  which  has  acquired 
an  impulse  from  his  spirit,  and  a  lustre  from  his  genius.  In  this 
sentiment  we  all  concur  ;  and,  Sir,  inspired  by  this  sentiment,  we 
here  repudiate  provincialism,  and  insist  on  nationhood. 

As  our  claim  is  great,  our  struggle  may  be  long.  Our  most 
serious  difficulty,  however,  lies  at  home.  From  the  divisions  of 
Irish  society,  the  chief  obstacles  to  Irish  freedom  arise.  Our 
strongest  effort,  then,  must  be  to  confederate.  There  are  impres- 
sions which  we  must  remove,  before  we  are  enabled  to  confederate. 
Our  oonduct,  more  than  our  professions,  will  efface  these  impres- 
sions. 

To  be  candid  with  you,  many  independent  men,  men  of  edu- 
cated minds  and  manly  principles,  who  serve  their  country  in  the 
silent  walks  of  literature  and  science,  would  join  us,  did  they  not 
conceive,  that  we  here  exact  too  strict  a  conformity  of  opinion  upon 
the  various  political  subjects  of  the  day.  We  will  remove  this 
impression,  if  we  prove  ourselves  upon  every  occasion  the  friends 
of  independent  opinion,  and  the  free  assertion  of  that  opinion. 

Why  should  it  not  be  so  ?  Freedom  of  thought  is  a  right  pre- 
scribed by  no  human  authority.     It  is  older  than  the  sceptre  of  the 


POLITICAL  ECONOMY MORALITY  OF  SELF-GOVERNMENT.         45 

king,  or  the  mitre  of  tlie  prelate.  It  comes  from  tlie  hand  that 
moulded  an  image  of  the  Divinity,  from  the  clay  of  the  young 
world  ;  and  kindling  therein  a  soul  as  indestructible  as  that  hand 
itself,  gave  to  it  the  universe  for  a  home,  and  an  eternity  for  its 
career.  It  is  the  first  right  of  man.  As  it  is  the  first  right  of 
man,  so  governments  should  guard,  and  society  assert  it.  It  is  the 
great  right  on  which  the  institutions  of  a  country  must  be  based, 
so  that  society  may  not  be  a  servitude,  nor  government  a  despo- 
tism. 

Respecting  the  opinion  of  others,  let  us  firmly  inculcate  our 
own.  Thus  shall  we,  I  trust,  in  time,  originate  in  this  country  one 
sentiment — common  to  all  creeds,  all  grades,  all  parties — a 
national  sentiment.  When  that  sentiment  shall  have  become  the 
grand  sentiment  of  the  country,  the  revolution  is  accomplished. 

That  it  will  develope,  and  become  the  sentiment  of  the  country, 
I  sincerely  believe.  In  many  instances,  I  know  that  it  exists  where 
it  does  not  act.  In  many  instances,  I  have  known  it  to  break  out 
w^here  the  partizan  heart  for  a  moment  forgot  its  prejudices,  and 
swelled  beyond  them.  It  is  the  most  enduring  sentiment  of  nature 
— it  is  the  first  sentiment  that  awakes  in  the  heart — it  is  the  last 
that  dies  within  it.  It  is  the  sentiment  of  the  child,  when  his 
bright  eyes  scan,  for  the  first  time,  the  grand  and  beautiful  image 
of  his  native^land — it  is  the  sentiment  of  the  old  man,  when  he  is 
told,  that,  in  a  few  days,  he  will  be  a  portion  of  its  soil. 

Various  influences,  I  admit,  will  suppress  it  for  a  time.  In  their 
career  through  life,  men  will  be  influenced  by  the  less  generous 
passions  of  the  heart,  and  may  be  taught  to  separate  themselves 
from  the  country  for  whose  service  they  were  born,  and  dedicate 
their  energies  to  the  service  of  a  class.  Others,  devoting  them- 
selves to  a  less  honorable  mission,  may  wholly  isolate  their 
thoughts,  and  seek  personal  preferment  at  the  sacrifice  both  of 
class  and  country.  But  if  they  do,  they  have  their  moments  of 
remorse,  and  in  the  loftiest  position  to  which  their  genius  or  their 


46  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

wealth  may  elevate  them,  tlie  spirit  of  childhood — which  accom- 
panies the  oldest  even  to  the  grave — will  awahe  within  them,  and 
chide  them  with  the  abandonment  of  that  country,  which,  when 
their  affections  were  free  and  pure,  they  loved  with  enthusiasm, 
and  to  guard  the  liberties  of  which,  in  a  soldier's  garb,  was  once 
the  prayer  of  their  generous  boyhood. 

ISTo,  Sir,  this  love  of  country  never  becomes  wholly  extinct. 
Here  it  has  lingered,  I  believe,  in  every  heart.  For  years  it  has 
lingered  through  ruins,  and  gleamed  over  a  mournful  history. 
Now  it  acts  through  many^  and  we  would  have  it  become  the  reli- 
gion of  all.  There  is  nothing  true,  nothing  generous,  nothing 
great,  without  it.  Poetry  has  no  inspiration,  society  no  charm, 
the  song  no  melody,  the  arts  no  impulse,  eloquence  no  fire,  indus- 
try no  nerve,  where  the  national  sentiment  is  weak.  In  every 
country,  save  our  own,  it  has  been  the  guiding  sentiment. 

But  here,  at  last,  it  has  come  to  life.  The  first  fact  of  the  pre- 
dicted regeneration  has  taken  place — a  soul  hath  come  into  Ire- 
land— and  that  soul  will  burn  on,  until  the  last  vestige  of  the 
province  is  consumed,  and,  from  the  ashes,  a  new  nation  ascends, 
which  man  shall  learn  to  respect,  and  heaven  shall  consecrate ! 


IMPRISONMENT  OF  MR.  SMITH  O'BRIEN  BY  THE  HOUSE 

OF  COMMONS. 

Conciliation  Hall,  Dublin,  10th  May,  1846. 

[In  May,  1845,  the  London  Standard  was  of  opinion,  that  there  would 
be  "no  difficulty  in  framing  a  statute,  giving  force  to  the  Speaker's  warrant, 
to  justify  arrest  and  cautionary  imprisonment,  for  such  specific  delinquen- 
cies as  refusing  to  attend  a  summons  duly  issued  and  served."  The  atten- 
tion of  the  Standard  was  drawn  to  this  subject,  by  a  letter  addressed  to  the 
editor,  which  asserted,  on  "pretty  good  authority,"  that  Mr.  Joseph  Hume's 
notice  of  motion,  on  Monday,  May  5th,  for  a  "  call "  of  the  House  on  the 
Friday  following,  was  preconcerted  with  Mr.  O'Connell,  for  the  purpose  of 
allowing  the  latter  an  opportunity  of  refusing  to  attend,  and  testing  the 
compulsory  powers  of  the  Commons.  The  Standard,  though,  "not  highly 
estimating  "  the  character  of  Mr.  Hume,  "  could  not  think  so  badly"  of  him, 
as  to  believe  him  concerned  in  the  "vile  scheme"  intimated  by  its  corres- 
pondent. It  was  of  opinion,  however,  that,  in  the  state  of  the  law  at  the 
time,  "  an  attempt  to  enforce  the  threatened  call  of  the  house  would  be,  at 
the  least,  extremely  indiscreet."  It  had  "  considerable  doubt "  in  the 
power  of  the  Commons  to  "  coerce  the  persons  of  its  members  beyond  the 
sea."  "Before  the  Union,  the  British  House  of  Commons  had  no  such 
power,"  nor  did  they  see  "  anything  in  the  Union  Act  to  confer  it."  Mr. 
O'Connell  declared  the  "vile  scheme"  a  falsehood,  and  also,  that,  if  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  issued  a  warrant,  and  sent  it  to 
Ireland,  "  to  try  and  enforce  the  attendance  of  such  Irish  members  as 
remained  away  from  Parliament,"  he,  for  one,  would  "  refuse  to  obey  it.'' 
In  June,  1845,  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  and  Mr.  John  O'Connell  refused  to  serve 
on  any  committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  unless  the  business  before  it 
had  particular  reference  to  Ireland.  In  reply  to  a  circular  from  the  Chair- 
man of  "  Selection  of  Eailway  Committees  " — informing  him  that  his  name 
was  on  the  list  to  supply  members  for  the  Railway  Committees,  and  that 


48  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

his  attendance  would  be  necessary  from  July  the  14th,  for  the  purpose  of 
serving,  if  required — Mr.  O'Brien  wrote  the  following  letter : — 

"  London,  Oxford  and  Cambridge  Club,  Pall  Mall,  June  30. 

'*  Sir, — I  had  the  honor  of  receiving,  on  Saturday  afternoon,  a  letter 
dated  28th  June,  and  signed  'Henry  Creed,'  to  the  following  effect : — '  I  am 
directed  by  the  Committee  of  Selection  to  inform  you  that  your  name  is  on 
the  list  from  which  members  will  be  selected  to  serve  on  Railway  Com- 
mittees, which  will  commence  their  sittings  in  the  week  beginning  Monday 
the  14th  July,  during  which  week  it  will  be  necessary  for  you  to  be  in 
attendance,  for  the  purpose  of  serving,  if  required,  on  a  Railway  com- 
mittee.' 

"  I  trust  that  the  Committee  of  Selection  will  not  think  that  I  am 
prompted  by  any  feeling  of  disrespect  towards  them,  or  towards  the  House 
of  Commons,  when  I  inform  them  that  it  is  my  intention  not  to  serve  on 
any  committees,  except  such  as  may  be  appointed  with  reference  to  the 
affairs  of  Ireland. 

"I  accepted  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Commons,  in  the  hope  of  being 
thereb}^  enabled  to  assist  in  improving  the  condition  of  the  land  of  my 
birth.  So  long  as  I  continued  to  believe  that  I  could  serve  Ireland 
effectually  in  the  House  of  Commons,  I  shrank  from  none  of  the  labors 
which  are  connected  with  the  varied  functions  of  that  assembly.  During 
twelve  years  I  attended  Parliament  with  an  assiduity  of  which  I  might  feel 
disposed  to  boast,  if  the  time  so  consumed  by  the  House,  and  by  myself, 
had  been  productive  of  results  useful  to  my  native  country. 

"  Experience  and  observation  at  length  forced  upon  my  mind  the  convic- 
tion, that  the  British  parliament  is  incompetent,  through  want  of  know- 
ledge, if  not  through  want  of  inclination,  to  legislate  wisely  for  Ireland, 
and  that  our  national  interests  can  be  protected  and  fostered  only  through 
the  instrumentality  of  an  Irish  legislature. 

"  Since  this  conviction  has  established  itself  in  my  mind,  I  have  felt  per- 
suaded that  the  labors  of  the  Irish  members,  though  of  little  avail  in  the 
British  Parliament,  might,  if  applied  in  Ireland  with  prudence  and  energy, 
be  effectual  in  obtaining  for  the  Irish  people  their  national  rights. 

"I  have  reason  to  believe,  that  in  this  opinion  a  very  large  majority  of 
my  constituents  concur.  To  them  alone  I  hold  myself  responsible  for  the 
performance  of  my  parliamentary  duties.  If  they  had  disapproved  of  my 
continued  absence  from  the  House  of  Commons,  I  should  have  felt  it  my 


IMPRISONMENT    OF    MR.    SMITH    o'bRIEN.  49 

duty  to  liave  withdrawn  from  the  representation  of  the  County  Limerick  ; 
but  I  liave  the  satisfaction  of  thinking  that  I  not  only  consult  the  interests, 
but  also  comply  with  the  wishes,  of  my  constituents,  in  declining  to  engage 
in  the  struggles  of  English  party ;  or  to  involve  myself  in  the  details  of 
English  legislation. 

"While  such  have  been  the  general  impressions  under  which  I  have 
absented  myself  during  nearly  two  years  from  the  House  of  Commons,  I 
yet  do  not  feel  myself  at  liberty  to  forego  whatever  power  of  resistance,  to 
the  progress  of  pernicious  legislation,  my  office  of  representative  may  con- 
fer upon  me.  Upon  the  present  occasion,  I  have  come  to  London  for  the 
purpose  of  endeavoring  to  induce  the  House  of  Commons,  or  rather  the 
government,  who  appear  to  command  the  opinions  of  a  large  majority  of 
the  House,  to  modify  some  of  the  Irish  measures  now  before  parliament, 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  them  beneficial,  instead  of  injurious,  to 
Ireland. 

"Desiring  that  none  but  the  representatives  of  the  Irish  nation  should 
legislate  for  Ireland,  we  have  no  wish  to  intermeddle  with  the  affairs  of 
England  or  Scotland,  except  in  so  far  as  they  may  be  connected  with  the 
interests  of  Ireland,  or  with  the  general  policy  of  the  Empire. 

"  In  obedience  to  this  principle,  I  have  abstained  from  voting  on  English 
and  Scotch  questions  of  a  local  nature  ;  and  the  same  motive  now  induces 
me  to  decline  attendance  on  committees  on  any  private  hills,  except  such 
as  relate  to  Ireland. 

"  I  am  prepared  to  abide  with  cheerfulness  the  personal  consequences 
which  may  result  from  the  course  of  conduct  which  I  feel  it  my  duty  to 
adopt. 

"  I  speak  with  great  diffidence  upon  any  question  of  a  legal  kind,  but  I 
am  supported  by  very  high  professional  authority,  when  I  suggest  to  the 
committee,  that  no  power  was  delegated  to  the  House  of  Commons,  by  the 
Act  of  Union,  or  by  subsequent  statutes,  to  compel  the  attendance  of  Irish 
members  on  the  deliberation  of  the  British  Parliament. 

"  Neither  do  I  find  that  any  authority  has  been  given  by  statutory  enact- 
ment to  the  House  (except  in  the  case  of  election  petitions,)  to  enforce  the 
attendance  of  members  upon  committees. 

"  I  refrain,  however,  from  arguing  legal  questions  which  may  be  raised 
before  another  tribunal,  in  ease  it  should  become  necessary  and  advisable 
to  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  the  courts  of 
judicature,  and  conclude  by  assuring  the  committee  that  I  take  the  coui'se 

3 


50  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

•wliich  I  propose  to  adopt,  not  from  any  desire  to  defy  the  just  authority  of 
the  House  of  Commons,  but  in  obedience  to  my  sense  of  the  duty  which  I 
owe  to  my  constituents  and  to  my  country. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  WILLIA3I  S.  O'Brien. 
"  To  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Selection,  &c" 

Mr.  J.  O'Connell  intimated  his  refusal  in  the  following  letter  : —    • 

"  British  Hotel,  Jermtn  Street. 
"  Sir — I  liave  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  notification  by  order  of 
your  committee,  to  the  effect,  that  my  attendance  in  parliament  will  be 
required  during  the  week  beginning  Monday,  14th  July,  for  the  purpose  of 
serving,  if  chosen,  on  a  railway  committee. 

"  Yv'ith  every  respect  to  you.  Sir,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  I 
absolutely  decline  attending. 

"  I,  like  some  others,  came  to  London,  the  first  time  this  session,  about  a 
fortnight  ago,  to  remonstrate  against,  and  endeavor  to  resist  the  plan  of 
infidel  education  which  the  government  are  forcing  upon  Ireland.  We  had 
not,  nor  for  some  years  have  had,  the  slightest  hope  of  obtaining  any  mea- 
sure of  good  from  a  foreign  parliament;  but  we  came  against  our  better 
judgments,  that  it  might  not  be  said  we  had  not  gone  all  lengths  to  endea- 
vor to  deter  the  government  from  a  scheme  so  redolent  of  political  corrup- 
tion, social  profligacy,  and  religious  infidelity. 

"  We  came  armed  with  multitudinous  petitions  of  the  people,  and  the 
strong,  unanimous,  and  most  decided  protest  of  our  revered  prelacy  and 
clergy. 

"  We  were,  of  course,  mocked  at,  derided,  and  refused ;  but  what  is  of 
infinitely  more  consequence,  the  voices  of  our  prelates,  and  of  the  faithful 
people  of  Ireland,  have  been  treated  with  utter  contempt — even  Irish 
Catholics  (yielding  to  the  unwholesome  atmosphere  around  them,)  joining 
in  the  contemptuous  refusal. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  Sir,  I  certainly  will  not  suff"er  that  portion 
of  the  people  of  Ireland  who  have  entrusted  their  representation  to  my 
charge,  to  be  further  mocked  at  and  insulted  in  my  person.  I  go  to  where 
I  can  best  discharge  my  duty  to  them  and  to  Ireland  (m  Ireland,)  there  to 
struggle  with  doubtless  as  little  ability,  but  with  ^pore  energ}^,  and  if  jiossi- 
ble,  more  whole-hearted  devotion  than  ever,  to  put  an  end  to  the  present 


IMPRISOKMENT    OF    MR.    SMITH    o'bRIEN.  51 

degradation  of  my  country,  and  obtain  for  her  that  which  can  alone  ensure 
protection  to  her  interests,  relief  to  her  many  wants,  and  peace,  freedom, 
and  happiness  to  her  long  oppressed  and  long-enduring  people. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

"  Your  yery  faithful  servant, 

"John  O'Connell. 
"The  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Selection  of  Railways." 

These  letters  were  inserted  on  the  minutes  of  the  Committee  of  Selec- 
tion and  no  further  notice  taken  of  them  at  the  time.  Concurring  in  their 
views,  the  rest  of  the  Repeal  members  came  to  the  determination  not  to 
attend  on  any  of  the  English  or  Scotch  railway  committees.  An  oppor- 
tunity soon  occurred,  to  test  the  sincerity  of  that  resolution.  On  April 
3d,  1846,  Mr.  O'Brien  received  a  circular,  similar  to  the  former  one,  from 
the  "  Committee  of  Selection,"  stating  that  his  presence  was  necessary  on 
the  2'7th  inst.  In  sending  a  reply,  Mr.  O'Brien  enclosed  a  copy  of  his  pre- 
vious communication,  and,  in  allusion  to  it,  writes : — 

"  I  have  not  seen  any  reason,  since  that  letter  was  written,  to  change  the 
determination  therein  expressed.  Indeed,  the  circumstances,  under  which 
I  attend  parliament  during  the  present  session,  are  such  as  to  render  adhe- 
rence to  that  determination  an  imperative  duty. 

"  I  have  been  called  over  from  Ireland  at  a  period  when  the  deplorable 
situation  of  that  country  requires  the  presence  of  all  whose  duties  connect 
them  with  it,  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  a  measure  by  which  it  is  projjosed 
to  invade  the  personal  freedom  and  to  suspend  the  constitutional  liberties 
of  the  Irish  people.  In  offering  resistance  to  that  measure  it  will  be  neces- 
sary for  me  to  assist  in  exposing  the  systematic  raisgovernment  which  has 
produced  those  results,  w^hich  furnish  a  pretext  for  this  renewed  attempt  to 
coerce  Ireland,  The  time  and  facilities  at  my  command  being  limited,  I  do 
not  feel  myself  at  liberty  to  allow  my  attention  to  be  diverted,  from  sub- 
jects of  higher  import,  to  matters  of  local  concern,  which  do  not  affect  the 
interests  of  my  country. 

"I  must,  therefore,  respectfully  decline  to  serve  on  the  committees  on 
private  bills,  except  such  as  relate  to  Ireland. 

"I  am  aware  that  the  House  has  the  power  to  deprive  my  constituents 
of  such  humble  services  as  I  can  render  to  them,  by  imprisoning  my  per« 
son,  contrary  to  law. 

"I  have  fully  considered  and  am  prepared  to  abide  that  alternative." 


52  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

House  of  Commons,  Committee  of  Selection, 

Monday,  April  6,  1846. 

"Sir— Having  had  the  honor  to  receive,  on  Friday  Last,  your  letter  of 
that  day's  date —  *  *  *  I  this  day  availed  myself  of  the  first  sitting  of  the 
Committee  of  Selection  since  the  receipt  of  your  letter  to  submit  its  con- 
tents to  them ;  and  I  am  instructed  to  inform  you  that  the  committee  can- 
not, in  the  reasons  which  you  allege  for  not  serving,  recognize  such  an 
excuse,  as  (in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  resolutions  agreed  to  by  the 
House,  on  the  12th  of  last  February,)  would  justify  their  "deeming  it  suf- 
ficient "  to  exempt  you  from  serving,  should  you  be  selected  for  that  pur- 
pose from  the  list  of  members  whose  attendance  is  required  in  the  week 
commencing  on  Monday,  the  2Yth  of  April. 

"  But  as  it  appears  from  your  letter,  that,  at  this  particular  jimcture, 
your  time  and  attention  are  engrossed  by  a  subject  of  primary  importance 
to  Ireland,  I  am  further  instructed  by  the  Committee  of  Selection  to  state 
that,  adhering  to  their  usual  practice  of  consulting,  as  far  as  may  be  con- 
sistent with  a  faithful  and  impartial  discharge  of  their  duty,  the  conve- 
nience of  the  several  members  whom  they  may  find  it  incumbent  upon  them 
to  select,  it  will  afi"ord  them  great  satisfaction  to  avail  themselves  of  this 
timely  communication  with  you,  to  make  an  arrangement  by  which  your 
attendance  may  be  postponed  to  a  later  period,  should  your  convenience 
be  thereby  accommodated,  provided  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  give 
them  an  early  intimation  of  any  week  during  the  month  of  May  when  it 
may  be  less  inconvenient  to  you  to  be  in  attendance. 

"  In  the  event,  however,  of  their  receiving  from  jow  no  such  intimation, 
the  Committee  of  Selection  will  presume  that  no  accommodation  would  be 
afforded  to  jow  by  such  a  postponement  as  I  have  alluded  to,  and  will  con- 
sider it  tlieir  duty  to  abide  by  the  arrangement  which  will  be  announced 
in  the  votes  of  Wednesday. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

"  Your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  T.   G.  BUCKNALL  ESTCOURT, 

"  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Selection. 
"William  S.  O'Brien,  Esq." 

"  Oxford  and  Cambridge  Club,  Pall  Mall,  Ajyril  Y. 
«  SxR — I  have  had  the  honor  of  receiving  your  obliging  letter,  of  yester- 
day's date,  in  answer  to  mine,  of  the  3d  instant. 


IMPRISONMENT    OF    MR.    SMITH    o'bRIEN.  53 

*  I  feel  exceedingly  indebted  for  the  courtesy  and  consideration  evinced 
by  the  Committee  of  Selection  in  suggesting  the  arrangement  proposed  in 
your  letter ;  but  since  my  objection  to  serve  upon  committees  on  English 
and  Scotch  private  bills  is  founded  upon  the  relations  at  present  existing 
between  my  country  and  Great  Britain,  and  not  upon  a  regard  for  my  own 
personal  convenience,  I  must  refer  to  my  former  communication,  as 
announcing  my  final  determination. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  obedient,  faithful  servant, 

"  William  S.  O'Brien. 

"To  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Selection." 

Monday,  April  2Y,  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Estcourt,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons ordered  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  to  attend  the  railway  committee,  on  Group 
II.  After  the  passing  of  the  "  order,"  he  immediately  rose  and  said  — 
"  that  he  had  understood  the  motion  put  by  the  Speaker  to  be  merely  a 
request  that  he  would  attend ;  he  was  willing,  as  he  -before  stated,  to  do  so, 
in  discharge  of  his  general  duty  to  his  constituents,  under  protest  against 
any  right  in  the  House  to  enforce  his  attendance,  as  an  Irish  member.  But 
understanding  that  the  motion  put  and  carried  was,  that  he  be  *  ordered 
by  the  House  to  attend  the  Committee,'  he  begged  at  once,  with  all  respect, 
to  state  that  it  was  his  intention  not  to  attend,  and  he  would  not  attend 
the  committee  on  Group  II."  On  the  28th,  Mr.  Estcourt  reviewed  the 
whole  correspondence,  and  feeling  the  duty  which  devolved  on  him  to  be  one 
of  a  "very  painful  nature," — "  because  nothing  could  have  been  more  obliging 
or  more  considerate  than  the  whole  conduct  of  the  honorable  member  for 
Limerick  " — moved 

''  That  William  Smith  O'Brien,  Esq.,  having  disobeyed  an  order  of  the 
House,  by  refusing  to  attend  the  committee  to  which  the  railway  group  jSTo, 
XI.  was  referred,  has  been  guilty  of  a  contempt  of  this  House." 

The  motion  was  received  with  loud  cheers.  After  a  pause  Mr.  O'Connell 
said : — "  He  (Mr.  O'Brien)  has  acted  from  a  strong  sense  of  duty,  and  I  am 
sorry  to  say  that  it  is  a  sense  of  duty  he  is  not  likely  to  give  up."  He  ques- 
tioned the  constitutionality  of  the  proceedings  and  declared  : — "  Tlie  House 
had  no  jurisdiction  by  common  law  to  compel  the  attendance  of  members." 
The  Attorney  General  for  England  expressed  "  great  regret "  that  such  a 
resolution  was  necessary,  but  thought  it  "  impossible  that  the  House  could 
submit  to  allow  the  honorable  member  for  Limerick  to  persevere  in  his 
resistance  to  its  authority."    Mr.  E,  B.  Roche  "  foresaw  that  the  ultimate 


64  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

result  would  be  tlie  compelling  of  the  Irish  members  to  concur  with  the 
member  for  Limerick."  Mr.  Warburtoa  was  willing  to  express  strong  dis- 
approval, but  when  he  knew  that  the  next  motion  would  be  to  commit  Mr. 
O'Brien  to  the  Tower,  or  to  the  custody  of  the  Sergeant-at-Arras,  he  would 
not  consent  to  support  the  resolution.  Sir  George  Grey  had  not  a  shadow 
of  doubt  upon  his  mind  as  to  the  course  which  the  House  ought  to  pursue, 
and  voted  for  the  motion.  "  It  appeared  "  to  Sir  Robert  Peel  "  that  it  was 
essential  that  the  House  should  vindicate  its  authority."  Mr.  John  O'Con- 
nell  thought  that  Mr.  O'Brien  "  was  perfectly  justified  in  having  done  so," 
but  "  deplored  the  course  which  his  honorable  friend  had  taken  as  it 
deprived  them  of  his  aid  in  opposing  the  coercion  biU."  Mr.  Hume 
"  approved  highly  "  of  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  J.  O'Connell,  but  agreed  with 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  on  the  course  to  be  taken.  Sir  T.  Wilde  agreed  with  the 
motion,  as  he  was  satisfied  that  a  "  morbid  love  of  popularity  and  noto- 
riety "  induced  him  (Mr.  Smith  O'Brien)  to  act  as  he  did.  Mr.  D'Israeli  said 
"  it  was  admitted  that  the  technical  notice  to  attend  was  not  served,  and 
they  might  delay  action  until  the  case  was  technically  complete.  Besides 
a  point  of  law  had  been  raised,  which  at  least  showed  that  the  subject  was 
debateable.  Was  it  politic,  under  the  circumstances  to  come  forward  in  a 
vindictive  spirit.  They  wanted  evidence  on  the  point.  He  wanted  time, 
before  they  would  enforce  a  rule  of  novel  introduction  which  he  hoped 
they  were  not  prepared  to  make  permanent."  Mr.  Buller  concurred  in 
the  vote  of  "  an  act  of  contempt."  Mr.  Brotherton  did  not  want  to  elevate 
him  by  sending  the  honorable  member  to  the  Tower — by  making  a  martyr 
of  him.  Sir  R.  Inglis  considered  it  his  "  absolute  duty  to  support  the 
motion."  Mr.  Fitzgerald  was  quite  sure  "  that  Mr.  O'Brien  adopted  his 
present  course  not  with  a  view  of  making  himself  a  martyr,  but  in  order  to 
serve  his  country.  As  for  popularity,  it  was  impossible  to  make  him  more 
popular  than  he  now  was  in  Ireland."  On  the  division  of  the  House,  the 
motion  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  133  for,  and  13  against  it.  On  the  30th, 
Mr.  O'Brien  was  committed  to  the  custody  of  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  and 
confined  in  an  apartment  of  the  House  of  Commons  called  the  "  cellar." 
On  the  next  evening,  Mr.  Roche  read  the  following  letter  to  the  House : — 

House  of  Commons  Prison,  3fay  \st,  1846. 
My  Dear  Roche — I  shall  feel  much  obliged  if  you  will  explain  to  the 
House,  this  evening,  that  you  were  under  a  misconception  when  you  stated 


IMPRISONMENT    OF    MR.    SMITH    o'bRIEN.  55 

yesterday  that  I  complained  that  no  opportunity  had  been  afforded  to  me 
of  speaking  in  my  own  defence. 

"  On  the  contrary  I  cheerfully  acknowledge  that  such  an  opportunity 
was  offered,  and  that  I  declined  to  avail  myself  of  it. 

"I  Wi:s  very  anxious  to  have  spoken  yesterday,  because  I  do  not  think 
my  case  was  fairly  stated  to  the  House  by  the  chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  Selection.  I  referred  to  my  letters  to  the  Committee,  as  stating  the 
grounds  upon  which  I  had  refused  to  serve  upon  committees  on  English 
and  Scotch  railway  bills.  If  those  letters  had  been  read  in  extenso,  I 
should  have  been  contented  to  abide  by  the  opinion  of  the  House  upon 
them ;  but  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  read  only  such  portions  of  them 
as  tended  to  produce  an  impression  on  the  House  unfavorable  to  my  con- 
duct. 

"I  wish  it  also  to  be  known  that,  until  the  closing  sentence  of  !&Ir. 
Estcourt's  speech  reached  me,  I  did  not  know  what  was  the  nature  of  the 
motion  which  he  intended  to  submit ;  so  that  I  was  unprepared  to  form  an 
opinion  as  to  the  course  which  it  v>^ould  be  most  advisable  for  me  to  adopt. 
I  did  not  know  whether  I  was  to  be  imprisoned  or  reprimanded,  or  whe- 
ther a  committee  might  not  be  appointed  to  take  the  case  into  consideration 
before  any  final  motion  should  be  proposed  to  the  House.  As  mine  is  a 
new  case,  arising  out  of  resolutions  adopted  without  notice,  without  dis- 
cussion, not  founded  on  long  established  practice,  not  supported  by  any 
authority  derived  from  statute  or  from  prescription,  it  seemed  to  me  that 
the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  dehberate  on  the  subject,  was  not  only 
the  wisest  and  most  natural  mode  of  dealing  with  the  case,  but  also  that 
which  would  have  been  most  conformable  to  former  precedents.  I  need 
not  say  that  my  decision  with  respect  to  the  propriety  of  addressing  the 
House  on  my  own  behalf,  or  of  remaining  silent,  might  have  been  affected 
by  a  knowledge  of  the  motion  which  was  to  be  proposed  to  the  House. 
Undoubtedly,  if  I  had  foreseen  that  vay  views  would  have  been  so  much 
misrepresented  in  debate  as  they  have  been,  I  should  not  have  declined  to 
state  them  fully  to  the  House. 

"  In  all  proceedings  in  Parliament,  it  is  customary  to  give  due  notice  to 
the  parties  affected  by  such  proceedings — such  notice,  therefore,  may  be 
considered  as  a  '  right '  rather  than  as  a  '  courtesy.'  With  reference  to  the 
preliminary  motion  made  on  Monday  night,  I  was  left  in  such  entire 
ignorance  with  regard  to  the  terms  of  that  motion,  that  I  absolutely  mis- 
took the  question  when  put  from  the  chair,  and  imagined  that  it  was  an 


56  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

order  to  attend  the  House  on  Tuesday,  whereas  I  afterwards  learned  that 
it  was  an  order  to  attend  the  Committee. 

"  On  last  Friday,  I  stated  to  Mr.  Estcourt,  in  private,  that  I  should  feel 
much  obliged  to  him  if  he  would  intimate  to  me  the  terms  of  the  motion 
which  he  intended  to  make  in  my  case,  as  soon  as  his  own  determination 
was  formed.     I  subsequently  received  no  communication  from  him. 

"I  do  not  wish  you  to  reveal  to  the  House  what  an  Irishman  thinks  of 
such  a  mode  of  proceeding.  Suifering  from  injustice  of  the  British  House 
of  Commons,  I  expect  nothing  from  its  generosity. 

"I  shall  make  no  further  appeal  to  the  House.  Yesterday  I  was 
extremely  anxious  to  have  been  allowed  to  speak,  on  my  own  behalf, 
before  my  committal  to  prison  as  a  culprit.  I  shall  not  again  condescend 
to  solicit  even  this  trifling  favor. 

"In  concluding,  I  beg  most  anxiously  and  earnestly  to  request  you  to 
inform  the  House  that  I  am  no  party  to  any  motion  for  my  discharge. 
"I  remain,  my  dear  Roche, 

"  Very  sincerely  yours, 

"William  3.  O'Brien. 

"E.  B.  EocHE,  Esq.,  M.P." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Irish  members,  who,  in  the  previous  year,  had 
been  loud  in  the  condemnation  of  such  attendance,  and  in  approval  of  the 
principle  on  which  Mr.  O'Brien's  refusal  was  founded,  did  exactly  what 
Mr.  O'Brien  did  not — attend.  Mr.  Estcourt,  in  moving  the  "  contempt " 
resolution,  adverted  to  the  Irish  members,  than  whom  "  none  discharged 
this  duty  more  cheerfully,  more  kindly,  more  ably."  He  was  unwilling  to 
particularize,  but  he  "  could  not  help  adverting  to  the  conduct  of  the 
honorable  and  learned  member  for  Cork  (Mr.  O'Connell)."  And  Sir  T. 
Wilde,  in  the  same  spirit,  asked,  "  Did  he  (Mr.  O'Biien)  imagine  that  he 
was  not  doing  an  injustice  to  Ireland  by  not  attending  to  duties  which  the 
member  for  Cork  had  no  objection  to  attend  to ;"  and  further,  wished  to 
know  "  if  he  was  a  more  competent  judge  than  that  honorable  and  learned 
gentleman."  Mr.  John  O'Connell — differing  with  Mr.  Warburton  on  some 
remarks  of  the  latter  relative  to  unwilling  members — stated,  that  "  he  had 
been  a  member  of  a  railway  committee  for  the  last  three  weeks  and  pro- 
bably should  be  for  two  months  to  come."  May  2d,  a  vote  of  "  undimi- 
nished confidence  in  the  integrity,  patriotism,  and  personal  courage  "  of  Mr. 
Smith  O'Brien,  and  "  in  admiration  of  the  high  sense  of  duty  and  purity  of 


IMPRISONMENT    OF    MR.    SMITH    o'bRIEN.  67 

purpose  which  prompted  him  to  risk  his  personal  liberty  in  the  assertion 
of  a  principle  which  he  believed  to  be  inherent  in  the  constitution  of  his 
country,"  was,  by  acclamation,  "awarded  the  precedence  of  all  other  busi- 
ness in  Conciliation  Hall.  Mr.  O'Brien  wrote  (May  2)  an  explanation  of 
his  course  to  his  constituents,  but  previous  to  his  doing  so,  the  Corporation 
of  Limerick  had  passed  a  vote  of  confidence  in,  and  an  address  of  approval 
to  him.  Meetings  of  the  City  and  County  of  Limerick  were  also  held, 
approving  the  step  which  Mr.  O'Brien  had  taken.  Addresses  of  approval 
and  confidence  were  also  moved  to  him,  at  meetings  held  in  Waterford, 
Galway,  Athlone,  N"ewry,  Ennis,  Kilkenny,  Cashel,  Cork,  Tuam,  Ballin- 
garry,  Kilrush,  and  other  places.  A  deputation  from  the  '82  Club  presented 
an  address  to  him  in  prison,  xi  deputation  from  the  Liverpool  Repealers 
did  the  same.  The  Liberal  press  of  Ireland  were  unanimous  in  approving 
of  his  conduct.  A  few  quotations  will  show  with  what  a  unanimity  of 
feeling  his  countrymen  spoke. 

"It  is  determined  that  we  unhesitatingly  approve  of,  and  avow  the 
manly,  fearless,  and  consistent  course  adopted  by  "VVilKam  Smith  O'Brien." 

"That  having  expressed  our  entire  approbation  of  the  conduct  of 
William  Smith  O'Brien  on  all  occasions,  we  not  only  request,  but  respect- 
fully demand,  that  he  continue  to  be  our  representative,  leaving  him  fully 
at  liberty,  from  our  entire  reliance  upon  him,  to  discharge  that  duty 
according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  wisdom." 

"Declining  to  act  on  committees  with  which  the  Irish  people  have  no 
connexion,  meets  our  warmest  approval."     {^Limerick  Resolutions.) 

"  It  would  be  idle  and  out  of  place  to  offer  condolence  to  you,  confined 
in  an  English  prison  for  such  an  ofi"ence.  We  congratulate  you  that  you 
have  made  yourself  the  champion  of  your  country's  rights,  and  submitted 
to  ignominy  for  a  cause  which  you  and  we  know  shall  one  day  triumph." 
{Address  of  '82  CluK) 

"  The  manly,  dignified,  and  intrepid  stand  he  has  made  in  vindication 
of  a  principle  deeply  important  to  the  liberties  of  Ireland."  {Cashel 
Resolutions.) 

"Ability  to  serve  Ireland,  courage  to  act  on  your  own  convictions,  and 
fortitude  to  endure  any  penalty,  are  the  prominent  qualities  which  adorn 
and  exalt  your  patriotism."     {Kilkenny  Address.) 

3-* 


58  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

"Sir, — In  1843,  tlie  Loyal  ISTational  Repeal  Association  published  the 
opinion,  that  the  Irish  representatives  could  better  serve  their  country  in 
Conciliation  Hall  than  by  attendance  in  Parliament.  We  recognise  in  this 
position  a  great  and  most  important  principle,  and  consider  your  steadfast 
and  consistent  assertion  of  it  deserving  the  unmeasured  thanks  of  the  Irish 
nation.  "We  rely  with  full  and  undiminished  confidence  in  your  wisdom, 
discretion,  and  courage,  and  resolve  to  sustain  you  by  all  means."  {Liver- 
pool Address.) 

"  Loving  order — worshipping  justice  and  national  unity — recognising  to 
the  fullest  extent  a  consistent,  wholesome,  and  seasonable  jexercise  of  pru- 
dence— we  still  feel  convinced  that  the  time  for  pursuing  a  mincing  or 
Protean  policy  has  passed  away.  Our  aspirations  for  nationality — our 
hope  for  the  future — our  manhood,  require  a  different  course,  and  we  are 
gratified  that  you  have  adopted  it."     {Limerick  Address  of  Weicome.) 

May  2oth,  Mr.  Shaw,  moving  the  discharge  of  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  from 
custody,  remarked  that,  "  the  authority  of  the  House  had  been  vindicated 
by  his  imprisonment  for  twenty-five  days."  In  justice  to  Mr.  O'Brien,  he 
said,  this  motion  was  made  without  that  gentleman's  acquiescence,  "  but  it 
better  became  the  House  to  decide  the  question."  The  motion  being  put, 
it  was  carried  nem.  con., — shortly  after  which,  Mr.  O'Brien  took  his  seat 
"  on  the  front  opposition  bench."  His  return  to  Ireland  was  signalized 
by  an  extraordinarily  brilliant  public  procession  and  banquet,  given  him 
by  his  constituents,  June  11th,] 

Sir,  I  take  this  opportunity  of  referring  to  the  resolution  adopted 
by  the  Association  on  the  last  day  of  meeting.  I  do  not  apologize 
for  doing  so,  for,  I  conceive,  it  is  a  subject  upon  which  the  mem- 
bers of  this  Association  should  not  cease  to  comment  for  a  long 
time. 

It  is  true,  that  resolution  might  have  been  more  expressive  of 
our  sentiments — might  have  been  framed  in  stronger  terras. 
Being  so,  it  might  have  been  less  judicious — less  legal.  That  is 
the  best  excuse  for  it.  I  am  glad,  however,  to  tell  the  meeting 
tnat  a  more  decisive  tone  was  assumed  and  maintained  elsewhere. 


IMPRISONMENT    OF    MR.    SMITH    o'bRIEN.  59 

Feeble  as  tlie  resolution  of  last  Monday  was,  I  trust,  however, 
that  it  somewhat  cheered  the  noble  heart  to  the  stern  truth  of 
which  it  was  offered  as  a  tribute.  Hemmed  in  by  the  walls  of  an 
English  prison — breathing  not  the  air  of  his  own  country,  but  of 
that  city  in  which  our  nobles  are  dishonored,  and  our  representa- 
tives, if  true,  receive  but  insult — scoffed  at  by  the  rude  writers  of 
the  English  press — derided  as  his  remonstrances  have  been  by  the 
English  Commons — his  proud  heart  must  have  swelled  with  joy — 
his  hopes  have  risen — and  his  determination  have  been  nerved  for 
a  yet  more  stern  destiny — when  he  was  told,  that  the  people  of 
this  country,  to  whose  service  he  has  pledged  his  fortune  and  his 
life,  and  for  whom  he  has  made  sacrifices  the  most  severe  that  a 
man  of  feeling  could  ever  make — that  the  people  of  this  country 
did  not  desert  him  in  this  his  day  of  trial — but,  rallying  round 
him — witk  the  same  enthusiasm  as  they  did  when  he  stood  here, 
during  the  hundred  days'  imprisonment,  the  fearless  champion  of 
their  cause — gave  to  him,  that  which  every  honest  man  must  love 
— the  sympathy  of  true  hearts,  the  approbation  of  free  minds. 
"  Sir,  a  man  guided  by  truth  alone,  with  a  heart  to  brave  the 
worst  of  perils,  whilst  he  follows  out  the  great  purpose  of  his  soul, 
will  not  be  influenced  by  the  public  passions.  He  will  rise  above 
them,  and  whether  they  flatter  or  condemn,  will  pursue  his  chosen 
course — firm,  fearless,  and  invincible — mindful  only  of  his  own 
integrity. 

Such  a  man  do  I  conceive  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  to  be.  You  have 
recognised  him  in  that  light,  and  have  borne  testimony  to  his 
nobility  of  mind — to  his  integrity  of  heart. 

As  he  has  often  said,  the  desire  of  popular  applause  was  to  him 
no  motive  for  action,  though  the  acquisition  of  it  might  be  an 
agreeable  reward.  ~  To  those,  then,  who  ascribe  this  late  act  of  his 
to  an  anxiety  to  acquire  popular  favor,  his  character  is,  indeed, 
unknown — it  is  strangely  misconceived,  if  it  is  not  grossly  misre- 
presented. 


60  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Were  lie  to  be  actuated  by  such  a  motive,  he  would  bave  sur- 
rendered bis  opinions,  two  montbs  since,  in  tbis  Hall,  and  bave 
here  avowed  bimself  bostile  to  the  corn  laws.  In  declaring  him- 
self adverse  to  the  repeal  of  those  laws,  in  announcing  himself  a 
protectionist  from  this  place,  in  taking  a  different  view,  and 
expressing  a  contrary  opinion  to  that  of  Mr.  O'Connell  and  the 
majority  of  the  Repeal  members,  he  risked  his  popularity — he 
risked  it,  but  he  did  not  lose  it.  He  did  not  lose  it,  for  you  saw 
there  was  truth  in  the  man — and  whilst  you  regretted  bis  opinion, 
you  admired  bis  principle. 

Upon  this  question  of  the  corn  laws,  be  acted  with  the  same 
thorough  independence  as  he  now  does,  regardless  of  all  personal 
considerations. 

Sir,  in  these  days,  when  public  virtue  is  for  the  most  part  sacri- 
ficed to  personal  interest — when  consistency  seems  every;  where  to 
yield  to  expediency — when  public  men  appear  to  take  their  com- 
plexion from  the  accidents  of  the  day,  instead  of  stamping  their 
own  inherent  character  upon  the  events  of  the  age — when  the  very 
government,  to  use  the  language  of  a  brilliant  satirist,  becomes 
"  an  organised  hypocrisy  " — when  society,  as  a  bold  thinker  has 
described  it,  is  in  conspiracy  against  the  manhood  of  every  one 
of  its  members — when  the  virtue  in  most  request  is  conformity, 
and  self-reliance  an  aversion — in  these  days,  Sir,  it  is  a  goodly,  as 
it  is  a  strange  sight,  to  see  a  public  man,  true  to  his  convictions, 
true  in  the  assertion  of  those  convictions,  bearing  proudly  up 
against  the  most  depressing  influences,  and  defying  that  which  has 
heretofore  brought  down  many  a  soaring  mind  to  bite  the  dust — • 
defying  the  coward  sarcasm  of  the  English  press  ! 

From  the  first  day  of  his  imprisonment,  dov>^n  to  the  present 
moment,  that  press  has  not  ceased  to  sneer,  to  scoff  at,  to  malign 
the  Irish  prisoner.  Coarse  jestings,  dastard  witticisms,  sordid  jeers 
— these  have  the  English  people,  through  their  press,  flung  upon 


61 

that  man,  who,  I  will  admit,  has  well  earned  their  enmity,  for 
he  hates  their  domination. 

Sir,  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  wantonly  would  run  down  the 
English  name.  Educated  in  England,  I  have  learned  to  respect 
that  country  for  many  fine  virtues,  for  many  great  deeds.  With 
few  exceptions,  her  conduct  towards  other  countries  has  always 
been  just,  generous,  and  magnanimous.  She  is,  in  truth,  a  great 
nation,  and,  from  a  dazzling  height,  teaches  the  poorest  people 
how  to  plant  and  how  to  guard  their  native  flag.  But  towards 
Ireland,  her  infatuate  ally  in  many  a  struggle,  her  conduct,  as  Mr. 
MacNevin  observed  upon  the  last  day  of  meeting,  has  ever  been 
mean,  unjust,  and  contemptuous. 

In  the  present  instance,  I  allude.  Sir,  not  to  the  English  Com- 
mons— I  allude  to  the  English  people,  represented  by  their  press. 

The  conduct  of  England  has,  indeed,  been  mean,  unjust,  and 
contemptuous — more  than  contemptuous,  it  has  been  cowardly. 

Till  now  I  thought  it  was  un-English  to  strike  a  man  when 
he  was  down.  Till  now,  I  thought  that,  whether  in  the  grave  or 
in  the  prison,  the  foe  of  England  was  safe  from  insult.  Till  now, 
I  thought  the  vanquished  ever  claimed  her  sympathy,  and  that,  in 
the  flush  of  triumph,  her  spirit  was  great  because  it  was  for- 
bearing. 

Sir,  the  conduct  of  England  in  this  instance  does  not  remind  me 
of  that  country,  which  an  old  history  of  some  centuries  lias  taught 
me  to  admire.  It  does  not  remind  me  of  that  England,  with  the 
arms  and  letters  of  which  the  names  of  the  Alfreds,  the  Edwards, 
the  Russells,  the  Miltons,  and  the  Hampdens  are  associated.  It 
does  not  remind  me  of  that  England  by  whose  sword  Spain  was 
rescued,  and  Portugal  was  set  free.  It  does  not  remind  me  of  that 
England  whose  guns  at  Navarino  gave  succor  to  the  Greek,  and  on 
whose  soil  the  Polish  insurrectionist  has  found  a  refuge. 

But  I  am  reminded  of  that  England,  whose  flag  was  planted  iu 
this  country  by  a  Went  worth,  a  Carhampton,  a  Ludlow,  and  a 


62  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Cromwell, — that  flag,  in  which  the  dead  liberties  of  our  country, 
as  in  a  red  shroud,  have  been  bound  up.  I  am  reminded  of  that 
England,  w^hose  assassin  blade  massacred  at  Mullaghmast,  and 
whose  traitor  heart  broke  faith  at  Limerick.  I  am  reminded  of 
that  England,  by  whom  the  Irish  noble  has  been  dishonored,  and 
the  Irish  peasant  has  been  starved. 

Yet  to  these  coward  insults  our  illustrious  friend  will  be  insensi- 
ble— against  them  he  will  bear  up — if,  in  that  cell,  to  which  the 
English  Commons  have  consigned  him,  he  is  told  that  the  Irish 
people  will  not  abandon,  but  support  him  to  the  last — that  the 
insults  he  has  received,  have  outraged  them — and  that  this  country, 
insulted  in  his  person,  has  vowed  to  resent  these  insults  in  her  own 
2"ood  time. 

Did  we  abandon  him,  we  were  a  craven  race,  unfit  for  freedom  ! 
Did  we  abandon  him,  we  deserved  chains — not  a  free  Senate  ! 
Did  we  abandon  him,  America  might  well  deride  our  invocations 
to  liberty,  and  France  retaliate  with  justice  our  taunts  upon  her 
Guizot  pohcy  !  Did  we  abandon  him,  every  honest  man  should 
look  upon  this  Association  as  a  junta  of  heartless  and  irresolute 
declaimers,  and  the  sooner  those  doors  were  locked,  after  that 
abandonment,  the  better,  say  I,  for  the  cause  of  truth,  of  man- 
hood, and  of  freedom  ! 

But  you  have  acted  as  became  you. 

I  look  not  to  the  resolution  of  last  Monday — I  look  to  your 
hearts,  and  from  those  large  volumes,  I  learn  that  you  feel  as  men 
— as  men  of  generous  sentiment  and  courageous  purpose. 

You  did  not  abandon — you  will  not  abandon  in  the  worst 
extremity — that  man,  who,  in  the  hour  of  danger—"  when  the  des- 
tinies of  Ireland  hung  quivering  in  the  balance  " — when  ten  thou- 
sand British  soldiers  stood  upon  that  plain,  where  once  his  scep- 
tred forefather  beat  back  the  Dane — hastened  to  your  ranks,  and 
brought  to  the  national  cause  the  prestige  of  a  royal  name.  You 
did  not  abandon— you  will  not  abandon,  come  what  may — that 


63 

man,  who,  wlien  your  leader  was  in  prison,  stood  here  to  fill  up 
the  gap — and  who — inspiring  you  by  his  enthusiasm,  guiding  you 
by  his  wisdom — sustained  your  hopes,  directed  your  energies,  and 
converted  that  period  which  government  and  faction  had  ordained 
to  be  a  period  of  discomfiture,  into  a  period  of  active  patriotism 
and  bold  success. 

The  men  in  the  provinces  have  done  their  duty — have  done  it 
unequivocally — have  done  it  generously — have  done  it  fearlessly. 
Limerick  has  spoken  out,  and  spoken  out  in  no  disguised  or  muf- 
fled tone.  Waterford,  my  native  city,  has  spoken  out,  and  I  honor 
my  birthplace  for  its  spirit  and  its  truth. 

For  this  imprisonment,  our  illustrious  friend  shall  receive  the 
love  and  homage  of  the  Irish  people.  On  his  release  from  that 
dungeon — when  he  "  treads  once  more  the  land  that  bore  him  " 
— he  shall  here  be  welcomed,  as  the  patriot  descendant  of  a 
patriot  king  should  alone  be  welcomed.  And  hereafter,  when 
the  history  of  this  struggle  shall  have  been  written,  the  free  nation 
that  is  now  growing  up  here  will  be  told,  that  he,  William  Smith 
O'Brien,  was  amongst  those  who  struggled  most  and  suffered  most 
to  give  her  life,  to  give  her  character,  to  give  her  power. 


ACCESSION  OF  THE  WHIGS  TO  OFFICE. 
Conciliation  Hall,  Dublin,  15th  June,  1846. 

[From  the  first  day  of  the  session,  the  return  of  the  Whigs  to  power 
appeared  inevitable.  The  defection  created  among  the  followers  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel,  had  left  him  almost  powerless.  The  Protectionists,  under  the 
leadership  of  Lord  George  Bentinck  and  Mr.  D'Israeli,  were  determined  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  to  avenge  themselves  upon  the 
Minister,  for  his  declaration  respecting  the  repeal  of  the  Corn-laws  and  the 
opening  of  the  Ports.  The  introduction  of  the  Arms  Act  into  the  Com- 
mons, ultimately  gave  them  this  opportunity.  Agreeing  in  the  principle 
of  the  bill,  nearly  all  parties  in  the  House,  with  the  exception  of  the  Irish 
Repeal  Members,  voted  for  the  first  reading. — Monday,  March  30th,  Sir 
James  Graham  moved  the  suspension  of  the  standing  orders  of  the  House, 
in  order  that  the  Coercion  bill  be  read  the  first  time.  Sir  Williara 
Somerville  moved  an  amendment,  to  the  effect,  that  the  orders  of  the  day 
be  not  postponed.  In  the  first  place,  he  did  not  desire  to  postpone  the 
Corn  bill,  on  which  the  hopes  of  the  whole  empire  were  set ;  and  secondly, 
he  wished  to  observe  the  form  and  etiquette  of  the  House.  At  this  period, 
it  would  produce  an  exciting  and  exasperating  debate,  which  was  needless ; 
for,  "  after  all,"  said  he,  "  it  is  not  the  intention  of  ministers  to  pursue  the 
Irish  Coercion  biU  beyond  its  earliest  stage.  It  is  so  admitted  on  aU  sides 
— by  nobody  more  than  by  the  members  of  government,  and  of  those  mem- 
bers, by  nobody  more  than  by  the  right  honorable  baronet  at  the  head  cf 
it.  If  they  were  sincere  in  their  apprehensions  of  danger  to  life,  why 
did  they  lose  a  day  in  laying  a  bill  upon  the  table  of  the  House  of  Lords, 
attention  having  been  directed  to  the  question  in  the  Queen's  Speech,  as  far 
back  as  January  22nd."  Sir  James  Graham,  on  the  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment, stated,  that  the  Corn  bill  was  "the  measure  of  primary  importance," 
but  he  attached  "  immense  importance  "  to  having  the  opinion  of  the  House 
on  the  Coercion  bill.  For  the  "inestimable  value"  of  the  "moral  eifect" 
of  its  adoption,  "  even  on  a  first  reading,"  he  desired  to  proceed  with  it. 


ACCESSIOlSr    OF    THE    WHIGS    TO    OFFICE.  65 

Mr,  Shaw,  Eecorder  of  Dublin,  supporting  Government,  distrusted  the 
present  scheme  for  the  pacification  of  Ireland.  To  succeed,  "  it  was  neces- 
sary," he  said,  "that  the  Government,  by  which  it  was  introduced,  should 
•  have  a  moral  prestige."  jS'oticing  an  imputation,  made  by  Sir  James 
^  Graham  in  a  preceding  debate,  Mr.  Shaw  admitted  that  the  present 
Government  was  "  a  falling  Government ;"  and,  amid  loud  cheers,  pointed 
to  Sir  James  as  "  the  evil  genius  to  whom  such  instability  was  attributable." 
Mr.  O'Connell  believed  that  the  Government  wanted  to  get  rid  of  the  Corn 
bill  for  the  present,  by  introducing  the  Coercion  bill,  as  he  did  not  believe 
they  would  get  a  first  reading  before  Easter.  Lord  George  Bentinek  stated 
that,  *'  if  the  day  should  come  (which  was  to  be  anticipated)  when  they 
(the  Protectionists)  should  be  responsible  for  the  government  of  Ireland, 
theii'  principles  of  protection  would  not  be  extended  to  the  assassin."  He 
concurred  with  the  Marguis  of  Lansdowne,  that  this  measure  should  pre- 
>  cede  any  other  for  the  unprovement  of  Ireland.  Sir  George  Grey  earnestly 
hoped  that  the-  Irish  members  would  allow  the  first  reading  of  the  bill  sub 
silentio,  that  the  Corn  bill  might  be  taken  up  immediately,  and  recom- 
mended the  postponement  of  all  debate  on  the  Coercion  bill  to  the  second 
reading.  Mr.  Sidney  Herbert  hoped  that  the  measure  for  the  admission  of 
corn  might  pass  pari  passu  with  the  Coercion  bill.  Lord  John  Eussell 
thought  that  ample  reasons  had  been  given  for  postponing  this  bill,  and  for 
proceeding  with  the  Corn  bill.  He  voted  for  the  amendment.  Mr.  Cobden 
expressed  sincere  regret  at  the  course  of  the  Ministers.  The  men  who  led 
public  opinion  in  Ireland,  were  opposed  to  the  Coercion  bill — there  were 
petitions  from  the  manufacturing  districts  every  day,  prajdng  for  the  Corn 
bill,  and  he  would  vote  against  the  Government  motion.  The  original 
motion  had  a  majority  of  39.  April  11,  Sir  J.  Graham  moved,  that  the 
order  of  the  day  for  the  first  reading  of  the  bill  be  read.  The  "^Tiigs 
voted  for  the  first  reading.  "  Some  of  the  English  members  have 
supported  us,"  said  Mr.  John  O'Connell ;  "  I  regret,  however,  that 
Lord  John  Russell  and  Lord  Morpeth  have  allowed  themselves  to  be 
entangled  in  the  cobweb  machinery  of  Parliamentary  customs  and 
precedent.  They  tell  us,  that  whatever  opposition  they  give  to  the 
Coercion  bill,  they  will  support  it  in  its  first  and  second  reading." 
On  the  second  reading  (June  5th)  of  the  bill,  however,  the  Protectionists, 
as  well  as  the  leading  Whigs,  each  on  different  grounds,  announced  their 
opposition  to  the  government  measure.  On  the  part  of  the  former,  Lord 
George  Bentinek  said,  "  I  gave  due  notice  to  Her  Majesty's  government, 


QQ  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

tliat  I  and  my  friends  could  be  disposed  to  support  the  measure  before  tbe 
House,  provided  the  government,  by  their  earnestness  in  pressing  it  for- 
ward with  all  haste,  proved  their  sincerity  and  desire  to  carry  it — that  if, 
on  the  contrary,   it   should  appear,  from  the   conduct  of  Her  Majesty's 
ministers,  in  permitting  all  other  measures  of  less  immediate  necessity  to 
be  carried  through  in  preference  to  this,  we  should  not  then  be  of  opinion 
that  such  a  necessity  existed  for  carrying  a  measure  so  unconstitutional  as 
this,  as  would  justify  any  party  in  supporting  it."     He  proceeded  to  show 
that,  from  the  information  recently  obtained,  offences  in  Ireland  had  lessened 
twenty  per  cent.,  and  that  the  chief  secretary  for  Ireland  did  not  give  the 
House  very  accurate  accounts  concerning  that  country — in  fact  "  he  does  not 
appear,"  said  the  noble  Lord,  "to  have  bestowed  much  attention  on  Ireland  " 
— "  so  that  for  this  measure,  which  the  government  introduced  as  a  tempo- 
rary bill,  to  meet  a  temporary  emergency — and  wlych  has  been  postponed 
from  the  month  of  January  to  the  middle  of  the  month  of  June — there  has 
been  produced  but   poor  evidence  of  the  necessity  of  now  meeting  an 
emergency  which  occurred  five  months  ago.     *     *     *  — It  is  a  mockery 
and  an  insult  to  both  parties  in  Ireland,  to  brandish  before  their  eyes  this 
measure,  which  it  is  never  intended  to  carry  into  effect.     I,  for  one,  will  do 
my  best  to  prevent  this  mockery  from  being  perpetrated.     Is  there  a  man 
in  the  country  fool  enough  to  believe  that  Her  Majesty's  ministers  are  in 
earnest  ?     Believing  that  there  is  not,  the  sooner,  I  say,  we  kick  out  the 
bill,  and  Her  Majesty's  ministers  with  it,  the  better.     "We  used  to  be  told 
by  the  right  honorable  baronet  (Sir  R.  Peel)  that  he  would  never  consent 
to  be  a  minister  on  sufferance.      He  must  be  deaf,  indeed,  if  by  this  time 
he  has  not  learned  that  he  is  nothing  but  a  minister  on  sufferance."     Mon- 
day, June  15th,  Mr.  D'Israeli  supported  Lord  George  Bentinck,  and  charged 
Sir  Robert  Peel  with  having  got  into  power  by  professing  opinions  contrary 
to  those  which  he  now  sought  to  force  on  the  country.     "  The  right  honor- 
able gentleman,"  he  concluded,  "  had  once  said  that  Ireland  was  his  great- 
est difficulty.     He  must  be  reminded  of  that  by  his  present  position.     He 
must  feel  that  it  was  Nemesis  who  regulated  that  division,  and  was  then 
about  to  stamp  with  the  seal  of  parliamentary  reprobation,  the  catastrophe 
of  a  sinister  career."     Lord  John  Russell  having  shown,  in  a  long  speech, 
that  the  "  outrages  "  in  Ireland  grew  out  of  the  unsettled  state  of  the  land 
question,  concluded  thus  : — "  If  you  wish,  as  I  do,  to  maintain  the  Union, 
and  to  make  it  a  source  of  happiness,  of  increased  rights  and  blessings  to 
Ireland  as  well  as  England,  and  of  increased  strength  in  future  times  to 


ACCESSION    OF    THE    WHIGS    TO    OFFICE.  67 

the  United  Empire,  beware  lest  you  in  any  way  weaken  that  link  which 
connects  the  two  countries.  Do  not  set  so  far  apart,  the  governor  and  the 
governed.  Do  not  let  the  people  of  Ireland  believe,  that  you  have  no  sym- 
pathy with  their  afflictions — no  care  for  their  wrongs — that  you  are  inte- 
rested only  in  other  measures  in  which  they  have  no  share."  The  Whigs, 
in  a  word,  strained  every  nerve  to  form  a  coalition  with  the  Irish  Repeal 
members.  A  meeting  of  Liberal  members  of  ParHament  was  held  at  the 
residence  of  Lord  John  Russell,  at  which  he  avowed  himself  as  "distinctly 
opposed  to  the  Coercion  bill "  and  suggested,  that  the  "best  course  which 
could  be  taken,  would  be  to  propose  the  second  reading  of  that  bill  for 
"that  day  six  months."  Mr.  O'Connell  felt  "deeply  gratified"  that  "Lord 
John  Russell  and  the  honorable  gentlemen  who  usually  acted  with  him  "  were 
willing  to  adopt  such  a  course.  Sir  Charles  Lemon  suggested,  that  Lord 
John  Russell  himself  should  move  the  amendment,  but  the  noble  Lord 
"  thought  it  would  come  better  from  an  Irish  member."  Lord  Morpeth 
was  called  on  to  move  it,  but,  for  the  same  reason,  considerately  declined.] 

We  are  told,  Sir,  by  the  London  papers,  that  the  days  of  the 
Conservative  ministry  are  numbered.  The  seals  of  office,  it  is  said, 
will  soon  be  held  by  a  Whig  Premier,  and  with  the  change  of 
power,  it  is  surmised,  that  a  change  of  policy  with  regard  to 
Ireland  will  take  place. 

Whether  that  surmise  be  true  or  false,  I  know  not.  But  this.  I 
know,  that  whatever  statesmen  rule  the  empire,  whatever  policy 
prevails,  the  principles  of  this  Association  are  immutable,  and, 
amid  the  clash  and  shiftings  of  the  imperial  factions,  will  remain 
unshaken.^ 

Sir,  I  state  this  boldly,  for  the  suspicion  is  abroad,  that  the 
national  cause  will  be  sacrificed  to  the  Whigs,  and  that  the 
people,  who  are  now  striding  on  to  freedom,  will  be  purchased 
back  into  factious  vassalage.  The  Whigs  themselves  calculate 
upon  your  apostasy — the  Conservatives  predict  it.  They  cannot 
believe  that  you  are  in  earnest — at  least,  it  seems  difficult  to  con- 
vince them  of  your  truth.  On  the  hustings  you  will  dispel  their 
incredulity,   read   them    an   honest    lesson,    and   vindicate   yoiu* 


68  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

characters.  On  their  return  to  power,  the  Whigs  shall  find,  that 
in  their  absence,  you  have  become  a  reformed  people — that  you 
have  abjured  the  errors  of  faction,  and  have  been  instructed  in  the 
truths  of  patriotism.  They  shall  find,  I  trust,  that  a  new  era  has 
here  commenced — that  you  have  been  roused  to  a  sense  of  your 
inherent  power,  and,  with  the  conviction  that  you  possess  an 
ability  equal  to  the  sustainment  of  a  high  position,  you  have 
vowed  never  more  to  act  the  Sepoy  for  English  faction. 

To  their  reproach,  Sir,  it  must  be  said,  that  the  people  of  this 
country  have  been  too  long  the  credulous  menials  of  English 
liberalism — dedicating  to  foreign  partisanship  those  fine  energies 
which  should  have  been  exclusively  reserved  for  the  duties  of  Irish 
citizenship.  Till  now,  you  had  no  faith  in  the  faculties  of  your 
country.  You  implored  from  Reform  clubs  in  London,  that  which 
a  free  senate  in  this  your  old  capital  could  alone  confer.  Upon 
the  hustings,  your  tone  was  English,  not  Irish.  You  stood  by  the 
promises  of  Russell — you  forswore  the  principles  of  Grattan.  You 
shouted  for  municipal  reform — you  forgot  your  manufactures. 
You  cried  out  for  free  trade — having  no  very  important  exchange 
of  commodities  to  promote.  You  petitioned  for  an  additional 
supply  of  franchises — that  Irish  Radicalism  might  grow  strong — 
when  you  should  have  demanded  back  those  rights,  which  would 
have  made  the  Irish  nation  great.  The  aristocrat  of  Bedford 
marshalled  you  against  the  plebeian  of  Tamworth,  when,  lifting 
up  a  distinct  flag,  you  should  have  marched  and  struck  against 
them  both ! 

Sir,  it  was  full  time  that  this  should  cease,  and  that  the  spirit 
of  the  country  should  manifest  itself  in  an  independent  policy. 

Let  me  not  be  told  that  the  Whigs  were  our  benefactors,  and 
deserve  our  gratitude.  They  were,  indeed,  the  benefactors  of 
"  moderate  "  Catholics  and  "  liberal "  Protestants,  but  the  Catholic 
democracy  and  the  Protestant  aristocracy  were  alike  neglected  and 
insulted  by  them.  ^ 


ACCESSION    OF    THE    WHIGS    TO    OFFICE.  69 

What  memorial,  may  I  ask,  have  they  left  behind  them  that 
claims  our  respect,  and  should  win  us  to  their  ranks  ? 

It  is  true,  their  appointments  were,  for  the  most  part,  judicious. 
There  were  honorable  men  elevated  to  the  bench  during  their  admi- 
nistration— honorable  men,  I  grant  you — but  men  "whose  overtop- 
ping eminence,"  as  Thomas  Davis  has  written,  "  was  such  as  made 
their  acceptance  of  a  judgeship  no  promotion."  I  believe,  moreover, 
there  are  few,  if  any,  instances  on  record  of  partisan  prejudices 
mingling  with  the  dispensation  of  justice  whilst  they  held  office. 

Upon  this  question,  however,  I  shall  not  dwell,  for  it  is  a 
debateable  question,  and,  if  discussed,  might  revive  the  antipathies 
of  party. 

But  I  look  beyond  the  Queen's  Bench — beyond  the  court  of 
petty  sessions — beyond  the  police  barrack — beyond  the  glebe 
house — and  I  demand,  what  was  the  condition  of  the  people — 
what  was  the  condition  of  the  country — during  the  reign  of  the 
late  Whig  government  ?  Your  commerce — did  that  thrive  ?  Your 
manufactures — were  they  encouraged  ?  Your  fisheries — were  they 
protected  ?  Your  waste  lands — they  are  2,000,000  acres — were 
they  reclaimed  ?  How  fared  the  Irish  artisan — how  fared  the 
Irish  peasant  ?  The  one  pined,  as  he  yet  pines,  in  your  beggared 
cities — the  other  starved,  as  he  yet  starves,  upon  your  fruitful 
soil. 

Catholic  barristers,  who  made  Reform  speeches  at  Morpeth 
dinners,  and  quoted  Earl  Grey  and  the  Edinburgh  Heview,  at 
anti-Tory  demonstrations — these  gentlemen  came  in  for  silk 
gowns,  and  other  genteel  perquisites.  But  you — you,  the  sons  of 
toil — "  the  men  of  horny  hand  and  melting  heart " — you,  the 
thousands,  knew  •  no  change.  Poor-law  commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed— they  were  Englishmen  and  Scotchmen,  for  the  most 
part.  They  came  in  for  large  salaries,  and  grew  opulent  upon 
their  mission  of  charity.  In  this  case,  the  indigence  of  Lazarus 
was  the  very  making  of  Dives.     The  poorhouses  were  built,  and 


VO  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

were  soon  stocked  with  vermined  rags,  and  broken  hearts — with 
orphaned  childhood,  fevered  manhood,  and  desolate  old  age. 
Whilst  these  coarse  specimens  of  the  Tudor  Gothic  were  being 
thus  filled,  jour  Custom-house  was  drained — and  now  it  stands 
upon  your  silent  quay,  like  one  of  those  noble  merchant  houses 
that  crumble  to  the  dull  waters  of  the  Adriatic,  telling  us  that 

"  Venice  lost  and  won, 
Her  thirteen-hundred  years  of  freedom  done, 
Sinks,  like  a  sea-weed,  into  whence  she  rose." 

Sir,  I  have  been  told  that  the  Marquis  of  ISTormanby  was  a  true 
nobleman.  I  have  been  told  that  he  was  a  man  of  enlightened 
views  and  generous  impulses — that  he  was  just,  benevolent,  and 
chivalrous.  Were  we  English,  I  might,  perhaps,  desire  no  other 
viceroy.  We  being  Irish — this  land  being  Ireland — I  demand  an 
Irish  viceroy  for  the  Irish  court.  The  Geraldines  have  an  older 
title  to  the  Castle  than  the  House  of  Phipps. 

Associated  with  the  name  of  N'ormanby,  I  know  there  are  many 
brilliant  reminiscences.  Beauty  and  fashion — deputy-lieutenants 
who  propose  Whig  candidates  at  county  elections — a  swarm  of 
expectant  barristers — perhaps  a  solicitor  or  two — men  of  "  mode- 
rate "  politics  and  "  enlightened "  tendencies — would  vote  him 
back  again.  In  his  time,  there  were  gala  days  at  the  Castle — 
many  a  gay  carnival — many  a  dazzling  dance  in  St.  Patrick's  Hall. 
But  were  there  bright  eyes,  and  happy  hearts,  and  busy  hands,  in 
the  tenements  of  the  Liberty  ? 

Society — the  perfumed  society  of  your  squares  ! — was  happy  in 
those  days,  and  loved  the  amiable  Whig  government,  and  would, 
no  doubt,  in  gratitude  for  the  viceregal  balls  at  which  it  flounced 
and  whirled,  vote  for  Whig  candidates  to-morrow.  But,  Sir,  the 
society  that  is  not  exempted  from  the  primeval  curse — the  society 
that  wears  out  strong  sinews  to  earn  the  privilege  of  bread — the 
society  that  knows  no  day  of  rest,  no  day  of  joy,  but  God's  own 


ACCESSION    OF    THE    WHIGS    TO    OFFICE.  Vl 

holiday — tliat  day  on  -whicli  lie  bids  tlie  toiler  go  forth,  and  soothe 
his  sorrows  amid  the  glories  of  his  creation — that  day  on  which 
many  a  worn  hand  may  wreathe  a  garland  of  flowers,  that  has 
been  weaving  a  crown  of  thorns  the  live-long  week — the  society 
that  decks  out  fashion,  that  rears  up  the  mansions  of  the  rich,  and 
by  which  alone,  if  there  was  danger  on  the  coast  to-morrow,  this 
land  could  be  furnished  with  a  stalwart  guard  for  her  defence — 
this,  the  elder,  the  stronger,  the  nobler  society,  has  no  such 
memories — no  such  incentives  to  subserviency.  Roused  from  the 
slumber,  into  which  the  insidious  eloquence  of  English  liberalism 
had  lulled  them,  the  people  have  started  up  ;  and  now,  for  the 
first  time,  see  before  them  a  country  of  which  they  had  not  dreamt, 
and  a  new  destiny  revealing  itself  to  them,  like  the  sun  from 
behind  their  old  hills,  and  that  destiny  expanding  into  glory,  as  it 
mounts  the  heaven,  and  settles  high  above  the  Island  ! 

No,  Sir,  the  people  of  Ireland  can  never  more  be  duped  into 
subserviency  by  assurances  of  sympathy  and  promises  of  redress. 
We  have  become  incredulous  of  every  party  in  the  Senate  and  the 
State.  We  distrust,  we  repudiate,  we  reprobate  them.  We  recog- 
nise, at  last,  the  truth  of  a  maxim  uttered  many  years  ago  by  Swift 
— that  "  party  is  the  madness  of  the  many  for  the  gain  of  the  few  " 
— a  maxim  singularly  applicable  to  the  people  of  this  country  agi- 
tating for  the  ascendancy  of  the  Whigs — the  result  of  the  agitation 
invariably  being,  that,  whilst  the  great  mass  remained  precisely  as 
they  were,  a  select  minority  came  in  for  silk  gowns,  commissioner- 
ships,  constabulary  promotions,  and  colonial  appointments.  In  a 
word,  we  have  learned  to  regard  a  Whig  government  in  Ireland, 
as  little  else  than  a  state  Relief-Committee  for  the  beggarly  poli- 
ticians that  beset  the  country. 

Nor  can  we  forget  the  Ebrington  manifesto — that  advertisement 
from  the  Castle  tradesmen — worded  so  temptingly,  and  addressed 
so  considerately  to  all  repentant  Radicals  and  apostate  Nationalists. 

To  the  manhood  of  the   country,  that  was  an  insult  which 


72  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

provokes  and  justifies  the  severest  resentment.  We  must  resent 
it,  then — resent  it  by  being  honest — for  honesty  is  the  heaviest 
vengeance  we  can  inflict  upon  the  Whigs.        '^ 

It  is  impossible  we  could  forget — it  is  impossible  we  could  for- 
give— that  attempt  of  theirs,  to  purchase  up,  in  the  venal  market 
of  the  Castle,  the  fresh  strength,  the  glowing  genius,  the  bold 
enthusiasm  of  the  island.  Not  to  the  old  men  of  Ireland — not  to 
those  whose  faltering  footsteps  were  waking  the  echoes  of  the  grave, 
and  who,  in  a  few  years  at  most,  it  was  natural  to  expect,  would  be 
laid  down  to  rest  among  their  fathers — did  they  address  them- 
selves. No  ;  they  addressed  the  youth  of  Ireland,  knowing  that 
the  youth  of  a  country  are  the  trustees  of  her  prosperity.  To 
them,  they  held  out  the  golden  chalice  of  the  Treasury  ;  that  so 
the  young  free  soul  of  Ireland  might  drink,  and,  having  drunk, 
sink  down  for  ever,  a  diseased  and  pensioned  slave  ! 

"  Young  men,"  said  they,  "  a  long  life  is  before  you,  and  in  our 
hands  are  placed  the  means  most  conducive  to  its  happiness.  A 
generation  is  passing  from  the  world  whilst  we  speak,  and  leaving 
in  the  several  departments  of  the  State,  whole  fortunes  at  our 
disposal.  To  these,  you  have  a  natural  and  immediate  claim. 
They  are  yours  by  inheiitance,  and,  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  them, 
one  condition  only  has  been  annexed.  To  possess  them,  you  have 
but  to  qualify  by  recreancy,  and  befit  yourselves  by  servitude.  It 
is  a  sensible  and  temperate  condition — an  easy  test  of  loyalty, 
sobriety,  and  prudence.  Renounce,  then,  the  duties  of  citizenship 
— cease  to  be  the  unpaid  servants  of  the  public — become  the 
stipendiaries  of  faction.  You  are  young  Irishmen,  and  have  read 
the  history  of  your  country.  Abjure,  then,  the  doctrines  of 
Molyneaux  and  Grattan — disclaim  their  work — disown  their 
glory — accept  the  teachings,  emulate  the  perfidies  of  Castlereagh 
and  Fitzgibbon.  You  are  young  scholars,  and  have  lately  read 
the  histories  of  Greece  and  Rome.  From  the  story  of  Sparta,  be 
taught  the  patience,  submissiveness,  and  drudgery  of  the  Helots. 


ACCESSION    OF    THE    WHIGS    TO    OFFICE.  ^3 

From  the  more  splendid  chronicles  of  Rome,  learn  the  imperial 
science  of  the  Csesars,  but  he  taught  to  shun  the  vulgar  vices  of  the 
Gracchi.  Thus  will  you  climb  to  power,  gain  access  to  the  viceregal 
table,  and  be  invited  to  masquerades  at  Windsor.  Thus,  if  your 
ambition  be  parliamentary,  will  you  qualify  for  Melbourne-Port, 
or  some  other  convenient  Whig  borough.  And  when,  at  length, 
removed  from  that  country,  whose  wretchedness  would  have  been 
to  you  a  constant  pang,  and  whose  politics  would  have  been  an 
incessant  drain  upon  your  resources,  and  when  mingling  in  the 
lordly  society  of  London,  or  sitting  on  the  Treasury  bench  beside 
your  patrician  benefactors — oh !  you  will  bless  the  government 
that  patronized  servility,  and  thank  your  God  that  you  had  a 
country  to  betray  !" 

But  we  are  told,  that,  since  the  date  of  this  appeal,  the  Whigs 
have  undergone  a  thorough  conversion. 

Believe  it — and  forget  that,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  Lord 
John  Russell  and  his  colleagues  have  voted  for  the  first  reading 
of  the  Coercion  bill — have  voted  against  the  liberty  of  Ireland — 
to  comply,  as  they  delicately  excused  themselves,  with  the  usual 
custom  of  the  House.  Believe  it — and  forget  that,  this  time  last 
year,  their  most  eloquent  confederate  announced  from  his  seat  in 
Parliament,  that  the  price  of  your  independence  should  be  a  civil 
war.  Believe  it — and  forget  the  letter  which  Viscount  Melbourne, 
a  few  weeks  since,  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  this  Association. 

Forget  the  sentiments  of  that  letter,  if  you  can — forgive  them  if 
you  like — breathing,  as  they  do,  a  spirit  of  the  most  dogged  des- 
potism— and  then  believe,  that  the  rumored  conversion  of  the 
Whigs  is  sincere. 

But,  Sir,  I  have  to  apologize.  After  all,  this  is  not  the  tone  in 
which  I  should  address  a  people  who  have  vowed,  before  man  and 
God,  to  raise  up  a  nation,  here  in  these  western  waters,  and  to 
make  that  nation  as  free,  as  the  freest  that  now  bears  a  flag  upon 
the  sea,  and  guards  a  senate  upon  the  land  ! 

4 


14:  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

It  was  not  to  recede,  tliat  you  advanced  so  far.  It  was  not  to 
apostatize,  tliat  you  professed  your  belief  in  a  new  fate,  and  spoke 
of  martyrdom  in  testimony  of  your  faitli.  It  was  not  for  this  that 
you  evoked  the  memories  of  a  great  event — that  you  hastened 
back  to  the  church  of  Dungannon,  and  embraced  the  principles, 
though  you  could  not  unsheath  the  swords,  of  the  patriot  soldiers 
of  '82.  It  was  not  for  this,  that  you  gathered  in  thousands  round 
the  hill  of  Tara,  and  hailed  your  leader  upon  the  rath  of  Mullagh- 
mast,  as  the  Romans  did  Rienzi  in  the  Palace  of  the  Capitol. 
There  you  swore  that  Ireland  should  be  once  more  a  sovereign 
State — that  she  should  have  a  senate  to  guide,  a  commerce  to 
enrich,  civic  arms  to  protect,  and  a  virtuous  fame  to  crown  her. 

After  this,  name  your  terms  to  the  Whigs — strike  a  bargain  with 

them — lease  them  your  votes  for  another  experimental  session — 

lend  them  your  voices — "  your  most  sweet  voices  " — cut  down  your 

demands  to  their  crippled  powers  of  concession — unite  with  them 

in   their  oppression  of  the   Orangemen,   who   are  your  brothers 

— give    over   your   notions   about    self-government — go    back    to 

"  precursorship " — speak  no  more  about  the  encouragement  of 

Irish  genius,  the  rearing  up  of  Irish  art,  the  planting  of  an  Irish 

flag — back   the  Poor-law   Commissioners,  and    sustain  the   new 

Police — be  practical,   that  is,  be   partisan — be    sensible,  that  is, 

cease  to   be  honest — be  rational,  that   is,   conceive  the  poorest 

possible  opinion  of  your  country — fall ! — fall,  as  Athens  fell,  whose 

soul 

"JSTo  foreign  foe  could  quell, 

Till  from  itself  it  fell- 
Till  self-abasement  paA^ed  the  way 
To  villain  bonds  and  despot  sway." 

Thus  will  your  country  win  the  eloquent  sympathies  of  Whig 
orators,  and,  "  when  the  times  improve,"  the  kind  consideration 
of  Whig  statesmen.  But,  mind  you,  America  will  indict  her  as  a 
swindler,  and  France  placard  her  as  a  coward ! 


ACCESSION    OF    THE    WHIGS    TO    OFFICE.  T5 

As  I  said  before,  I  should  not  pursue  this  strain,  knowing,  as  I 
do,  your  determination — knowing  that  you  would  repel  the  man 
who,  in  this  Hall,  would  vote  a  compromise,  and  beat  down  the 
traitor,  whoever  he  might  be.  I  should  not  have  done  so.  But 
the  report  was  abroad,  that  our  demands  would  moderate  with  the 
advent  of  the  Whigs  to  office,  and  that  the  spirit  of  this  Associa- 
tion would  be  affected,  by  the  transition  of  patronage  from  one 
English  faction  to  another.  Our  future  acts,  I  have  no  doubt,  will 
teach  our  opponents  the  error  of  this  report,  and  prove  to  them 
that  we  are  in  earnest — that  we  mean  what  we  say — and  that  out 
of  this  contest  we  shall  not  back,  come  what  may.  The  next 
elections  will  prove  to  them,  that  we  have  gone  into  this  struggle 
with  a  firm  purpose  to  fight  it  out  to  the  last,  and  make  a  good 
end  of  it,  with  the  help  of  God.  The  cry  upon  the  hustings  shall 
be  "  Repeal "  and  nothing  else.  The  members  of  this  Association, 
the  people  of  Ireland,  are  pledged  to  nothing  else — and  from  those 
hustings  will  be  heard  many  an  honest  shout  of — "  down  with  the 
Whigs — down  with  corruption  !" 

Let  the  people  look  out,  then,  select  their  representatives  in 
time,  and  be  assured  they  are  true  men.  They  have  been  deceived 
before.  -At  former  elections,  men  have  not  hesitated  to  take 
pledges  which  they  had  no  intention  to  redeem — men  who,  even 
in  the  English  Commons,  have  been  the  eloquent  advocates  of  that 
very  measure,  which  now  they  do  not  blush  to  designate  a 
"  splendid  phantom." 

Beware  of  Whig  candidates  !  Accept  no  man  in  whose 
integrity  you  do  not  place  fall  reliance,  and  whose  heart,  you  may 
have  reason  to  suspect,  is  not  thoroughly  in  the  cause  which  he 
professes  to  uphold.  Demand  from  the  gentlemen,  wdio  solicit 
your  votes,  the  most  explicit  declarations — plain,  straightforward, 
conclusive  declarations.  Vote  for  no  man,  who  is  not  an  enrolled 
member  of  this  Association,  and  who  will  not  pledge  himself  to 
you,  to  work  here  in  this  Hall^  and  vote  hei-eafter  iu  the  English 


76  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Commons,  for  tlie  unconditional  Repeal  of  the  Legislative 
Union. 

I  know,  Sir,  tliat  to  pursue  this  line  of  conduct  manfully,  a 
sacrifice  of  personal  interest — more  than  all,  a  sacrifice  of  private 
feelino* — may  be  required  from  some  of  us.  But  the  cause  is 
worthy  of  the  most  severe  sacrifice  which  men  could  undergo. 
It  is  better  that  the  hearts  of  a  few  should  be  pained,  than 
the  o-reat  heart  of  the  nation  should  be  broken.  Hereafter, 
for  whatever  we  may  endure — and  as  yet  we  have  suffered 
nothing — we  shall  receive  an  ample  recompense.x^ 

For  myself,  and  for  those  with  whom  I  most  associate,  I  can 
answer  to  the  country. 

If  we — who  have  been  suspected  for  our  honesty  and  censured 
for  our  zeal — we,  who  will  love  the  country,  though  the  country 
may  not  love  us — if  we  be  not  called  away  in  the  morning  of  life, 
like  our  illustrious  friend,  Thomas  Davis,  our  prophet  and  our 
guide — he  whose  integrity  we  shall  ever  strive  to  emulate,  though 
his  labors  we  may  not  equal — he  whom  it  is  but  just  to  number 
amongst  those  of  whom  a  glorious  poet  has  written — 

"That  as  soon 
As  they  had  touched  the  earth  with  living  flame, 
Fled  back  like  eagles  to  their  native  noon  " — 

if  we  be  not  called  away  as  he  has  been — if  it  be  our  fate  to 
live  and  witness  the  triumph,  toiling  for  which  he  died — then 
shall  we  receive  our  recompense — a  free  young  nation  will  look 
upon  us  in  her  glory,  and  bid  us  be  glad  of  heart  amongst  her 
free  sons — and  when,  at  length,  our  time  hath  come,  we  shall 
sleep,  not  in  the  Desert,  but  in  the  Promised  Land  ! 


FREEDOM  OF  OPINION— MORALITY  OF  WAR. 

Conciliation  Hall,  Dublin,  28th  July,  1846. 

[The  debate  in  the  English  Commons  on  the  Irish  Coercion  bill  was 
designedly  prolonged,  imtil  the  Corn  and  Tariff  Bills  received  the  assent  of 
the  Lords.  The  division  on  the  second  reading  of  the  former  (Tliursdav, 
June  25th,)  out  of  a  house  of  511  members,  gave  a  majority  of  'FS  against 
the  Ministers.  Sir  Robert  Peel  left  the  House  immediately  after  the 
announcement  of  the  vote.  Monday  29th,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  after 
some  explanation  relative  to  the  Oregon  Territory,  by  the  Earl  of  Aber- 
deen, the  Duke  of  Wellington  announced  the  resignation  of  the  Ministers. 
On  the  same  evening,  Sir  Robert  Peel  announced  the  resignation  in 
the  Commons.  In  his  speech  on  the  occasion,  he  said  that  it  was  "  espe- 
,cially  in  consequence  of  that  vote  to  which  the  House  came,  on  the 
Coercion  bill,  that  the  ministers  felt  it  their  duty  to  resign."  "  We  were 
defeated,"  he  said,  "  on  a  question  connected  with  Ireland,  but  not  merely 
because  it  was  an  Irish  question."  Alluding  to  the  weakness  of  the  ministry 
consequent  on  the  opposition  of  the  Protectionists,  he  observed : — "  It  is 
not  for  the  public  interest  that  a  government  should  remain  in  office  when 
it  is  unable  to  give  practical  effect  to  the  measures  they  believe  necessary 
for  the  national  welfare  ;  and  I  do  think  it  probable,  in  the  position  in 
which  Her  Majesty's  government  were  placed  by  the  withdrawal,  perhaps 
the  natural  withdrawal,  of  the  confidence  of  many  of  those  who  hereto- 
fore had  given  them  support,  that  even  if  the  late  vote  had  been  in  our 
favor,  ministers  would  not  have  been  able,  with  credit  to  themselves,  to  con- 
tinue the  administration  of  public  affairs,"  He  concluded — "I  shall.  I  fear, 
leave  office  with  a  name  severely  censured  by  many  honorable  men  who, 
on  pviblic  principle,  deeply  regret  the  severance  of  parties — who  doej)]y 
regret  that  severance,  not  from  any  interested  or  personal  motives,  but 
because  they  believe  fidelity  to  party,  the  existence  of  a  great  party,  and 
the  maintenance  of  a  great  party,  to  be  powerful  instruments  of  govern- 


T8  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

ment.  I  shall  surrender  power,  severely  censured,  I  fear,  by  many  honor- 
able men,  who,  from  no  interested  motives,  have  adhered  to  the  principles 
of  protection,  but  because  they  looked  upon  it  as  important  to  the  welfare 
and  interests  of  the  country.  I  shall  leave  a  name  execrated  by  every 
monopolist — who,  professing  honorable  opinions,  would  maintain  protec- 
tion for  his  own  individual  benefit — but  it  may  be  that  I  shall  be  some- 
times remembered  with  expressions  of  good  will  in  those  places  v,'hich  are 
the  abodes  of  men,  whose  lot  is  to  labor  and  earn  their  bread  by  the  sweat 
of  their  brow."  July  3d,  the  official  list  of  the  Whig  Administration  was 
published — Premier,  Lord  John  Russell ;  Home  Department,  Sir  George 
Grey;  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  Earl  of  Besborough ;  Commander  in 
Chief,  Duke  of  Wellington.  July  16th,  the  Premier,  giving  notice  of  the 
general  ministerial  policy,  with  regard  to  Ireland,  said  "that  the  govern- 
ment were  prepared  to  propose  measures,  which,  though  perhaps  they 
might  not  remedy  the  immediate  grievances  of  that  country,  would  pro- 
duce beneficial  effects,  so  that,  in  the  course  of  ten  years,  Ireland  would  be 
greatly  improved,"  and  was  "  prepared  to  propose  for  the  people  of  Ireland 
an  enjoyment  of  the  franchise  equal  to  that  possessed  by  the  people  of 
England."  The  Whig  government,  moreover,  came  to  the  determination  of 
reinstating  the  magistrates  who  had  been  dismissed  from  the  commission 
of  the  peace,  in  consequence  of  their  Repeal  principles  by  the  late  adminis- 
tration. Mr.  O'Connell  considered  this  "  another  title  in  gratitude  "  to  the 
Whigs.  Mr.  Richard  Lalor  Shiel,  was  appointed  Master  of  the  Mint,  and 
consequently,  had  to  resign  his  seat  for  the  borough  of  Dungarvan,  to  ena- 
ble him  to  sit  again.  Contrary  to  public  expectation,  and  to  the  disap- 
pointment and  dismay  of  all  friends  of  the  national  cause,  he  was  per- 
mitted to  resume  his  seat,  under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  O'Connell,  though 
candidates  on  the  Repeal  interest  were  willing  to  come  forward,  and 
a  deputation  from  Dungarvan,  had,  some  days  previous  to  the  elec- 
tion, urged  upon  the  committee  of  the  Repeal  Association  the  necessity  of 
a  contest.  July  13th,  Mr.  O'Connell,  in  the  Repeal  Association,  liaving 
explained  the  proceeding  of  the  Committee,  relative  to  the  return  of  Mr. 
Shiel,  (to  the  complete  satisfaction  of  his  adherents,)  proceeded  to  move  the 
adoption  of  a  series  of  resolutions,  generally  known  as  the  "  Peace  Resolu- 
tions." These  resolutions  re-stated  the  original  principles  of  the  Association, 
but  fui-; her  declared  "abhorrence  of  all  attempts  to  improve  and  augment 
constitutional  liberty  by  means  of  force,  or  violence,  or  bloodshed — that  to 
promote  political  amelioration,  peaceable  means  alone  should  be  used,  to  the 


FREEDOM    OF    OPINION MORALITY    OF    WAR.  ^9 

exclusion  of  all  others."  Mr.  O'Connell  had  no  ostensible  reason  for  intro- 
ducing these  resolutions,  unless  it  was  the  statement  of  Lord  John  Russell 
(June  15th)  in  the  House  of  Commons  to  the  following  effect : — "  There  is  a 
numerous  body  in  Ireland — numerous  even  among  her  representatives — 
which  says  that  no  legislation  of  a  united  parliament  can  de\'ise  fit  reme- 
dies for  Irish  grievances,  and  that  it  is  in  a  domestic  parliament  alone,  that 
fit  and  wise  legislation  can  be  looked  for.  Tliere  are  others,  I  fear,  who, 
if  I  read  rightly  their  sentiments,  as  expressed  in  a  newspaper — I  will  name 
it — called  the  Nation,  which  has  great  circulation  in  Ireland,  Avho  go 
beyond  tliat  question  of  the  legislative  Union — who  would  write,  not 
merely  to  have  such  a  parliament  as  that  which  it  was  the  boast  of  Grat- 
tan  to  found,  and  which  legislated  under  the  sceptre  of  the  same  Sovereign 
as  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  but  a  party  which  exerts  every  species 
of  violence,  which  looks  to  disturbance  as  its  means,  and  regards  separation 
from  England  as  its  end."  In  fact,  Mr.  O'Connell,  having  cited  this  pas- 
sage, (31st  August)  frankly  admitted  as  much.  "  He  (Lord  J.)  was  not 
the  man  to  put  anything  forward  to  serve  a  party  purpose,  and  was 
it  not  time  for  him  (Mr.  O'C.)  to  take  up  the  subject  when  he  found 
his  lordship  saying  that  the  Nation  had  a  tendency  to  separation  ?"  The 
tone,  however,  of  the  "  Young  Irelanders  " — as  the  younger  members  of 
the  Association  were  styled — with  regard  to  the  Whigs,  and  the  tempo- 
rising policy  of  the  Repeal  Association  had  become  somewhat  inconvenient 
to  Mr.  O'Connell.  They  were  in  his  way — that  was  evident.  Tliey  must 
be  got  rid  of — that  was  equally  clear.  Yet  it  would  not  look  well 
to  exclude  them  on  account  of  their  opposition  to  the  Whigs,  and  their 
efforts  to  maintain  the  integrity  and  independence  of  the  Association. 
On  the  strength,  therefore,  of  Lord  John  Russell's  fictitious  announcement 
of  June  15th — without  one  word  or  act  being  cited  against  them  to  sustain 
the  charge — they  were  accused  of  a  design  to  introduce  revolutionary 
ideas  into  the  Repeal  Association.  They  were  perfectly  ready  to  subscribe 
to  the  original  principles  of  the  Association,  and  to  abide  by  all  its  rules 
and  regulations  ;  but,  refused  to  concur  in  the  abstract  principle,  "  that  the 
amelioration  of  political  institutions  ought  not  to  be  sought  for  by  any 
other  means  than  those  Avhich  are  perfectly  peaceable,  legal,  and  constitu- 
tional." Mr.  O'Connell  had  foreseen  this,  and  consequently,  brought  in 
these  "Peace  Resolutions,"  for  the  distinct  piu'pose,  as  he  himself  avowed 
on  the  13th  July,  of  drawing  "a  marked  line  between  Young  Ireland  and 
Old  Ireland."   After  an  angry  discussion,  which  almost  exclusively  referred  to 


80  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

the  election  of  Mr.  Shell,  these  resolutions  were  carried  by  an  overwhelming 
majority.    The  members  who  dissented  from  them,  however,  did  not  feel 
called  upon  to  retire,  and  consequently  attended  in  their   usual  places  on 
Monday,  July  20th.      Mr.   O'Connell  had   returned  to  London  with  the 
belief,  "  that  he  had  effectually  composed  all  differences  ;"  but  finding,  fi-om 
the    nev/spapers,    that    the    "Young   Irelanders" — whom    he    considered 
"virtually  expelled" — were  still  in  attendance   at    the   meetings   of  the' 
Association,  he  instructed  his  son,  Mr.  John  O'Connell,  to  re-open  the  dis- 
cussion on  the  "  Peace  Resolutions,"  with  the  view,  in  the  first  place,  of 
clearly  ascertaining,  once  for  all,  who  were  for  them  ;  and,  in  the  second, 
of  expelling  all  those  who  appeared  opposed  to  them.     On  Monday,  27 th 
July,  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin  in  the  chair,  the  resolutions  in  question 
were  again  submitted  to  the  Association.     Mr.  John  O'Connell  delivered  a 
long  and   laborious   speech  in  support  of  them.      Some  other  members 
followed.      The  debate   was   resumed   the   following   day.      Mr.    Mitchel 
replied  to  !Mr.  John  O'Connell.    The  following  speech  was  interrupted  by 
the  latter  gentleman,  because,  "  it  was  the  strongest  conviction  on  his  (Mr. 
John  O'C.'s)  soul,  that  it  would  not  be  safe  for  the  Association  to  allow 
him  (Mr.  Meagher)  to  proceed.     He  had  no  puzzle  whatever,  in  saying,  that 
the  language  of  Mr.  Meagher,  was  not  language  that  could  be  safely  listened 
to  by  the  Association — that  the  sentiments  he  had  avowed,  were  sentiments 
directly  and  diametrically  opposed  to  the  sentiments  of  that  Association — 
and  that,  therefore,  the  Association  must  cease  to  exist,  or  Mr.  Meagher 
cease  to  be  a  member  of  it."     Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  said,  that  "  he  could  not 
allow  the  meeting  to  come  to  such  a  conclusion,  without  expressing  his 
opinion,  that  the  course   of  argument  adopted  by  'Mr.  Meagher  was  per- 
fectly fair  and  legitimate.      He  understood,   they  were  invited  to   come 
there  that  day,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  deliberately  whether  any 
gentleman  could  continue  to  be  a  member  of  the  Association,  who  enter- 
tained   the    opinion,    conscientiously,   that   there   were    occasions    which 
justified  a  nation  in  resorting   to  the  sword  for  the  vindication  of  its 
liberties.     Mr.  Meagher  had  distinctly  stated,  that  he  joined  the  Association 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  Repeal  by  peaceful  and  moral  means  alone. 
But  he  does  not  consider,  nor  did  he  (Mr.  O'B.)  consider  that,  when  they 
were  invited  to  a  discussion  of  that  description,  they  were  precluded  from 
asserting  the  opinion  which,  after  all,  was  involved  in  the  discussion  ;  and 
from  submitting  such  reasons,  as  they  felt  themselves  at  liberty  to  submit 
to  their  fellow  countrymen,  in  vindication  of  the  opinions  which  had  been 


FREEDOM    OF    OPINION MORALITY    OF    WAR.  81 

arraignerl."  Mr,  John  O'Connell  stili  insisted,  "that  the  language  held 
by  Mr.  Meagher  was  most  dangerous."  A  scene  of  great  confusion  took 
place,  during  which  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  and  several  other  gentlemen — con- 
■vineed.  there  was  no  longer  any  hope  that  freedom  of  opinion  would 
be  respected  in  the  Association — left  the  meeting.  Thus  the  "  Secession  " 
occurred.] 

My  Lord  Mayor,  I  will  commence  as  Mr.  Mitchel  concluded,  by 
an  allusion  to  the  Whigs. 

I  fully  concur  with  my  friend,  that  the  most  comprehensive 
measures  which  the  Whig  minister  may  propose,  will  fail  to  lift 
this  country  up  to  that  position  which  she  has  the  right  to  occupy, 
and  the  power  to  maintain.  A  Whig  minister,  I  admit,  may 
improve  the  province — he  will  not  restore  the  nation.  Franchises, 
tenant-compensation  bills,  liberal  appointments,  may  ameliorate — 
they  will  not  exalt.  They  may  meet  the  necessities — they  will 
not  call  forth  the  abilities  of  the  country.  The  errors  of  the  past 
may  be  repaired — the  hopes  of  the  future  will  not  be  fulfilled. 
With  a  vote  in  one  pocket,  a  lease  in  the  other,  and  "  full  justice  " 
before  him  at  the  petty  sessions — in  the  shape  of  a  "  restored 
magistrate" — the  humblest  peasant  may  be  told  that  he  is  free  ; 
but,  my  Lord,  he  will  not  have  the  character  of  a  freeman — his 
spirit  to  dare,  his  energy  to  act.  From  the  stateliest  mansion, 
down  to  the  poorest  cottage  in  the  land,  the  inactivity,  the  mean- 
ness, the  debasement,  which  provincialism  engenders,  will  be 
perceptible. 

These  are  not  the  crude  sentiments  of  youth,  though  the  mere 
commercial  politician,  who  has  deduced  his  ideas  of  self-govern- 
ment from  the  table  of  imports  and  exports,  may  satirize  them  as 
such.  Age  has  uttered  them,  my  Lord,  and  the  experience  of 
eighty  years  has  preached  them  to  the  people. 

A  few  weeks  since,  and  there  stood  up  in  the  Court  of  Queen's 
Bench  an  old  and  venerable  man,  to  teach  the  country  the 
lessons  he  had  learned  in  his  youth  beneath  the  portico  of  the 

4* 


82  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Irish  Senate  House,  and  which,  during  a  long  hfe,  he  had  treasured 
in  his  heart,  as  the  costliest  legacy  a  true  citizen  could  bequeath 
the  land  that  gave  him  birth. 

What  aaid  this  aged  orator  ? 

"  jSTational  independence  does  not  necessarily  lead  to  national 
virtue  and  happiness  ;  but  reason  and  experience  demonstrate,  that 
public  spirit  and  general  happiness  are  looked  for  in  vain  under 
the  withering  influence  of  provincial  subjection.  The  very  con- 
sciousness of  being  dependent  on  another  power,  for  advancement 
in  the  scale  of  national  being,  weighs  down  the  spirit  of  a  people, 
manacles  the  eftbrts  of  genius,  depresses  the  energies  of  virtue, 
blunts  the  sense  of  common  glory  and  common  good,  and  produces 
an  insulated  selfishness  of  character,  the  surest  mark  of  debase- 
ment in  the  individual,  and  mortality  in  the  State." 

My  Lord,  it  was  once  said  by  an  eminent  citizen  of  Rome,  the 
elder  Pliny,  that  "  we  owe  our  youth  and  manhood  to  our  country, 
but  our  declining  age  to  ourselves."  This  may  have  been  the  max- 
im of  the  Roman — it  is  not  the  maxim  of  the  Irish  patriot.  One 
might  have  thought,  that  the  anxieties,  the  labors,  the  vicissitudes 
of  a  long  career,  had  dimmed  the  fire  which  burned  in  the  heart 
of  the  illustrious  old  man,  whose  words  I  have  cited  ;  but  now, 
almost  from  the  shadow  of  death,  he  comes  forth  with  the  vigor 
of  youth  and  the  authority  of  age,  to  serve  the  country — in  the 
defence  of  which  he  once  bore  arms — by  an  example,  my  Lord, 
that  must  shame  the  coward,  rouse  the  sluggard,  and  stimulate 
the  bold.  These  sentiments  have  sunk  deep  into  the  public  mind. 
The}^  are  recited  as  the  national  creed.  Whilst  these  sentiments 
inspire  the  people,  I  have  no  fear  for  the  national  cause — I  do  not 
dread  the  venal  influence  of  the  Whigs. 

Inspired  by  such  sentiments,  the  people  of  this  country  will  look 
beyond  the  mere  redress  of  existing  wrongs,  and  strive  for  the 
attainment  of  future  power. 

A  good  government  may,  indeed,  redress  the  grievances  of  an 


FREEDOM    OF    OPINION MORALITY    OF    WAR.  83 

injured  people ;  but  a  strong-  people  alone  can  build  up  a  great 
nation.  To  be  strong,  a  people  must  be  self-relianit,  self-ruled, 
self-sustained.  The  dependence  of  one  people  upon  another,  even 
for  the  benefits  of  legislation,  is  the  deepest  source  of  national 
weakness.  By  an  unnatural  law  it  exempts  a  people  from  tlieir 
just  duties — tlieir  just  responsibilities.  When  you  exempt  a 
people  from  these  duties,  from  these  responsibilities,  you  generate 
in  them  a  distrust  in  tlieir  own  powers.  Thus  you  enervate,  if 
you  do  not  utterly  destroy,  that  spirit  which  a  sense  of  these 
responsibilities  is  sure  to  inspire,  and  which  the  fulfilment  of  these 
duties  never  ftiils  to  invigorate.  Where  this  spirit  does  not  actu- 
ate, the  country  may  be  tranquil — it  will  not  be  prosperous.  It 
may  exist — it  will  not  thrive.  It  may  hold  together — it  will  not 
advance.  Peace  it  may  enjoy — for  peace  and  serfdom  are  com- 
patible. But,  my  Lord,  it  will  neither  accumulate  wealth,  nor  win 
a  character.  It  will  neither  benefit  mankind  by  the  enterprise  of 
its  merchants,  nor  instruct  mankind  by  the  examples  of  its  states- 
men. 

I  make  these  observations,  for  it  is  the  custom  of  some  moderate 
politicians  to  say,  that  when  the  Whigs  have  accomplished  the 
"  pacification  "  of  the  country,  there  wdll  be  little  or  no  necessity 
for  Repeal.  My  Lord,  there  is  something  else,  there  is  everything 
else,  to  be  done  when  the  work  of  "  pacification "  has  been 
accomplished — and  here  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  observe,  that  the 
prosperity  of  a  country  is,  perhaps,  the  sole  guarantee  for  its 
tranquillity,  and  that  the  more  universal  the  prosperity,  the  more 
permanent  will  be  the  repose. 

But  the  Whigs  will  enrich  as  w^ell  as  pacify  ! 

Grant  it,  my  Lord.  Then  do  I  conceive  that  the  necessity  for 
Repeal  will  augment.  Great  interests  demand  great  safeguards. 
The  prosperity  of  a  nation  requires  the  protection  of  a  senate. 
Hereafter  a  national  senate  may  require  the  protection  of  a  national 
army. 


84  ENGLISH    LEGISLATIOlSr. 

So  much  for  the  extraordinary  affluence  v/ith  which  we  are 
threatened  ;  and  which,  it  is  said  by  gentlemen  on  the  opposite 
shore  of  the  Irish  feea,  will  crush  this  Association,  and  bury  the 
enthusiasts,  who  clamor  for  Irish  nationality,  in  a  sepulchre  of 
gold.  This  prediction,  however,  is  feebly  sustained  by  the  minis- 
terial  programme  that  has  lately  appeared. 

On  the  evening  of  the  16th,  the  Whig  premier,  in  answer  to  a 
question  that  was  put  to  him  by  the  member  for  Finsbury,  Mr. 
Duncombe,  is  reported  to  have  made  this  consolatory  announce- 
ment : — 

"  We  consider  that  the  social  grievances  of  Ireland  are  those 
which  are  most  prominent — and  to  which  it  is  most  likely  to  be 
in  our  pov/er  to  afford,  not  a  complete  and  immediate  remedy,  but 
some  remedy,  some  kind  of  improvement,  so  that  some  kind  of 
hope  may  be  entertained  that,  some  ten  or  twelve  years  hence,  the 
country  will,  by  the  measures  we  undertake,  be  in  a  far  better  state 
with  respect  to  the  frightful  destitution  and  misery  which  now 
prevails  in  that  country.     We  have  that  practical  object  in  view." 

After  that  most  consolatory  announcement,  my  Lord,  let  those 
w^ho  have  the  patience  of  Job  and  the  poverty  of  Lazarus,  continue 
in  good  faith  "  to  wait  on  Providence  and  the  Whigs  " — continue 
to  entertain  "  some  kind  of  hope  "  that  if  not  "  a  complete  and 
immediate  remedy,"  at  least  "  some  remedy,"  "  some  improve- 
ment," will  place  this  country  in  "  a  far  better  state  "  than  it  is  at 
present,  "  some  ten  or  twelve  years  hence."  After  that,  let  those 
who  prefer  the  periodical  boons  of  a  Whig  government  to  that 
which  would  be  the  abiding  blessing  of  an  Irish  parliament — let 
those  who  deny  to  Ireland  what  they  assert  for  Poland — let  those 
who  would  inflict,  as  Henry  Grattan  said,  an  eternal  disability 
upon  this  country,  to  which  Providence  has  assigned  the  lai-gest 
facihties  for  power — let  those  who  would  ratify  the  "  base  swap," 


FREEDOM    OF    OPINION MORALITY    OF    WAR.  85 

as  Mr.  Sheil  once  stigmatised  the  Act  of  Union,  and  who  would 
stamp  jperfection  upon  that  deed  of  perfidy — let  such  men 

"  Plod  on  in  sluggish  misery, 
Rotting  from  sire  to  son,  from  age  to  age, 
Proud  of  their  trampled  nature." 

But  we,  my  Lord,  who  are  assembled  in  this  Hall,  and  in  whose 
hearts  the  Union  has  not  bred  the  slave's  disease — we  who  have 
not  been  imperialized — we  are  here,  with  the  hope  to  undo  that 
work,  which,  forty-six  years  ago,  dishonored  the  ancient  peerage, 
and  subjugated  the  people  of  our  country. 

My  Lord,  to  assist  the  people  of  L'eland  to  undo  that  work,  I 
came  to  this  hall.  I  came  here  to  repeal  the  Act  of  Union — I 
came  here  for  nothing  else.  Upon  every  other  question,  I  feel 
myself  at  perfect  liberty  to  differ  from  each  and  every  one  of  you. 
Upon  questions  of  finance — -questions  of  a  religious  character — 
questions  of  an  educational  character — questions  of  municipal 
policy — questions  that  may  arise  from  the  proceedings  of  the 
legislature — upon  all  these  questions,  I  feel  myself  at  perfect 
liberty  to  differ  from  each  and  every  one  of  you.  Yet  more,  my 
Lord,  I  maintain  that  it  is  my  right  to  express  my  opinion  upon 
each  of  these  questions,  if  necessary.  The  right  of  free  discussion 
I  have  here  upheld.  In  the  exercise  of  that  right  I  have  differed, 
sometimes,  from  the  leader  of  this  Association,  and  would  do  so 
again.  That  right  I  will  not  abandon — I  shall  maintain  it  to  the 
last. 

In  doing  so,  let  me  not  be  told  that  I  seek  to  undermine  the 
influence  of  the  leader  of  this  Association,  and  am  insensible  to 
his  services.  My  Lord,  I  am  grateful  for  his  services,  and  will 
uphold  his  just  influence. 

This  is  the  first  time  I  have  spoken  in  these  terms  of  that 
illustrious  Irishman,  in  this  hall.     I  did  not  do  so  before — I  felt 


86  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

it  was  unnecessary.     I  hate  unnecessary  praise — I  scorn  to  receive 
it — I  scorn  to  bestow  it.  / 

ISTo,  my  Lord,  I  am  not  ungrateful  to  the  man  "who  struck  the 
fetters  off  my  arms,  whilst  I  was  yet  a  child,  and  by  whose 
influence,  my  father — the  first  Catholic  who  did  so  for  two 
hundred  years — sat,  for  the  last  two  years,  in  the  civic  chair  of  an 
ancient  city.  But,  my  Lord,  the  same  God  who  gave  to  that  great 
man  the  j^ower  to  strike  down  an  odious  ascendancy  in  this 
country,  and  enabled  him  to  institute  in  this  land  the  glorious 
law  of  religious  equality — the  same  God  gave  to  me  a  mind  that 
is  my  own — a  mind  that  has  not  been  mortgaged  to  the  oj^inions 
of  any  man  or  any  set  of  men — a  mind  that  I  was  to  use,  and  not 
surrender. 

My  Lord,  in  the  exercise  of  that  right,  which  I  have  here 
endeavored  to  uphold — a  right  which  this  Association  should 
preserve  inviolate,  if  it  desires  not  to  become  a  despotism — in  the 
exercise  of  that  right,  I  have  differed  from  Mr.  O'Connell  on  pre- 
vious occasions,  and  differ  from  him  now.  I  do  not  agree  with 
him  in  the  opinion  he  entertains  of  my  friend,  Charles  Gavan 
Duffy — that  man  whom  I  am  proud,  indeed,  to  call  my  friend — 
though  he  is  a  "convicted  conspirator,"  and  suffered  for  you  in 
Richmond  prison.  I  do  not  think  he  is  a  "  maligner."  I  do  not 
think  he  has  lost,  or  deserves  to  lose,  the  public  favor. 

I  have  no  more  connexion  with  the  Nation  than  I  have  with 
the  Times.  I,  therefore,  feel  no  delicacy  in  appearing  here  this 
day  in  defence  of  its  principles,  with  which  I  avow  myself  identi- 
fied. 

My  Lord,  it  is  to  me  a  source  of  true  delight  and  honest  pride 
to  speak  this  day  in  defence  of  that  great  journal.  I  do  not  fear 
to  assume  the  position.  Exalted  though  it  be,  it  is  easy  to  main- 
tain it.  The  character  of  that  journal  is  above  reproach.  The 
abihty  that  sustains  it,  has  won  a  European  fame.  The  genius  of 
which  it  is  the  offspring,  the  truth  of  which  it  is  the  oracle,  have 


FREEDOM    OF    OPINION MORALITY    OF    WAR.  87 

been  recognized,  my  Lord,  by  friends  and  foes.  I  care  not  bow  it 
may  be  ass«iiled — I  care  not  bowsoever  great  may  be  tbe  talent, 
howsoever  bigb  may  be  tbe  position  of  tbose  who  now  consider  it 
their  duty  to  impeach  its  writings — I  do  tbink  that  it  has  won 
too  splendid  a  reputation,  to  lose  tbe  influence  it  has  acquired. 
Tbe  people,  whose  enthusiasm  has  been  kindled  by  tbe  impetuous 
fire  of  its  verse,  and  whose  sentiments  have  been  ennobled  by  tbe 
earnest  purity  of  its  teaching,  will  not  ratify  the  censure  that  has 
been  pronounced  upon  it  in  this  Hall.  Truth  will  have  its  day  of 
triumph,  as  well  as  its  day  of  trial ;  and  I  foresee  that  the  fearless 
patriotism  which,  in  those  pages,  has  braved  tbe  prejudices  of  tbe 
day,  to  enunciate  grand  truths,  will  triumph  in  tbe  end. 

My  Lord,  such  do  I  believe  to  be  tbe  character,  such  do  I  anti- 
cipate will  be  the  fate,  of  tbe  principles  that  are  now  impeached. 

This  brings  me  to  what  may  be  called  the  "  question  of  the 
day." 

Before  I  enter  upon  that  question,  how^ever,  I  will  allude  to  one 
observation  which  fell  from  the  honorable  member  for  Kilkenny, 
and  which  may  be  said  to  refer  to  tbose  who  expressed  an  opinion 
that  has  been  construed  into  a  declaration  of  war. 

Tbe  honorable  gentleman  said — in  reference,  I  presume,  to  those 
who  dissented  from  tbe  resolutions  of  Monday — that  tbose  Avho 
were  loudest  in  their  declarations  of  war,  were  usually  the  most 
backward  in  acting  up  to  those  declarations.  My  Lord,  I  do  not 
find  fault  with  the  honorable  gentleman  for  giving  expression  to  a 
very  ordinary  saying,  but  this  I  will  say,  that  I  did  not  volunteer 
the  opinion  he  condemns — to  the  declaration  of  that  opinion  I 
was  forced.  You  left  me  no  alternative — I  should  compromise  my 
opinion,  or  avow  it.  To  be  honest,  I  avowed  it.  I  did  not  do  so 
to  brag,  as  they  say.  AVe  have  had  too  much  of  that  "bragging" 
in  Ireland.     I  would  be  tbe  last  to  imitate  tbe  custom. 

Well,  I  dissented  from  those  "  peace  resolutions  " — as  they  are 
called. 


83  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Why  so  ? 

In  the  first  place,  my  Lord,  I  conceive  there  was  not  the  least 
necessity  for  them. 

No  member  of  this  Association  suggested  an  appeal  to  arms. 
No  member  of  this  Association  advised  it.  No  member  of  this 
Association  would  be  so  infatuated  as  to  do  so.  In  the  existing 
circumstances  of  the  country,  an  excitement  to  arms  would  be 
senseless — and  wicked,  because  irrational.  To  talk,  now-a-days, 
of  repealing  the  Act  of  Union  by  force  of  arms,  would  be  to 
rhapsodize.  If  the  attempt  were  made,  it  would  be  a  decided 
failure.  There  might  be  riot  in  the  street — there  would  be  no 
revolution  in  the  country. 

The  Secretary,  Mr-.  Crean,  will  far  more  effectively  promote  the 
cause  of  Repeal,  by  registering  votes  in  Green-street,  than  register- 
ing fire-arms  in  the  Head  police-oflSce.  Conciliation  Hall,  on 
Burgh-quay,  is  more  impregnable  than  a  rebel  camp,  on  Vinegar 
Hill.  The  Hustings,  at  Dundalk,  will  be  more  successfully 
stormed,  -than  the  Magazine  in  the  Park.  The  registry  club,  the 
reading-room,  the  polling-booth,  these  are  the  only  positions  in 
the  country  we  can  occupy.  Voters'  certificates,  books,  pamphlets, 
newspapers,  these  are  the  only  weapons  we  can  employ. 

Therefore,  my  Lord,  I  cast  my  vote  in  favour  of  the  peaceful 
policy  of  this  Association.  It  is  the  only  policy  we  can  adopt.  If 
that  policy  be  pursued  Avith  truth,  with  courage,  with  fixed  deter- 
mination of  purpose,  I  firmly  believe  it  will  succeed. 

But,  my  Lord,  I  dissented  from  the  resolutions  before  us,  for 
other  reasons.     I  stated  the  first — I  now  come  to  the  second. 

I  dissented  from  them,  for  I  felt,  that,  by  assenting  to  them,  I 
should  have  pledged  myself  to  the  unqualified  repudiation  of 
physical  force  in  all  countries,  at  all  times,  and  under  every 
circumstance.  This  I  could  not  do.  For,  my  Lord,  I  do  not 
abhor  the  use  of  arms  in  the  vindication  of  national  rights.  There 
are  times,  when  arms  will  alone  suffice,  and  when  political  amelio- 


FREEDOM    OF    OPINION MORALITY    OF    WAR.  89 

rations  call  for  a  drop  of  blood,  and  many  thousand  drops   of 
blood. 

Opinion,  I  admit,  will  operate  against  opinion.  But,  as  the 
honourable  member  for  Kilkenny  has  observed,  force  must  be 
used  against  force.  The  soldier  is  proof  against  an  argument — 
but  he  is  not  proof  against  a  bullet.  The  man  that  will  listen  to 
reason — let  him  be  reasoned  with.  But  it  is  the  weaponed  arm 
of  the  patriot  that  can  alone  prevail  against  battalioned  despotism. 

Then,  my  Lord,  I  do  not  condemn  the  use  of  arms  as  immoral, 
nor  do  I  conceive  it  profane  to  say,  that  the  King  of  Heaven — 
the  Lord  of  Hosts  !  the  God  of  Battles  ! — bestows  his  benediction 
upon  those  who  unsheath  the  sword  in  the  hour  of  a  nation's 
peril. 

From  that  evening,  on  which,  in  the  valley  of  Bethulia,  he 
nerved  the  arm  of  the  Jewish  girl  to  smite  the  drunken  tyrant  in 
his  tent,  down  to  this  our  day,  in  which  he  has  blessed  the 
insurgent  chivalry  of  the  Belgian  priest,  His  Almighty  hand  hath 
ever  been  stretched  forth  from  His  throne  of  Light,  to  consecrate 
the  flag  of  freedom — to  bless  the  patriot's  sword !  Be  it  in  the 
defence,  or  be  it  in  the  assertion  of  a  people's  liberty,  I  hail  the 
sword  as  a  sacred  weapon ;  and  if,  my  Lord,  it  has  sometimes 
taken  the  shape  of  the  serpent  and  reddened  the  shroud  of  the 
oppressor  with  too  deep  a  dye,  like  the  anointed  rod  of  the  High 
Priest,  it  has  at  other  times,  and  as  often,  blossomed  into  celestial 
flowers  to  deck  the  freeman's  brow. 

Abhor  the  sword — stigmatize  the  sword  ?  IsTo,  my  Lord,  for, 
in  the  passes  of  the  Tyrol,  it  cut  to  pieces  the  banner  of  the 
Bavarian,  and,  through  those  cragged  passes,  struck  a  path  to 
fame  for  the  peasant  insurrectionist  of  Inspruck  ! 

Abhor  the  sw^ord — stigmatize  the  sword  ?  No,  my  Lord,  for  at 
its  blow,  a  giant  nation  started  from  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  by  its  redeeming  magic,  and  in  the  quivering  of  its  crimson 


90  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

liglit,  tlie  crippled  Colony  sprang  into  tlie  attitude  of  a  proud 
Republic — prosperous,  limitless,  and  invincible  ! 

Abhor  tbe  sword — stigmatize  tlie  sword  ?  No,  my  Lord,  for  it 
swept  the  Dutch  marauders  out  of  the  fine  old  towns  of  Belgium 
— scourged  them  back  to  their  own  phlegmatic  swamps — and 
knocked  their  flag  and  sceptre,  their  laws  and  bayonets  into  the 
sluggish  waters  of  the  Scheldt. 

My  Lord,  I  learned  that  it  was  the  right  of  a  nation  to  govern 
herself — not  in  this  Hall,  but  upon  the  ramparts  of  Antwerp. 
This,  the  first  article  of  a  nation's  creed,  I  learned  upon  those 
ramparts,  where  freedom  was  justly  estimated,  and  the  possession 
of  the  precious  gift  was  purchased  by  the  efl'usion  of  generous 
blood. 

My  Lord,  I  honour  the  Belgians,  I  admire  the  Belgians,  I  love 
the  Belgians  for  their  enthusiasm,  their  courage,  their  success,  and 
I,  for  one,  will  not  stigmatize,  for  I  do  not  abhor,  the  means  by 
which  they  obtained  a  Citizen  King,  a  Chamber  of  Deputies. 


IRISH  CONFEDERATION— NATIONAL  UNION. 
Rotunda,  Dublin,  IStk  January,  1847. 

[The  Repealers  who  refused  to  be  bound  by  the  resolutions  of  July  18th, 
and  who  considered  that  the  Repeal  Association  was  not  favorable  to  the 
free  expression  of  opinion,  had  so  increased  in  numbers  that  they  held 
a  meeting  on  the  13th  of  January,  1847>  in  the  Rotunda,  Dublin,  and 
established  the  Irish  Coxfederation,  "for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the 
national  interests  and  obtaining  the  Legislative  Independence  of  Ireland, 
by  the  force  of  opinion,  by  the  combination  of  all  classes  of  Irishmen,  and 
by  the  exercise  of  all  the  political,  social,  and  moral  influences  within  their 
reach."  Tiie  Confederates  "  disclaimed  all  antagonism  v/ith  the  Repeal 
Association  "  and  only  desired  to  make  for  themselves  "  a  separate  sphere 
of  activity  "  in  which  they  would  strive  for  independence  "  in  the  way  that 
seemed  to  them  best  suited  to  attain  it."  They  were  opposed  to  office-seek- 
ing on  the  part  of  persons  professing  nationality.  Mr.  O'Connell  had 
cncoiiraged  this  practice  in  the  Repeal  Association.  So  late  as  the  3d  of 
August,  1846,  he  said: — "There  were  a  great  many  young  men  of  talent — 
Repealers  in  principle — who  were  afraid  to  join  the  Association  lest  they 
should  thereby  deprive  themselves  of  the  chance  of  obtaining  the  honors 
and  dignities  of  their  professions,  I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  say  that  I 
have  reason  to  know  it  is  the  opinion  of  Lord  Besborough"  (the  new  Whig 
Lord  Lieutenant,)  "  that  the  fact  of  a  man's  being  a  Repealer  is  no  reason 
at  all  for  excluding  him  from  office.  Young  Ireland,"  continued  Mr.  O'C, 
"  stands  up,  and  opposes  those  who  take  office  under  the  government  by 
calling  them  '  apostates.'  "  At  the  inauguration  of  the  Irish  Confederation, 
the  Council  of  that  body  embodied,  in  the  following  resolution,  their  oppo- 
sition to  place-hunting: — "That  the  basis  and  essence  of  '  The  Irish  Confe- 
deration '  shall  be  absolute  independence  of  all  English  parties  ;  and  that 
any  member  of  the  Council  accepting  or  soliciting,  for  himself  or  others, 
an  office  of  emolument  under  any  government,  not  pledged  to  effect  the 
Repeal  of  the  Union,  shall  thereupon  be  removed  from  the  council." 


92  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Progress  of  Famine : — In  August,  the  ravages  of  the  second  blight  were  felt 
in  every  county  of  Ireland.  The  potato  fields  looked  as  withei'ed  as  if  in 
ISTovember,  and  the  esculents  were  nearly  all  past  man's  use.  The  people 
of  the  Barony  of  Burrishoole  (Co.  Mayo,)  were  in  actual  starvation — from 
Sligo  deplorable  accounts  of  the  blight  were  daily  heard — in  Galway,  the 
potato  was  not  only  stunted,  but  quite  black — in  the  Loughrea  Market,  with 
a  moderate  supply,  potatoes,  selling  at  6d.  in  the  morning,  went  at  4^d.  in 
the  evening,  for  they  could  not  be  kept — in  Erne  potatoes  were  selling  for 
Id.  per  stone.  Pigs  refused  to  eat  them.  In  Tipperary  serious  fears  were 
entertained  that  there  would  be  a  greater  scarcity  than  last  year.  In  Cork 
the  potato  crop  was  considered  as  literally  annihilated.  The  journals  in 
Limerick,  Ciare,  and  Waterford,  continued  to  receive  the  most  alarming 
accounts  of  the  blight.  It  was  considered  more  destructive  than  in  I  845. 
In  some  districts  of  Clare  the  steneli  from  the  potato  was  "  most  sickening." 
In  the  latter  county,  fields,  which  at  night  appeared  healthy,  were 
withered  before  dawn.  In  Wexford,  the  renewed  calamity  was  every- 
where visible.  In  Belfast,  the  fields  were  either  partially  or  totally 
blasted — in  Derry,  few  fields  were  found  without  the  indications  of 
disease.  In  Tyrone,  Donegal,  Antrim,  total  destruction  was  anticipated. 
Occurrences  like  the  following  were  not  confined  to  any  one  locality.  It 
is  given  by  Eev.  Richard  Henry,  Islandeady,  county  Mayo.  "Patrick 
McLaughlin,  of  Knockbawn,  in  this  parish,  was  ordered  by  the  relief  com- 
mittee, on  the  22d  October,  a  labor  ticket,  in  consequence  of  my  earnest 
representations  of  his  starving  condition.  By  some  untoward  neglect  upon 
the  part  of  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  issue  it,  the  ticket  was  withheld 
from  the  22d  to  the  26th  or  27th — the  man  and  his  wife  and  five  young 
children  not  having  a  morsel  to  put  in  their  mouths  in  the  interval.  On 
the  morning  of  Friday,  the  28th,  the  poor  man  produced  his  ticket,  and 
went  to  labor  on  the  public  works.  He  got  no  pay  for  the  first  three  days' 
labor,  and  in  the  n:ieantime  his  wife  died  from  actual  starvation.  Unable  to 
purchase  a  coffin,  the  husband  held  over  the  remains  of  his  wife  for 
upwards  of  forty-eight  hours,  but,  yet  anxious  to  procure  food  for  the 
children,  he  went  the  two  days  to  work,  and  spent  the  night  in  sorrowing 
over  the  dead.  The  heart-rending  tale  at  length  reaching  the  ears  of  the 
clergy  an  interment  took  place  by  night,  in  order  that  the  children  might 
not  suffer  by  their  father's  absence  from  work  in  the  day-time."  The  same 
clergyman  stated,  that  at  least  3,000  persons  in  his  parish  "subsisted  almost 
entirely  on  cabbage,  chicken  weed,  and  other  noxious  substitutes  for  food." 


*■  IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  93. 

December  2d,  a  large  bodj  of  people,  consisting  of  about  five  or  six  thou- 
sand, entered  Listowel,  in  the  county  Kerry,  shouting  out  "bread  or 
blood,"  and  proceeded  in  great  excitement  to  attack  the  workhouse.  The 
parish  priest  threw  himself  into  the  midst  of  the  multitude,  but  failing  in 
his  endeavors  to  quiet  the  starving  people,  he  fainted,  overcome  with  exer- 
tion and  nervous  apprehension.  An  immediate  appeal  from  the  spectators 
to  the  hungry  rioters,  of  "did  they  mean  to  kill  the  priest,"seconded  by  the 
sight  of  the  exhausted  pastor,  suddenly  calmed  them,  and  they  departed 
quietly.  In  December,  relief  meetings  were  held  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  The  attention  of  the  public  mind  had  been  drawn  for  some 
time  to  the  dreadful  state  of  Skibbereen,  in  the  county  Cork.  Among 
the  very  many  letters  which,  coming  from  persons  of  property  and  posi- 
tion, attracted  attention,  none  created  a  more  painful  interest  and  alarm 
than  the  following,  written  by  one  of  the  county  justices  of  Cork : 

To  His  Grace,  Field  Marshal  the  Duke  of  Wellington  : 

"  My  Lord  Duke  —Without  apology  or  preface,  I  presume  so  far  as  to 
trespass  on  Your  Grace  to  state  to  you,  and  by  the  use  of  your  illustrious 
name,  to  present  to  the  British  public  the  following  statement  of  what  I 
have  myself  seen  loithin  the  last  three  days. 

"  Having  for  many  years  been  intimately  connected  with  the  western 
portion  of  the  county  Cork,  and  possessing  some  small  property  there,  I 
thought  it  right  personally  to  investigate  the  truth  of  the  several  lament- 
able accounts  which  had  reached  me  of  the  appalling  state  of  misery  to 
which  that  part  of  the  country  was  reduced. 

"I  accordingly  went,  on  the  15th  inst.,  to  Skibbereen,  and  to  give  the 
instance  of  one  townland  which  I  visited,  as  an  example  of  the  state  of  the 
entire  coast  district,  I  shall  state  simply  what  I  there  saw.  It  is  situate 
on  the  eastern  side  of  Castlehaven  Hai'bor,  and  is  named  South  Reen,  in 
the  parish  of  Myross.  Being  aware  that  I  should  have  to  witness  scenes 
of  frightful  hunger,  I  provided  myself  with  as  much  bread  as  five  men 
could  carry,  and  on  reaching  the  spot  I  was  surprised  to  find  the  wretched 
hamlets  apparently  deserted.  I  entered  some  of  the  hovels  to  ascertain  the 
cause,  and  the  scenes  that  presented  themselves  were  such  as  no  tongue  or 
pen  can  convey  the  slightest  idea  of.  In  the  first,  six  famished  and  ghastly 
slieletons,  to  all  appearance  dead,  were  huddled  on  some  filthy  straw,  their 
sole  covering  what  seemed  a  ragged  horse  cloth,  their  wretched  legs  hang- 
ing about,  naked  above  the  knees.    I  approached  in  horror,  and  found,  by 


94  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

a  low  moaning,  tliat  they  were  alive — they  were  in  fever  ;  four  children,  a 
woman,  and  what  had  once  been  a  man.  It  is  impossible  to  go  through 
the  detail ;  suffice  it  to  say,  that  in  a  few  minutes  I  was  surrounded  by  at 
least  two  hundred  of  such  phantoms,  such  frightful  spectres  as  no  words 
can  describe.  By  far  the  greater  number  were  delirious,  either  from 
famine  or  from  fever.  Their  demoniac  yells  are  still  ringing  in  my  ears, 
and  their  horrible  images  are  fixed  upon  my  brain.  My  heart  sickens  at 
the  recital,  but  I  must  go  on. 

"  In  another  case,  decency  would  forbid  what  follows,  but  it  must  be 
told.  My  clothes  were  nearly  torn  off  in  my  endeavor  to  escape  from  the 
throng  of  pestilence  around,  when  my  neckcloth  was  seized  from  behind 
by  a  gripe  which  compelled  me  to  turn.  I  found  myself  grasped  by  a 
woman,  with  an  infant  apparently  Jwsf  horn  in  her  arms,  and  the  remains 
of  a  filthy  sack  across  her  loins — the  sole  covering  of  herself  and  babe. 
The  same  morning,  the  police  opened  a  house  on  the  adjoining  lands, 
which  was  observed  shut  for  many  days,  and  two  frozen  corpses  were 
found,  lying  upon  the  mud  floor,  half  devoured  by  the  rats. 

"A  mother,  herself  in  fever,  was  seen  the  same  day  to  drag  out  the 
corpse  of  her  child,  a  girl  about  12,  perfectl}/  naked,  and  leave  it  half- 
covered  with  stones.  In  another  house,  within  500  yards  of  the  cavalry 
station  at  Skibbereen,  the  dispensaxy  doctor  found  seven  wretches  lying, 
unable  to  move,  under  the  same  cloak.  One  had  been  dead  many  hours,  but 
the  others  were  unable  to  reynove  either  themselves  or  the  corpse. 

"  To  what  purpose  should  I  multiply  such  cases  ?  If  these  be  not 
sufficient,  neither  would  they  hear  who  have  the  power  to  send  relief,  and 
do  not,  even  'though  one  came  from  the  dead.'  Let  them,  however, 
believe,  and  tremble,  that  they  shall  one  day  hear  the  Judge  of  all  the 
earth  pronounce  their  tremendous  doom,  with  the  addition,  '  I  was  an 
hungered,  and  ye  gave  me  no  meat,  thirsty,  and  ye  gave  me  no  drink, 
naked,  and  ye  clothed  me  not.' 

"Once  more,  my  Lord  Duke,  in  the  name  of  starving  thousands,  I 
implore  you  to  break  the  flimsy  chain  of  official  etiquette,  and  save  the 
land  of  your  birth,  the  kindred  of  that  gallant  Irish  blood  which  you  have 
so  often  seen  lavished  to  support  the  honor  of  the  British  name,  and  let 
there  be  inscribed  upon  your  tomb — '  Servata  Hiheriiia^ 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  my  Lord  Duke,  your  Grace's  obedient,  humble 
servant,  "  K   M.  Cummins,  J.  P. 

"Arm  Mount,  Cork,  Dec.  17,  1846. 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  95 

While  the  country  was  in  this  deplorable  and  startling  condition,  the 
exports  from  Ireland  into  Great  Britain,  for  the  quarter  ending  July  5th, 
1846,  by  two  returns  made  to  the  House  of  Commons,  were  : — Of  the  first 
account,  wheat,  59,478  quarters  ;  barley,  18,417  ditto;  oats,  245,067  ditto ; 
flour,  242,257  cwts. ;  oatmeal,  138,241  ditto.  The  second  gave — oxen,  bulls, 
and  cows,  33,850  ;  calves,  1,923  ;  sheep  and  lambs,  56,669  ;  swine,  124,762. 
14,639  barrels  of  oats  were  exported  from  Limerick  to  London  and  Glasgow, 
the  third  week  of  November,  at  the  same  time  that  £210  duty  was  paid  on 
the  importation  of  Indian  corn.  From  the  same  port,  47,000  firkins  of  but- 
ter were  shipped  from  1st  May.  Extraordinary  presentment  sessions  were 
held  in  October  to  create  works  to  employ  the  poor.  In  Galway,  £48,642 
was  voted  for  this  purpose;  in  Taghmon,  county  Wexford,  £10,500;  in 
Gorey,  same  county,  £13,439;  in  Monaghan,  £16,000  ;  in  Killarny,  county 
Kerry,  £45,000 ;  Kenmare,  same  county,  £30,000  ;  in  Castletown  Roche, 
county  Cork,  £46,846  ;  Buttevant,  same  county,  £12,000  ;  in  Kilkenny, 
£8,630  2s.  4d.;  Kilmaganagh,  county  Tipperary,  £4,000 ;  in  Innis,  county 
Clare,  £3,500 ;  Connello  Lower, -county  Limerick,  £40,000;  in  the  Town 
of  Galway,  £30,000  ;  in  Inniscarthy,  county  Wexford,  £20,000  ;  Middle- 
third,  county  Tipperary,  £20,000;  Sneem,  county  Kerry,  £20,000  ;  in  Bally 
Adams,  county  Meath,  £3,270.  In  other  places,  larger  or  smaller  sums  of 
money  were  voted.  As  far  back  as  August,  there  was  a  very  general  move- 
ment amongst  the  Irish  landed  proprietors,  to  press  on  government  the  neces- 
sity of  applying  this  money  to  the  development  of  the  resources  of  the  land 
rather  than  to  public  works  of  an  unproductive  nature — a  suggestion  which 
originated  with  Mr.  William  Monsell,  Deputy  Lieutenant  of  the  county  Lime- 
rick. About  thirty  Irish  Peers — including  the  Marquis  of  Sligo,  Lords  West- 
meath,  Mountcashel,  and  Cloncurry — and  a  considerable  number  of  gentry 
had  already  signed  a  requisition  calling  a  meeting  in  the  city  of  Dublin 
for  the  purpose.  Meetings  of  the  landholders,  magistrates,  clergy,  <fcc., 
were  held  in  Kerry  and  Westmeath  seconding  the  proposed  movement. 
January  14th,  1847,  a  meeting  of  Irish  Peers,  Commoners,  and  landed 
proprietors,  of  all  creeds  and  parties,  convened  by  the  requisition  alluded 
to,  took  place  in  the  Rotunda,  Dublin.  Fifteen  peers  attended,  twenty  six 
members  of  Parliament,  thirty-one  baronets  and  knights,  sixty-six  deputy 
lieutenants  of  counties,  fifty-two  justices  of  the  peace.  Letters  apjn-ov- 
ing  of  the  purpose  of  the  meeting,  and  of  apology  for  non-attend- 
ance, were  read  from  the  Marquis  of  Couyngham,    Lord  Glcugall,  Lord 


96  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Kilmaine,  the  Hon.  Fred,  Shaw,  Sir  E.  Hares,  Sir  Gerald  Aylmer,  General 
Conyngham,  and  othez's.  The  Marquis  of  Ormonde  presided.  In  opening 
the  meeting,  referring  to  the  peculiar  construction  of  the  assemblage,  where 
all  shades  of  politics  were  blended,  he  said — "  the  exertion  of  every  man 
would  be  required  to  meet  the  crisis,  and  consider  some  plan  to  feed  their 
starving  countrymen."  Sir  Montagu  Chapman,  Bart.,  placing  before  the 
meeting  the  reasons  of  the  "Reproductive  Committee"  for  issuing  their 
circular,  said  that — "  the  present  system  of  supplying  food  having  been  a 
complete  failure,  the  awful  condition  of  the  people  called  for  more  ener- 
getic measures  than  those  which  had  been  adopted,  and  that  those 
measures  should  be  laid  before  the  Legislature,  with  the  authority  of  that 
meeting,  to  have  them  adopted.  They  believed  that  the  shipping  of  the 
country  should  be  employed  in  bringing  food  to  its  shores,  and  that  the 
rules  of  commerce  should  be  interrupted  in  some  degree,  and  made 
auxiliary  to  the  means  of  saving  the  people.  Sugar  should  be  substituted 
for  grain  in  the  distilleries — the  present  means  of  employment  were  quite 
inadequate  to  provide  for  the  extent  of  destitution — the  evil  was  of 
greater  magnitude,  when  it  was  considered  that  the  employment  given  on 
the  internal  communications  of  the  country,  for  some  time  in  progress, 
were  the  means  of  wasting  the  national  resources ;  and  they  called  for  an 
immediate  stoppage  of  such  a  course  of  employment.  The  committee 
pointed  attention  to  the  want  of  seed,  and  the  neglect  of  agriculture." 
Mr.  George  Alexander  Hamilton,  M.P.,  said,  that  "  they  would  permit  no 
minister — whatever  his  politics — to  try  a  crude  experiment  of  legislation 
on  Irish  interests — the  people  bear  their  sufferings  with  extraordinary 
patience."  Mr.  O'Connell  followed,  and  agreed  with  every  word  spoken  by 
the  previous  speaker.  "  "Work,"  said  he,  "  can  be  had  by  many  of  the  people, 
but  what  do  the  wages  given  for  labor  signify,  if  the  people  cannot  pro- 
cure food  even  for  money  ?  In  one  district,  upwards  of  £6000  had  been  paid 
in  wages,  but  there  was  not  two  pence  worth  of  provisions  in  that  district." 
Mr.  Dillon  Croker,  D.L.,  dwelt  on  the  extreme  destitution  of  the  country. 
Mr.  Bernal  Osborne,  M.  P.,  wished  to  know  "if  the  government  adhered  to 
their  notions  of  political  economy,  were  the  Irish  members  prepared  to 
declare  their  want  of  confidence  in  the  government.  JSTothing  could  make 
him  support  any  government  which  should  persevere  in  maintaining  such 
unsound  and  cruel  doctrines  as  those  enunciated  and  carried  into  effect  by 
that  now  in  office."     The  Earl  of  Erne  referring  to  the  Irish  landlords, 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  '97 

described  their  position  as  not  being  on  the  edge  of  a  precipice,  but  half 
down  it."  He  proposed  a  resolution  to  the  effect  "that  before  and  beyond 
all  other  considerations  is  the  salvation  of  the  lives  of  the  people ;  and  we 
therefore  deem  it  our  solemn  duty,  the  present  system  having  signally 
failed,  to  call  upon  the  government  in  the  most  imperative  terms  to  take 
such  measures  as  will  secure  local  supplies  of  food  sufficient  to  keep  the 
pe(>ple  alive  ;  and  to  sacrifice  any  quantity  of  money  that  may  be  necessary 
to  attain  that  object,  declaring,  as  we  do,  that  any  neglect  or  delay  in  that 
matter  will  render  the  government  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the  people 
of  Ireland,  who  must  perish  in  multitudes  unless  supplied  with  food.  We 
further  call  upon  the  government  to  remove  all  artificial  impediments 
to  the  supply,  by  the  temporary  suspension  of  the  Navigation  laws  and  the 
duties  on  the  importation  of  corn :  and  also  to  facilitate  that  importation 
by  permitting  such  vessels  of  her  Majesty's  navy,  as  can  be  spared,  to  be 
employed  in  the  transport  of  provisions.  That  we  recommend  that  Relief 
Committees  should  be  allowed  to  sell  food  under  first  cost  to  destitute." 
Mr.  Charles  A.  Walker,  D.L.,  Co.  Wexford,  regretted  to  state,  that  Wexford, 
"  which  hitherto  had  been  the  *  model  county'  of  Ireland,  was  in  similar 
destitution.  He  did  not  believe  that  there  was  one  month's  provisions  in 
that  county."  In  a  resolution  moved  by  Lord  Bernard,  the  meeting 
though  entirely  acquiescing  in  the  justice  of  imposing  upon  the  land  the 
repayment  of  all  money  advanced  for  reproductive  purposes,  solemnly 
protested,  in  the  name  of  the  owners  and  occupiers  of  land  in  Ireland, 
against  the  principle  of  charging  exclusively  on  their  property  the  money 
which  they  had  been  forced  to  waste  on  unproductive  works.  They  could 
not  look  upon  the  destruction  of  the  people's  staple  food  in  any  other  light, 
than  as  an  "imperial  calamity,"  and  claimed  as  a  right,  "that  the  burden 
of  it  should  fall  on  the  Empire,  and  not  on  Ireland  alone."  Lord  Farnham 
felt  great  pleasure  in  taking  a  part  at  the  present  meeting.  He  alluded  to 
the  distress  in  Cavan,  and  moved  that  "depots  for  the  sale  of  seeds  be 
opened  by  government,  as  they  had  heard  that  much  land  lay  unprepared 
owing  to  the  poverty  of  the  occupants."  It  was  the  opinion  of  Major 
Blackall  that  the  paramount  object,  was  the  sowing  of  the  land.  Resolu- 
tions were  moved  by  the  Earl  of  Milltown,  Lord  Milton,  Hon.  Robert 
Tighe,  Mr.  B.  Osborne,  Sir  George  Hudson,  Mr.  Bourke  of  Hayes,  and 
others,  setting  forth  at  length  the  following  proposition: — That  the 
whole  energies  of  the  State  should  be  applied  to  the  absorption  of  surplus 
labor ;  to  the  affording  facilities  for  private  employment.     That  to  absorb 

5 


98  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

surplus  labor,  and,  at  tlie  same  time,  to  increase  the  food  of  the  country, 
piers  and  harbors  for  fishing  purposes,  and  model  curing-houses,  with  salt 
depdts  attached,  should  be  established  along  the  coast.  That  with  the  like 
object  of  absorbing  labor,  and  increasing  our  food  stipplies,  a  systematic 
plan  be  adopted  for  the  reclamation  of  waste  lands  throughout  the  country. 
That  in  every  such  system  an  option  should  be  given  to  the  proprietors  of 
waste  land.  That  the  Drainage  act  should  be  simplified  and  consolidated. 
That  tenants  for  life,  and  other  proprietors,  should  be  allowed  to  obtain 
public  loans  for  other  permanent  improvements  besides   drainage.     That 

the  laws  which  regulate  the  management  of  estates  should  be  revised. 

Allusion  is  made  at  the  close  of  the  accompanying  speech  to  the  celebrated 
statue  of  O'Connell,  by  Hogan.  It  stands  with  those  of  Henry  Grattan,  Lucas, 
and  Drummond,  under  the  dome  of  the  Royal  Exchange,  Dublin.  Eev.  Fran- 
cis Mahoney  (Father  Front)  writing  to  the  London  Daily  Neios,  from  Rome, 
April  18,  1845,  thus  describes  this  noble  work  of  art:  "John  Hogan's 
colossal'  statue  of  Mr.  O'Connell  is  a  tremendous  figure,  twelve  feet  in 
vertical  height,  carved  from  a  spotless  block  of  white  Serravezza  marble ;  it 
produces  an  effect  of  unmixed  and  unaffected  grandeur.  Dignity  of  atti- 
tude, consciousness  of  power,  and  indomitable  energy,  are  in  the  extended 
arm  and  protruded  leg  of  the  orator.  There  is  a  slight  shadow  of  sadness, 
with  a  half-suppressed  twinkle  of  roguery  perceptible  in  the  countenance. 
It  is  the  very  image  of  the  man.  The  gigantic  folds  of  the  broadly-flung 
mantle  are  in  the  boldest  style  of  masterly  art,  and  there  stands  no  pedestal 
in  the  British  islands  bearing  a  statue  in  marble  of  such  dimensions,  at  all 

approaching  the  merit  of  this  work." An  interesting  incident  occurred 

during  the  procession  of  the  Pope  to  the  church  of  St.  John  Lateran  in 
Rome,  8th  November,  1846.  At  the  church  of  St.  Clement's,  memorable  on 
many  accounts,  and  now  possessed  by  a  few  Irish  friars,  considerable  sur- 
prise was  felt  by  the  crowd,  and  expressed  by  the  Papal  cavalcade,  on 
seeing  a  large  green  banner  flying  from  the  portico,  bearing  a  harp 
uncrowned.     This  circumstance  is  also  noticed.] 

Sir,  tliefe  was  a  levee  at  the  Castle  this  morning".  Gentlemen 
went  there  to  pay  their  respects  to  the  representative  of  royalty. 
"We  have  met  here  this  night,  to  testify  om*  allegiance  to  liberty. 

I  will  not  inquire  which  is  the  more  honorable  act,  but  I  think 
t'  e  latter  the  more  useful.     "Where  a  court  resides,  a  parliament 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  99 

should  sit.  A  court  without  a  senate,  can  do  Httle  for  the  public 
good — it  may  do  much  to  the  public  detriment.  The  court  of  the 
province  may  distribute  favors,  and  teach  a  propriety  of  demeanor. 
The  senate  of  the  free  nation  distributes  blessings,  and  inspires  the 
community  with  virtue. 

Little  did  the  poet-hero  of  Missolonghi,  when  he  passionately 
rebuked  the  homage  that  was  paid  a  sceptred  profligate  in  this 
city,  twenty-live  y6ars  since — little  did  he  imagine  that,  at  this 
day,  his  words  would  be  so  disastrously  fulfilled — 

"  The  Castle  still  stands,  though  the  Senate's  no  more, 
And  the  famine,  which  dwelt  on  her  freedomless  crags, 

Is  extending  its  steps  to  her  desolate  shore. 
To  her  desolate  shore — where  the  emigrant  stands 

For  a  moment  to  gaze  ere  he  flies  from  her  hearth  ; 
Tears  fall  on  his  chain,  though  it  drops  from  his  hands. 

For  the  dungeon  he  quits  is  the  place  of  his  birth," 

Sir,  the  Castle  has  been  preserved  whilst  the  Senate  has  been 
destroyed,  and  the  blood  and  poison,  in  which  it  was  destroyed, 
have  given  birth  to  a  hideous  famine. 

When  the  English  minister  introduced  the  Act  of  Union  into 
the  English  Commons,  he  did  not  venture  to  justify  his  scheme 
upon  the  inability  of  a  domestic  parliament  to  legislate  beneficially 
for  Ireland.  The  prosperity  of  the  nation — to  which  Lord  Clare, 
Mr.  Plunkett,  Mr.  Grattan,  and  several  other  members,  bore  testi- 
mony in  the  Irish  Commons — and  to  which  Mr.  Sheridan  and 
Mr.  Burdett  bore  testimony  in  the  English  Commons — this  pros- 
perity was  so  obvious,  and  so  distinctly  traceable  to  the  efiicient 
legislation  of  the  Irish  parliament,  that  some  other  argument, 
besides  that  of  incapacity,  should  be  urged  for  its  destruction. 

The  minister  admitted  the  good  that  had  been  done — admitted 
the  commerce  that  had  thriven,  the  arts  that  had  flourished,  the 
eminent  position  that  had  been  attained  by  the  country,  with  the 


100  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

■wise  assistance  of  her  parliament.  He  did  not  charge  that  parlia- 
ment with  incapacity,  for  the  evidences  of  capacity  met  him  in 
the  face.  He  did  not  charge  that  parliament  with  the  corruption 
of  its  last  moments,  for  his  was  the  hand  that  planted  death, 
where  once  the  sword  of  the  Volunteer  had  infused  vitality.  He 
did  not  charge  that  parliament  w^ith  those  grievous  defects  which 
impaired  its  character,  but  which,  w^e  must  assert,  were  rather  the 
defects  of  the  age  than  the  defects  of  the  institution.  No  ;  he 
advanced  a  more  serious  charge,  and  appealed  from  the  virtue  to 
the  avarice  of  the  peoj^le. 

The  Irish  parliament  was  arraigned  for  standing  between  the 
people  of  Ireland  and  the  blessings  of  English  connexion. 

"  You  have  prospered,"  said  the  minister,  "  under  a  native 
parliament.  Accept  a  foreign  parliament,  and  your  prosperity 
will  amaze.  Incorporate  the  countries,  and  you  incorporate  their 
interests.  Participate  in  the  imperial  labors,  and  you  participate 
in  the  imperial  profits.  Recognise  London  as  your  chief  city,  and 
your  nobihty  will  be  identified  with  the  proudest  patricians  in 
Europe.  Consolidate  the  exchequers,  and  in  the  periods  of  distress 
which,  through  the  dispensations  of  heaven,  await  all  nations,  you 
will  experience  the  munificence  of  the  empire.  Consolidate  the 
exchequers,  and  you  will  revel  in  the  treasures  of  the  colonies. 
Consolidate  the  exchequers,  and  you  will  feast  with  us  upon  the 
spoils  of  India.  You  now  stand  alone — you  require  a  guardian.  The 
ambition  of  France  will  drive  her  bayonets  against  your  shore,  and 
the  island  will  be  gazetted  as  the  property  of  the  stranger.  Unite 
with  us,  and  you  may  defy  the  Corsican — unite  with  us,  and  you 
may  defy  the  world — unite  with  us,  and  as  we  ascend  a  height 
on  which  the  Roman  soldier  never  trod,  from  which  the  Spanish 
merchant  never  gazed,  you  will  accompany  us  in  our  march,  and 
the  statiss  that  will  bend  in  recognition  of  our  power,  will  admire 
your  wisdom,  and  be  dazzled  with  your  wealth  !" 

Sir,  in  what  year,  since  the  enactment  of  the  Union,  will  the 
disciples  of  AVilliam  Pitt  find  the  fulfilment  of  that  promise  ? 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  101 

In  1801,  when  the  English  parliament  visited  this  country  with 
an  insurrection  act?  In  1803,  when  that  parliament  imposed 
martial  law?  In  1807,  when  the  insurrection  act  of  1801  is 
renewed,  continuing  in  force  until  1810  ?  In  1814,  when,  for  a 
third  time,  the  insurrection  act  of  1801  is  renewed,  and  inflicted 
up  to  1824  ?  In  1836,  when  the  Chancellor  of  England  spurns 
you  as  aliens  in  language,  in  religion,  and  in  blood  ?  In  1839, 
when  you  claimed  equal  franchises  with  the  people  of  England,  and 
were  denied  them  by  the  Whig  secretary  for  Ireland  ?  In  1843, 
when  a  minister  of  the  Crown  declares,  that  concession  has  reached 
its  limits,  and  an  assassin  proclamation  proscribes  your  right  of 
petition  ?  In  1846,  when  the  coercion  bill  is  levelled  against  your 
liberties,  and  the  arms  act  is  re-introduced  by  the  Whigs  ?  In 
1847,  when  the  Treasury  confiscates  the  island,  and  famine  piles 
upon  it  a  pyramid  of  coffins  ? 

A  lie  !  exclaims  the  broken  manufacturer.  A  lie  !  protests  the 
swindled  landlord.  A  lie !  shouts  the  haggard  tenant  of  the 
Liberties.  A  lie  !  a  lie  !  shrieks  the  skeleton  from  the  hovels  of 
Skibbereen. 

"  Depend  upon  it,"  said  Mr.  Bushe,  speaking  on  the  Act  of 
Union,  in  the  Irish  Commons — "  depend  upon  it,  a  day  of  reckon- 
ing will  come — posterity  will  overhaul  this  transaction." 

Sir,  the  day  of  reckoning  has  come — posterity  overhauls  th-e 
base  transaction  !  The  right  which  national  pride  had  not  the 
virtue  to  assert — the  right  which  national  enterprise  had  not  the 
spirit  to  demand — a  national  calamity  has  now  the  fortimate  terror 
to  enforce.  Heretofore,  the  right  of  self-government  was  claimed 
as  an  instrument  to  ameliorate.  Now  it  is  claimed  as  an  instru- 
ment to  save.  Heretofore,  it  was  claimed  that  the  people  might 
be  gifted  with  the  franchise.  Now  it  is  claimed  that  the  people 
may  have  the-  privilege  of  bread. 

We  demand  from  England  this  right.  We  demand  the  restora- 
tion of  our  parliament,  and  w^e  demand  it,  not  as  a  remote,  but  as 


102  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

an  immediate  measure.  It  is  tlie  only  true  measure  of  relief. 
The  pestilence  came  from  Heaven,  but  the  inability  of  the  country 
to  mitigate  that  pestilence,  we  ascribe  to  the  cupidity  of  man. 

England,  in  her  lust  of  empire,  has  deprived  us  of  those  large 
means,  that  social  wealth,  that  manufacturing  capital,  which 
would  have  enabled  our  country  to  meet  the  necessities  of  this 
dark  crisis.  The  Union,  as  you  have  been  often  told,  has  wrought 
the  ruin  of  your  trade,  your  manufactures,  your  arts.  It  has 
sanctioned,  if  it  has  not  compelled,  absenteeism.  It  has  beggared 
the  mechanic.  It  now  starves  the  j)easant.  It  has  destroyed 
your  home  market.  It  has  taken  from  you  the  power  to  devote 
the  resources  of  the  country  to  the  wants  of  the  people.  You  have 
no  control  over  those  resources.  They  are  forbidden  fruit.  You 
dare  not  touch  them. 

If  this  be  not  so,  why  is  your  export  trade  so  flourishing,  whilst 
your  import  trade  expires  ?  If  this  be  not  so,  how  comes  it  that 
the  absentee  crams  his  coffer,  whilst  the  sexton  fills  the  church- 
yard ?  If  this  be  not  so,  how  comes  it  that  your  city  quays  are 
thronged,  whilst  the  village  street  is  desolate  ?  If  this  be  not  so, 
how  comes  it  that  whilst  the  merchant  ship  bears  away  the 
harvest  from  your  shore,  the  parish  bier  conveys  the  reaper  to  his 
grave  ? 

Sir,  England  has  bound  this  island  hand  and  foot.  The  island 
is  her  slave.  She  robs  the  island  of  its  food,  for  it  has  not  the 
power  to  guard  it.  If  the  island  does  not  break  its  fetter — 
England  will  write  its  epitaph. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  a  statement  of  Irish  exports  from  the  1st  of 
August  to  the  1st  of  January.  From  this  statement  you  will 
perceive  that  England  seizes  on  our  food,  whilst  death  seizes  on 
our  people  : — 

Total  export  of  provisions  fi-om  the  ports  of  Waterford,  Cork, 
Limerick,  and  Belfast,  from  the  1st  of  August,  1846,  to  the  1st  of 
January,  1847  :  Pork,  barrels,  37,123  ;  bacon,  flitches,  222,608  ; 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  103 

butter,  firkins,  388,455  ;  haras,  hMs.,  1,971  ;  beef,  tierces,  2,555  ; 
wheat,  barrels,  48,526  ;  oats,  barrels,  443,232  ;  barley,  barrels, 
12,029;  oatmeal,  cwts.,  7,210;  flour,  cwts.,  144,185;  pigs, 
44,659  ;  cows,  9,007 ;  sheep,  hhds.,  10,288. 

Yet,  this  is  what  the  English  economist  would  designate  the 
prosperity  of  Ireland.  From  this  table.  Lord  Monteagle  would 
expatiate  for  nights  upon  the  benefits  of  English  connexion. 
From  this  table,  Mr.  Montgomery  Martin  would  prove,  with  the 
keenest  precision,  the  advantages  to  Ireland  of  the  legislative 
Union.  From  this  table,  Mr.  Macaulay — who  threatened  us  with 
a  civil  war  in  the  name  of  the  Whigs,  and  was  answered  by  the 
honorable  member  for  Limerick,  as  a  man  who  threatened  military 
despotism  should  be  always  answered — from  this  table,  IVIr. 
Macaulay  would  surely  conclude  that  Irish  opulence  was  a  sound 
reality — that  Irish  famine  was  a  factious  metaphor. 

But,  Sir,  I  shall  dwell  no  longer  upon  the  dismal  theme.  For 
a  moment,  let  us  forget  the  famine — "  if  possible,  let  the  bitter  cup 
pass  away." 

It  is  difficult,  indeed,  to  close  our  eyes  to  the  horror.  Go  where 
you  will,  and  you  must  face  it.  Go  to  the  church — in  the  pulpit 
it  stands  beside  the  priest,  and  recounts  to  him  its  havoc.  Go  to 
the  social  board,  and  there  it  sits,  and  chills  the  current  of  the  soul. 
Amid  the  radiant  scenery  of  my  native  South  its  shadow  falls,  and 
scares  you  from  the  mountain  and  the  glen. 

But  you  have  vowed  to  win  the  freedom  of  your  country,  and 
you  must  wail  no  more.  The  voice  of  Ireland  has  been  too  sad. 
Had  it  been  more  stern,  it  would  have  been  obeyed  long  since. 
For  the  future  we  must  not  supplicate,  but  demand — we  must  not 
entreat,  but  enforce.  We  must  insist  upon  the  right  of  this 
country  to  govern  herself,  with  the  firmness  which  the  importance 
of  the  right  demands,  and  which  the  power  of  our  opponent 
necessitates. 


104  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Urge  that  right,  then,  on  higher  grounds  than  those  on  which 
it  has  been  hitherto  implored.  Demand  it,  not  merely  to 
redress  wrongs,  but  to  acquire  power.  Demand  it,  as  the  right 
which  a  nation  must  possess  if  it  ambitions  fortune,  and  aspires 
to  station. 

Deprived  of  this  right,  the  nation  is  destitute  of  self-reliance. 
Destitute  of  this  fine  virtue,  the  nation  has  no  inward  strength,  no 
inherent  influence.  Through  the  bounty  of  the  ruling  state  it  may 
exist,  but  a  nation  thus  sustained,  is  sustained  by  a  hand  from 
without,  not  by  a  soul  from  within.  Should  it  derive  prosperity 
from  this  source,  the  nation,  I  maintain,  is  yet  more  enslaved.  It 
loses  all  faith  in  its  own  faculties,  and  is  soothed  and  pampered 
into  debasement.  The  spirit  of  the  freeman  no  longer  acts — the 
gratitude  of  the  slave  destroys  it.  Sustained  by  the  bounty — 
participating  in  the  minor  rights  of  the  predominant  country — it 
may  become  a  useful  appendage  to  that  country — waste  its  blood 
for  the  supremacy  of  a  Union  Flag — gild  an  Imperial  Senate  with 
its  purchased  genius — be  visited  by  the  Sovereign — be  flattered  by 
the  minister — be  eulogised  in  the  journals  of  the  Empire — but, 
Sir,  such  a  country  will  have  no  true  prosperity — will  occupy  no 
high  position — will  exhibit  no  great  virtues — will  accomplish  no 
great  acts — it  may  fatten  in  its  fetters — it  will  write  no  name  in 
history ! 

To  depend  upon  the  honor  of  another  country,  is  to  depend  upon 
her  will ;  and  to  depend  upon  the  will  of  another  country,  is  the 
definition  of  slavery. 

This  was  the  doctrine  of  Henry  Grattan.  Let  it  be  our  motto. 
Union  with  England  for  no  purpose — union  with  England  for  no 
price — union  with  England  on  no  terms  ! 

Let  them  extend  the  franchise — reclaim  the  waste  lands — pro- 
mote the  coast  fisheries — improve  their  drainage  acts — ay  !  let 
them  vote  their  millions  to  check  the  starvation  with  which  we 
charge  them — the  Union  Act  must  be  repealed.     No  foreign  hand 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  105 

can  bestow  the  prosperity  which  a  national  soul  has  the  power 
to  create.     No  gift  can  compensate  a  nation  for  its  liberty. 

This  was  the  sentiment  of  Mr.  Foster,  who  declared,  that  if 
England  could  give  up  all  her  revenue,  and  all  her  trade  to 
Ireland,  he  would  not  barter  for  them  the  free  constitution  of  his 
country.  This  was  the  sentiment  of  Mr.  Plunket,  when  he 
denounced  the  Union  as  a  barter  of  liberty  for  money,  and 
pronounced  the  nation  that  would  enter  into  such  a  traffic,  for  any 
advantage  whatsoever,  to  be  criminal  and  besotted.  This  was  the 
sentiment  of  Mr.  O'Connell,  in  1800,  when,  speaking  for  the 
Catholics,  he  declared,  that  if  emancipation  was  offered  for  their 
consent  to  the  measure,  they  would  reject  it  with  prompt  indigna- 
tion— that  if  the  alternative  were  offered  them,  of  the  Union,  or 
the  re-enactment  of  the  Penal  Code  in  all  its  pristine  horrors,  they 
would  prefer  the  latter,  without  hesitation,  as  the  lesser  and  more 
sufferable  evil. 

Sir,  we  must  act  in  the  spirit  of  these  sentiments.  We  must 
rescue  the  country  from  the  control  of  every  English  minister.  It 
was  our  boast,  in  1843,  that  Ireland  was  the  difficulty  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel.  Let  us  be  just  in  1847,  and  make  it  the  difficulty 
of  Lord  John  Russell. 

It  is  time  for  us  to  prefer  the  freedom  of  our  country  to  the 
patronage  of  the  crown.  Ireland  has  suffered  more  from  the 
subserviency  of  her  sons  than  from  the  dictation  of  her  foes. 
"  Liberal  appointments  "  have  pleased  us  too  much.  Amongst  us, 
the  Tapers  and  the  Tadpoles  have  been  too  numerous  a  class — the 
patriots  who  believe  that  the  country  will  be  saved  if  they  receive 
from  £600  to  £1,200  a  year. 

Give  me  a  resident  nobility,  a  resident  gentry,  an  industrious 
population.  Give  me  a  commerce  to  enrich  the  country,  and  a 
navy  to  protect  that  commerce.  Give  me  a  national  flag,  to 
inspire  the  country  with  a  proper  pride,  and  a  national  militia  to 
defend  that  flag.     Give  me,  for  my  country,  these  great  faculties, 

5* 


106  ENGLISH   LEGISLATION. 

these  great  attributes,  and  I  care  not  wlio  wears  the  ermine  in  the 
Queen's  Bench — I  care  not  who  officiates  in  the  Castle-yard — I 
care  not  who  adjudicates  in  the  Police  Office — I  care  not  who  the 
high  sheriff  of  the  county  may  be — I  care  not  who  the  beadle  of 
the  parish  may  be.  If  there  exist  social  evils  in  the  country,  there 
will  be  a  national  legislature  to  correct  them ;  and  even  if  that 
legislature  has  not  the  power  to  correct  those  evils,  the  blessings, 
which  it  is  sure  to  confer,  will  more  than  counteract  them. 

The  resolution  I  propose  will  pledge  us  to  an  absolute  indepen- 
dence of  all  English  parties,  and  exclude  from  the  Irish  Confedera- 
tion any  member  of  the  Council  who  will  accept  or  solicit  an 
office  of  emolument  under  any  government  not  pledged  to  Repeal. 

It  gives  me  sincere  delight  to  move  this  resolution.  I  know  you 
will  adopt  it — I  am  confident  you  will  act  up  to  it  boldly. 

Public  men  have  said,  the  cause  of  Repeal  is  strengthened  by 
Repealers  taking  places.  I  maintain  that  the  cause  is  weakened. 
The  system  decimates  the  ranks.  In  1843,  where  were  the 
Repealers  who  assumed  the  official  garb  after  the  movement  of 
1834? 

Repealers,  occupying  office,  may  not  abandon  their  opinions, 
but  they  withdraw  their  services.  It  is  impossible  to  serve  two 
masters.  You  cannot  serve  the  minister  who  is  pledged  to  main- 
tain the  Union,  and  serve  the  people  who  are  pledged  to  repeal  it. 
Will  a  report  on  the  financial  grievances,  inflicted  by  the  Union, 
accompany  a  Treasury  minute  from  London  ?  Will  you  get  a 
farthing  a  week,  a  penny  a  month,  a  shilling  a  year,  from  the  Mint  ? 
Will  a  Repeal  pamphlet  issue  from  the  Board  of  Works  ?  The 
Trojans  fought  the  Greeks,  through  the  streets  of  Troy,  in  Grecian 
armour.  Will  the  Repealers  fight  the  Whigs,  upon  the  hustings, 
with  Whig  favors  in  their  pockets  ?  Recollect,  the  Union  was 
carried  by  Irishmen  receiving  English  gold.  Depend  upon  it,  the 
same  system  will  not  accelerate  its  repeal. 

Sir,  we  must  have  an  end  of  this  place-begging.     Tlie  task  we 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL    UNION.  107 

have  assumed  is  a  serious  one.  To  accomplish  it  well,  our  ener- 
gies must  have  full  play.  The  trappings  of  the  Treasury  will 
restrict  them  more  than  the  shackles  of  the  prison.  State  liveries 
usually  encumber  men,  and  detain  them  at  the  Castle  gates.  Not 
a  doubt  of  it,  we  shall  work  the  freer  when  we  wear  no  royal 
harness. 

To  the  accomplishment  of  this  great  task,  we  earnestly  invite  all 
ranks  and  parties  in  the  country.  It  is  not  the  cause  of  Eadical- 
ism.  It  is  not  the  cause  of  Sectarianism.  It  is  the  cause  of 
Ireland — a  noble  cause — a  cause  in  which  the  Irish  peer  should 
feel  as  deeply  interested  as  the  Irish  peasant — in  which  the  Irish 
Protestant  should  join  hands  with  the  Irish  Catholic — in  which  the 
Irish  Conservative  should  link  himself  with  the  Irish  Radical. 

Sir,  I  will  not  appeal  to  the  Irish  peer,  for  I  am  not  his  equal. 
Yet  I  will  tell  him,  that  to  act  as  the  hereditary  peer  of  this 
ancient  kingdom,  would  be  a  more  honorable  distinction  than  to 
serve  as  an  elected  peer  in  the  parliament  of  that  country,  which 
has  usurped  his  ancestral  right.  In  England,  where  there  resides 
the  proudest  nobility  in  the  world — a  nobility  that  would  not 
yield  to  the  Contarini  of  Venice,  to  the  Colonna  of  Rome,  to 
the  Montmorenci  of  France — the  Irish  peer  is  a  powerless 
subordinate.  In  Ireland,  his  native  land,  he  would  have  no 
superior  in  rank.  Had  he  virtue  and  ability,  he  would  have  no 
superior  in  power. 

I  will  not  appeal  to  the  Irish  landlord,  for  I  have  no  land. 
Yet  I  will  tell  him,  that  he  has  too  lonof  sacrificed  the  interests  of 
Ireland,  little  knowing,  that,  by  so  doing,  he  sacrificed  his  own, 
and  that  now,  to  save  his  property,  he  must  save  the  country — to 
save  the  country,  he  must  assert  her  freedom. 

But,  Sir,  I  will  appeal  to  the  Irish  Protestant  who  keeps  aloof, 
for  I  am  his  brother.  Let  not  the  altar  stand  between  us  and  our 
freedom.  Let  not  the  history  of  the  past  be  the  prophecy  of  the 
future. 


108  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Even  in  that  history,  his  eye  will  glance  on  brighter  chapters 
than  those  which  chronicle  the  defence  of  Derry,  or  the  triumph 
of  Aughrim. 

On  the  4th  day  of  November,  111 9,  the  Protestant  Volunteers 
of  this  city  and  county  met  in  College-green,  and  piled  their  arms 
round  the  statue  of  King  William.  They  met  round  the  statue 
of  that  King — whom  the  Irish  Protestant  has  been  vainly  taught 
to  worship  and  the  L-ish  Catholic  wantonly  to  execrate — they  met 
round  that  statue,  not  to  revive  the  factions  of  the  Boyne — not 
that  the  waters  of  that  river  should  sweep  away  again  the  shattered 
banner  of  the  Catholic — but  that  those  waters  might  float  for  ever 
the  commerce  of  a  free  nation. 

Protestant  citizens  !  cultivate  the  fine  virtues  of  that  period — 
embrace  the  faith  of  which  Molyneux  was  the  bold  apostle — 
renounce  the  supremacy  of  England — abjure  the  errors  of  pro- 
vincialism. Let  not  the  dread  of  Catholic  ascendancy  deter  you. 
If  such  an  ascendancy  were  preached,  here  is  one  hand  that  would 
be  clenched  against  it.  Yes,  here  are  four  thousand  arms  to  give 
it  battle ! 

And  now  I  will  appeal  to  the  young  men  of  Ireland — for  I  am 
one  of  that  proscribed  class.  A  noble  mission  is  open  to  them — 
let  them  accept  it  with  enthusiasm,  and  fulfil  it  with  integrity. 
If  they  do  so,  the  independence  of  the  nation  will  be  restored, 
and  they  themselves  shall  win  a  righteous  fame.  A  free  nation 
will  vote  them  to  her  senate  in  their  maturer  years,  and 
when  they  die,  upon  their  tombs  will  be  inscribed  that  nation's 
gratitude. 

Let  not  the  sneers  of  those,  in  whose  hearts  no  generous  im- 
pulse throbs,  in  whose  minds  no  lofty  purpose  dwells,  deter  them 
from  the  task.  Men  who  have  grown  selfish  amid  the  insinceri- 
ties of  society,  who  have  grown  harsh  from  the  buftets  of  the 
world,  will  bid  them  mind  their  business — their  profession.  Sir,  our 
country  is  our  dearest  object— to  win  its  freedom  is  our  first  duty. 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION — NATIONAL    UNION.  109 

It  is  not  the  decree  of  heaven,  I  believe,  that  the  sympathies 
of  the  young  heart,  the  abilities  with  which  most  young  minds  are 
gifted,  should  be  narrowed  to  the  trade  we  follow,  the  profession 
we  pursue.  These  sympathies  are  too  large,  these  abilities  too 
strong,  to  be  narrowed  to  the  purposes  of  a  sordid  egotism.  They 
were  so  conferred,  that  they  might  embrace  the  island,  and  be  the 
ramparts  of  its  liberty.  To  us,  the  God  of  heaven  has  thus  been 
good,  not  that  we  should  "  crawl  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave  " — 
doing  nothing  for  mankind — but  that  we  should  so  act,  as  to 
leave  a  memory  behind  us,  for  the  good  to  bless,  and  the  free  to 
glorify. 

Sir,  were  I  to  rely  upon  the  effect  which  my  words  might  have, 
I  should  indeed  despair.  Youth,  which  brings  with  it  an  energy 
to  act,  seldom  confers  authority ;  and  if  the  appeals,  which  its 
enthusiasm  dictates,  sometimes  have  the  fortune  to  move,  it  more 
frequently  happens  that  the  rashness,  of  which  it  is  susceptible, 
has  the  effect  to  deter.  But  the  revolution  of  opinion,  which  now 
shakes  society  in  Ireland,  gives  me  true  hope. 

"  I  believe  that  Ireland  will  soon  be  called  upon  to  govern 
herself,"  said  Mr.  Delmege  in  the  Music  Hall.  "  Ireland  shall 
govern  herself" — so  insists  the  people. 

Sir,  you  who  are  the  descendant  of  an  Irish  king — go  to  the 
English  Commons,  and  tell  the  Enghsh  Commons  what  you  have 
seen  this  night.  Tell  the  English  Commons,  that  in  this  Hall — a 
spot  sacred  to  the  people  of  Ireland,  for  here,  in  1793,  the  Con- 
vention sat,  with  a  mitred  reformer  at  its  head — sacred  to  them, 
for  here,  in  1845,  their  civic  chiefs  made  solemn  oath,  that  the 
Independence  of  the  country  should  be  restored — sacred  to  them, 
for  here,  in  1847,  has  been  consecrated  the  sanctuary  of  free 
opinion — tell  the  English  Commons,  Sir,  that  here  four  thousand 
citizens  assembled  on  this  night,  to  decide  the  destiny  of  the  Union. 
Tell  the  English  Commons,  that  these  citizens  decide  that  the 
destiny  of  the  Union   shall    be   the  destruction   of  the  Union. 


110  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Should  tlie  minister  ask  you  wliy  is  tliis,  tell  the  minister  tliat  tlie 
Union  sentences  the  country  to  ruin,  and  that  the  country  will  not 
submit  to  be  ruined.  Should  the  minister  assure  you,  that,  for 
the  future,  there  shall  be  a  fair  Union  and  not  a  false  Union — "a 
real  Union  and  not  a  parchment  Union  " — tell  the  minister  that 
we  shall  have  no  Union,  be  it  for  better  or  for  worse.  Tell  the 
minister.  Sir,  that  a  new  race  of  men  now  act  in  Ireland — men 
who  will  neither  starve  as  the  victims,  nor  serve  as  the  vassals  of 
the  Empire. 

Have  I  spoken  your  sentiments — have  I  announced  your  deter- 
mination truly  ? 

Yes,  the  spirit  that  nerved  the  Red  Hand  of  Ulster — the  spirit 
that  made  the  walls  of  Limerick  impregnable,  and  forced  the 
conquerors  of  the  Boyne  to  negotiate  by  the  waters  of  the  Shannon 
— the  spirit  that  dictated  the  letters  of  Swift  and  the  instructions 
of  Lucas — the  spirit  that  summoned  the  armed  missionaries  of 
freedom  to  the  altar  of  Dungannon,  and  gave  to  Charlemont 
a  dignity  his  accomplishments  would  never  have  attained — ■ 
the  spirit  that  touched  with  fire  the  tongue  of  Grattan,  and 
endowed  his  words  with  the  magic  of  the  sword — the  spirit  that 
sanctified  the  scafi'old  of  the  Geraldine,  and  bade  the  lyre  of  Moore 
vibrate  through  the  world — the  spirit  that  called  forth  the  genius 
of  Davis  from  the  cloisters  of  Old  Trinity,  and  which  consecrates 
his  grave — the  spirit  that  at  this  day,  in  the  city  of  the  Pontiff, 
unfurls  the  flag  of  Sarsfield,  and  animates  the  Irish  sculptor  as  he 
bids  the  marble  speak  the  passion  of  the  Irish  Tribune — this  spirit 
— which  the  bayonet  could  not  drive  back — which  the  bribe  could 
not  satiate — which  misfortune  could  not  quell — is  moving  vividly 
through  the  land.  The  ruins  that  ennoble,  the  scenes  that 
beautify,  the  memories  that  illuminate,  the  music  that  inspires  our 
native  land,  have  preserved  it  pure  amid  the  vicious  factions  of  the 
past,  and  the  venal  baro;ains  of  later  years.  The  visitation  that  now 
storms  upon  the  land  has  startled  it  into  a  generous  activity.    Did 


IRISH    CONFEDERATION NATIONAL   UNION.  Ill 

public  virtue  cease  to  animate,  tlie  Senate  House  which,  even  in 
its  desecrated  state,  lends  an  Italian  glory  to  this  metropolis,  would 
forbid  it  to  expire.  The  temple  is  there — the  creed  has  been 
announced — the  priests  will  enter  and  officiate. 

It  shall  be  so.     The  spirit  of  Nationality,  rooted  in  our  hearts, 
is  as  immoveable  as  the  altar  of  the  Druid,  pillared  in  our  soil. 


GAL  WAY  ELECTION— STRUGGLE  AGAINST  ENGLAND. 

In  the  Theatre  Royal^  Galway,  6th  Feb.,  1846. 

•  [In  January,  Sir  Valentine  Blate,  Bart.,  member  for  Galway,  accepted 
the  Chiltern  Hundreds.  Two  candidates  for  the  vacant  seat  immediately 
took  the  field — Mr.  Anthony  O'Flaherty,  of  Knockbane,  Co.  Galway,  and 
Mr.  James  Henry  Monaghan,  Solicitor-General  for  Ireland.  The  former 
gentleman  was  supported  by  the  Archbishop  of  Tuam  and  the  Catholic 
Clergy,  and  by  the  "  Old  Ireland  "  as  well  as  the  "  Young  Ireland  "  parties. 
The  Whig  candidate  was  supported  by  the  "Whig  and  Conservative  gentry, 
who  compelled  their  tenantry  to  vote  with  them.  At  a  meeting  of  the 
Galway  Electors,  February  5th,  a  resolution  was  passed,  to  the  eflfect — 
"  That  this  Committee,  having  undoubted  information  that  Captain  Thomas 
Burke,  of  Marble-hill,  has  come  to  this  town,  and  used  threats  towards  the 
tenantry  of  Lord  Clanricarde,  to  compel  them  to  vote,  against  their  will, 
for  the  Government  candidate,  at  the  approaching  election  for  this  town — 
we  instruct  our  Secretary  to  respectfully  request  of  the  high-minded  W.  S. 
O'Brien,  to  ask  the  Premier,  or  some  other  member  of  the  Government, 
of  which  Lord  Clanricarde  is  one,  whether  it  was  with  his  Lordship's 
sanction  such  coercion  was  used  towards  the  tenantry."  Mr.  O'Brien  wrote 
on  the  subject  to  Lord  Clanricarde,  and  mentioned  that,  as  he  intended  to 
put  the  required  question  to  Lord  John  Russell,  he  (Lord  Clanricarde) 
would  enable  the  Premier  to  disclaim  such  measures.  To  his  note,  he 
received  a  formal  reply — no  denial  of  the  fact — nor  was  the  minister 
authorized  to  give  one.  The  bailiffs  of  Lord  Clanricarde,  and  several  land- 
lords, went  about  threatening  the  starving  tenantry  with  immediate 
extermination,  if  they  did  not  vote  for  the  Government  candidate.  The 
voters  engaged  on  the  public  works  were  threatened  with  dismissal,  by  the 
Government  officer.  The  contest  lasted  several  days,  and  ended  in  the 
return  of  Mr.  Monaghan  by  a  majority  of  Y.J 


GALWAY    ELECTION STRUGGLE    AGAINST   ENGLAND.  113 

Gentlemen,  I  have  come  liere  to  protest  against  the  Government 
of  England,  for  which  Government  you  have  been  solicited  to  vote 
this  day. 

The  struggle,  begun  this  morning  upon  the  hustings  of  your 
old  town,  is  not  a  struggle  between  two  men — it  is  a  struggle 
between  two  countries. 

On  the  one  side — the  side  of  the  Whig  candidate — hangs  the 
red  banner,  beneath  which  your  senate  has  been  sacked,  your 
commerce  has  been  wrecked,  your  nobility  have  been  dishonored, 
your  peasants  have  been  starved.  On  the  other  side — the  side  of 
the  Repeal  candidate — floats  the  green  flag,  for  whicb  the  artillery 
of  1782  won  a  legitimate  respect — beneath  which  your  senate  sat, 
your  commerce  thrived,  your  nobility  were  honored,  your  peasants 
prospered. 

Until  the  last  three  years,  that  flag  has  been  deserted  by  us. 
With  the  tameness  of  slaves,  we  submitted  to  its  proscription. 
We  saw  it  torn  from  our  merchant  ships,  and  whilst  we  lacked  the 
ability  to  guard  it  upon  the  seas,  we  had  not  the  virtue  to  plant  it 
on  the  hustings.  Everywhere,  the  supremacy  of  the  red  flag  was 
recognised  by  us — recognised  by  us,  w^hether  it  was  borne  by  the 
military  or  the  political  agent  of  England. 

W^hat  diff'erence,  I  ask,  did  it  make,  that  it  was  sometimes 
decorated  with  the  insignia  of  the  Whigs  ?  Decorated  with  the 
blue  ribbon  of  the  Pit,  or  the  buff  ribbon  of  the  Fox  school,  it  was 
still  the  same  cursed  testimony  of  foreign  mastership — still  the 
same  crimson  scroll  on  which  our  incapacity  for  business  was  set 
forth,  and  the  terms  of  our  base  apprenticeship  were  engrossed. 

Year  after  year,  were  we  content  to  be  the  sutlers  of  English, 
faction — content  to  echo  back  the  cant  and  clamor  of  English 
Radicalism.  At  one  time,  blessing  a  Reform  Bill,  as  if  it  gave  us 
political  power.  At  another  time,  rushing  after  the  glittering 
equipage  of  a  Whig  viceroy,  as  if  his  smiles  were  productive  of 
manufactures,  and   his  liberal  appointments  had  been  the  pre- 


114  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

cursors  of  national  institutions.  All  this  time  we  forgot,  that,  for 
the  nation  to  exist,  the  nation  should  have  its  arts,  its  fisheries,  its 
manufactures,  its  commerce ;  and  that  a  franchise  bill,  corporate 
reform  acts,  liberal  appointments,  and  so  forth,  were  of  very  little 
importance  compared  to  bread  for  the  million. 

Doubtless,  there  were  some  excellent  innovations  at  the  Castle 
about  this  time,  for  St.  Patrick's  Hall  was  no  longer  shut  to  the 
Catholic  barrister.  The  ermine,  too,  had  ceased  to  be  the  sacred 
monopoly  of  Protestantism.  The  Catholic  and  Protestant  became 
equally  entitled  to  it,  and,  with  the  police  uniform,  it  was  made 
common  to  both.  The  hall  of  the  Four  Courts  rang  with  the 
praises  of  Normanby,  and  the  statue  of  Justice,  which  decorates 
that  hall,  was  pronounced  by  the  best  judges  to  be  the  very  image 
of  Russell.  Public  dinners  were  frequently  held,  and  the  people 
of  Ireland  were  congratulated  on  the  tranquillity  of  the  country, 
and  the  promotion  of  able  demagogues  to  power. 

The  people  heard  the  toasts  that  were  shouted  at  those  dinners 
— heard  the  selfish  canticles  of  faction — heard  that  the  salvation 
of  Ireland  would  be  accomplished  by  means  of  a  liberal  disposal 
of  silk  gowns — heard  that  the  elevation  of  Ireland  would  be 
secured  by  the  elevation  of  noisy  democrats  to  oflSce — the  people 
heard  these  things,  and  believed  that  their  freedom  was  at  hand. 
They  believed  so,  for  they  had  not  as  yet  looked  well  into  the 
country,  and  felt  what  was  really  wanting  there. 

But  1843  came,  and  a  voice  from  Tara  bade  the  people  organize 
for  liberty.  On  the  site  of  the  Irish  monarchy,  the  spell  of  a  fac- 
tious servitude  was  broken — provincialism  was  abjured — nation- 
ality was  vowed. 

In  that  year,  you,  the  citizens  of  Gal  way,  pledged  yourselves  to 
devote  every  effort  to  the  attainment  of  Irish  independence.  You 
organized — and  in  your  foremost  rank  shone  the  coronet  of  the 
Ffrenches,  with  the  mitre  of  St.  Jarlath's.  You  contributed  to  the 
exchequer  of  the  movement ;  your  merchants  opened  their  coffers ; 


GALWAY   ELECTIOlir STRUGGLE    AGAINST    ENGLAND.  115 

your  artisans — and  I  see  many  of  tliem  here  to-night — coined  the 
sweat  of  their  brows  into  gold,  and  offered  it  up  as  the  ransom  of 
our  Hberties. 

Then  came  the  30th  of  May,  1845,  and  you  sent  your  Towm 
Commissioners  to  the  Rotunda,  where  the  chiefs  of  the  national 
movement  received  the  homage  of  the  people.  That  was  no  false 
homage — it  was  sincere — for  the  men  who  offered  it  aspired  to 
freedom.  On  that  day  your  representatives  pledged  themselves 
on  your  behalf — now  mark  the  words  ! — that  corruption  should 
not  seduce,  nor  deceit  cajole,  nor  intimidation  deter  you  from 
seekinor  the  attainment  of  a  national  lemslature. 

Gentlemen,  the  time  has  come  to  redeem  that  vow.  This  strugf- 
gle  will  test  your  truth,  your  purity,  your  heroism.  Your  honor 
is  at  stake — your  integrity  is  in  question — your  character  is  on 
trial.  Vows  can  be  easily  made.  Expediency  may  advise  them 
— enthusiasm  may  dicfate  them.  The  difficulty  and  the  virtue  is 
to  fulfil  them. 

When  that  vow  was  made,  did  you  not  hear  the  jeering  pro- 
phecy, that  it  would  eventuate  in  a  solemn  falsehood  ?  Did  you 
not  hear  it  said,  that  you  had  iTeither  the  intention  nor  the 
integrity  to  redeem  that  vow — that  you  might  threaten,  but  dare 
not  strike  ? 

It  was  said  so  in  London — it  was  said  so  in  Chesham  Place — it 
was  said  so  in  Dublin — let  me  tell  you,  it  is  so  written  in  the  pre- 
dictions of  the  Castle. 

Will  you  vilely  verify  the  anticipations  of  Chesham  Place  ? 
Will  you  basely  authenticate  the  predictions  of  the  Castle? 
Renounced  by  Cashel — threatened  in  Wexford — supplanted  in 
Dundalk — routed  from  Mayo — what !  shall  the  refugees  of  Whig- 
gcry  find  in  Galway  a  spot  where,  at  last,  the  gold  of  the  Cabinet 
will  contaminate  the  virtue  of  the  people  ? 

I  ask  you,  what  will  be  the  result  of  this  election  ?  Shall  Gal- 
way be   a   slave   market?      Shall   this   ancient    Irish   town   be 


116  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

degraded  into  an  Engllsli  borough — and  will  you,  its  citizens, 
sacrifice  your  principles  and  your  name,  embrace  provincialism,  and 
henceforth  exult  in  the  title  of  West  Britons  ? 

I  should  apologise  for  thus  addressing  you — or  rather,  you 
should  bid  me  cease,  and  indignantly  assert  that,  come  what  may, 
no  Whig  official  shall  ever  bear  witness  to  your  recreancy  in  the 
Senate  House  of  Englasd. 

Why  should  it  be  otherwise  ?  Since  1845,  your  opinions,  surely, 
have  not  changed  ? 

If  so,  what  has  changed  them  ?  The  famine  ?  The  prompt 
benevolence  of  the  English  Government  ?  The  generosity  of  the 
English  Commons  ?  What  imperial  proselytizer  has  seduced  you 
from  the  cause,  in  the  defence  of  which,  in  1843,  you  would  have 
passionately  bled  ? 

The  prompt  benevolence  of  the  English  Government  ?  How  has 
this  been  manifested  ?  In  the  timely  susj)ension  of  the  ]!!^avigation 
laws  ?  In  the  establishment  of  corn  depots  ?  In  the  prohibition 
of  the  export  of  L-ish  produce  ?  By  the  summoning  of  Parlia- 
ment in  November  ? 

Bear  this  in  mind — whilst  the  peasants  have  perished,  without 
leaving  a  coin  to  purchase  a  winding-sheet,  the  merchants  have 
bought  their  purple  and  fine  linen  with  their  famine  prices,  for  the 
English  market  should  be  protected — thus,  the  English  economists 
have  ruled  it.  In  the  blasted  field,  beneath  the  putrid  crop,  the 
merchant  has  sunk  a  shaft  and  found  a  gold  mine,  for  the  English 
minister  would  not  inconvenience  the  trade  of  Liverpool  and 
London. 

And  is  it  the  servant  of  this  minister  whom  you  will  support  ? 
If  you  prefer  a  bribe  to  freedom — if  you  prefer  to  be  the  Swiss 
guard  of  a  foreign  minister,  rather  than  be  the  National  guard  of 
a  free  kingdom — vote  for  him,  and  be  dishonest  and  debased. 

Vote  for  the  Whig  candidate,  and  vote  for  provincialism ! 
Vote  for  the  Whig  candidate,  and  vote  for  alien  laws !     Vote  for 


GALWAY    ELECTION STRUGGLE    AGAINST    ENGLAND.  11  7 

the  Whig  candidate,  and  vote  for  a  civil  war  before  Repeal — for 
that  is  the  Whig  alternative  !  Vote  for  the  Whig  candidate,  and 
vote  for  economy  and  starvation  !  Vote  for  him — vote  for  him — 
and  then  cringe  back  to  your  homes,  and  there  thank  God  that 
you  have  had  a  country  to  sell ! 

Have  you  nerved  your  souls  for  this  crime  ? 

Beware  of  it !  I  will  not  tell  you  that  the  eyes  of  the  nation — 
that  the  eyes  of  Europe  are  upon  you.  That  is  the  cant  of  every 
hustings.  But  this  I  tell  you,  there  are  a  few  men  yet  breathing 
in  Skibbereen,  and  their  death-glance  is  upon  you.  Vote  for  the 
Whig  candidate,  and  their  last  shriek  will  proclaim  that  you 
have  voted  for  the  pensioned  misers  who  refused  them  bread. 

There  is  a  place,  too,  called  Skull,  in  the  county  Cork,  the 
churchyard  of  which  place — as  a  tenant  told  his  landlord  the 
other  day — is  the  only  "  red  field "  in  the  wide,  wide  county. 
There  are  eyes,  wild  with  the  agonies  of  hunger,  looking  out  from 
that  fell  spot  upon  you,  and  if  you  vote  against  your  native  land, 
the  burning  tongue  of  the  starving  peasant  will  froth  its  curse  upon 
you,  and  upon  your  children. 

Gentlemen,  I  have  now  done,  and  I  fear  not  for  you,  nor  for 
the  country.  I  believe  there  is  in  Gal  way  the  virtue  to  preserve 
the  honor  of  its  citizens — the  virtue  to  assert  the  liberty  of  the 
country. 

What,  though  it  cost  you  a  serious  sacrifice — what,  though  you 
gain  nothing,  at  this  moment,  by  your  honest  votes,  save  the 
blessing  of  a  tranquil  conscience  and  a  proud  heart — still  be  true 
to  the  faith  and  glory  of  Henry  Grattan.  Fling  aside — trample 
under  foot — the  bribes  and  promises  of  Russell.  Be  true  to  the 
principles  of  1*782 — be  true  to  the  resolutions  of  1843 — be  true 
to  the  vow  of  1845 — and  with  pure  hands — with  hands  unstained 
by  the  glittering  poison  of  the  English  treasury — amid  the  graves 
and  desolation  of  1847,  lay  the  foundations  of  a  future  nation  ! 


LANDLORD  COERCION— GOVERNMENT  CORRUPTION. 
Theatre  Royal,   Galway,  \4:th  February,  1847. 

Gentlemen  : — You  saw  the  men  who  voted  for  the  Whig 
candidate  on  Saturday.  Did  they  advance  to  the  hustings  hke 
men  who  felt  they  had  a  country,  and  were  conscious  that  their 
votes  would  be  recorded  for  her  liberty  ? 

No,  they  went  there  like  slaves — insensible  to  the  dictates  of 
patriotism — insensible  to  the  crushing  calamities  of  their  country — 
insensible  to  its  thrilling  invocations  for  redress. 

The  troops,  under  the  armed  guardianship  of  which  they  were 
driven  to  utter  sentence  against  the  independence  of  their  country, 
proclaimed  the  cause  for  which  their  venal  franchise  was  compelled. 
Did  not  the  proud  escort  that  attended  the  tenants  of  Lord 
Clanricarde  to  the  Court-house  proclaim,  that  to  the  supremacy 
of  Eno-land  those  venal  tenants  sacrificed  their  souls? 

The  troops  that  were  arrayed  against  your  right  to  petition 
upon  the  field  of  Clontarf,  were  fit  companions,  indeed,  for  the 
slaves  who  were  herded  together  to  vote  against  your  right  to 
lefi'islate. 

Those  men  might  as  well  have  voted  in  manacles.  But  if  their 
hands  were  free,  their  souls  were  fettered  ;  and  if  they  wore  not 
the  garb  of  convicts,  they  exhibited  all  the  debasement  of 
criminals. 

Yet  these  men  had  illustrious  models  of  depravity — models 
selected  from  the  brightest  page  in  Irish  history,  as  some 
Whig  orator  would  designate  the  narrative  of  the  Union. 
They  had  Fitzgibbon — they  had  Castlereagh — the  titled  recreants 


LANDLORD  COERCION GOVERNMENT  CORRUPTION.     119 

who  purchased  English  coronets  by  the  destruction  of  the  Irish 
Senate. 

Castlereagh  purchased  something  else — an  English  grave. 
This,  at  least,  was  a  privilege  to  Ireland — to  be  exempt  from  the 
contamination  of  the  dust,  which,  when  breathing,  had  drenched 
our  Senate  with  corruption,  and  our  land  with  blood. 

Let  England  still  claim  such  treasures,  and  let  no  Irish  traitor — 
no  tenant  of  Clanricarde — rot  beneath  the  soil  in  which  the  bones 
of  Swift,  of  Tone,  and  Davis,  have  been  laid  to  rest. 

Turn  from  this  soiled  and  revolting  picture,  and  contemplate 
the  reverse. 

You  saw  the  men  who  voted  for  the  Repeal  candidate.  Did 
they  register  their  votes  under  the  sabres  of  husstirs?  No;  they 
voted  for  their  country,  and  were,  therefore,  under  no  obligations 
to  the  liveried  champions  of  the  English  flag.  They  went  up  to 
the  hustings  like  honest  citizens,  and  were  protected,  not  by  the 
musket  of  the  soldier,  but  by  the  arm  of  the  God  of  Hosts.  Their 
souls  were  as  untrammelled  as  their  limbs,  and,  recording  their 
votes,  they  were  distinguished  for  the  manliness  which  men  who 
love  freedom  can  alone  exhibit.  They  voted  like  men  who  knew 
well,  that  the  scheme  of  the  Whigs  is  to  soothe  this  country  into 
degradation,  and  they  looked  like  men  who  scorned  to  be  soothed 
for  that  purpose — scorned  the  vile  scheme  that  would  prostrate 
this  country  by  patronage — scorned  the  vile  scheme  that  would 
perpetuate  the  Union  by  making  it  prolific  in  small  boons. 

Men  of  Galway,  to  the  hustings  on  the  morrow,  in  the  same 
gallant  spirit.  Show  no  mercy  to  these  Whigs  !  Swamp  them 
before  the  sun  sets — and  let  the  night  ftill  upon  the  broken  flag- 
staff and  baffled  cohorts  of  the  English  minister ! 

Let  the  minister  hear  of  his  defeat  on  Wednesday  morning,  and 
curse  the  virtue  that  had  no  price. 

There  must  be  no  jubilee  in  Chesham-place  at  the  expense  of 
Irish  liberty.     There  must  be  no  delegate  from  Galway,  author- 


120  EXGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

ised  to  sustain  the  dictation  of  the  English  Commons — authorised 
to  sustain  the  dictation  that  has  been  assumed  to  coerce,  to  enslave, 
to  starve  this  country. 

"What  will  the  Commons  say  when  the  Solicitor-General  for 
Ireland  takes  his  seat  on  the  Treasury  Bench,  as  the  Whig  member 
of  this  borough  ?  Will  they  say  that  the  threat  uttered  by  the 
Paymaster  of  the  Forces  has  forced  you  to  capitulate  ? 

'No ;  I  do  not  think  they  will  charge  you  with  cowardice,  but  I 
am  sure  they  will  arraign  you  for  corruption.  They  will  say  that 
venality  has  accomplished  what  battalions  could  not  achieve,  and 
that  the  money-bags  of  the  Mint  can  do  more  for  the  English 
interest  in  Ireland  than  all  the  batteries  of  Woolwich. 

And,  let  me  tell,  these  money-bags  have  been  flung  across  the 
channel  into  Galway. 

Trust  me,  the  Whig  government  will  fight  this  battle  to  the 
last  farthing.  This  I  sincerely  believe — this  I  deliberately  avow. 
I  am  justified  in  this  belief,  for  it  is  notorious  that  the  favorite 
weapon  of  the  Whig  government  is  corruption. 

It  is  the  boast  of  these  Whigs  that  they  alone  can  govern 
Ireland — that  they  alone  can  mesmerise  the  Irish  beggars  !  Prove 
to  them  that  this  boast  is  a  falsehood — prove  to  them  that  you 
will  not  be  governed  by  them,  and  that  Ireland  shall  be  their 
difficulty  and  their  scourge. 

What  claims  have  these  Whigs  upon  us  ?  ISTone,  save  what 
corruption  constitutes. 

Their  liberal  appointments  ?  How  do  these  appointments  serve 
the  country  ?  How  much  wealth  flows  into  Ireland  by  the 
member  for  Dungarvan  being  Master  of  the  Mint  ? 

Recollect  this,  the  Whigs  voted  twenty  millions  to  emancipate 
the  Africans — they  refuse  to  sanction  a  loan  of  sixteen  millions  to 
employ  the  Irish.  Vote  for  their  nominee,  and  you  will  vote 
against  the  noble  proposition  of  the  Protectionist  leader. 

And  has  it  come  to  this,  that  you  will  vote  for  non-employment 


LANDLORD  COERCIOX — GOVERNMENT  CORRUPTION.     121 

— for  starvation — for  deaths  Ly  tlie  minute,  and  inquests  by  tlie 
hour.  Will  you  vote  for  this  government  of  economists — this 
government  of  misers — this  government  of  grave-diggers  ?  Before 
you  do  so,  read  the  advertisement  on  the  walls  of  the  Treasury — 
"  Funerals  supplied  to  all  parts  of  the  country." 

That  is  the  true  way  to  tranquillize  the  country !  That  is  the 
true  way  to  hush  the  tumult  of  sedition  !  That  is  the  true  way  to 
incorporate  the  countries,  and  mate  the  Union  binding ! 

If  we  do  not  beat  those  Whigs  out  of  Galway — if  we  do  not 
fight  them  for  every  inch  of  Irish  ground — if  we  do  not  drive 
them  across  the  Channel — they  will  starve  this  country  into  a 
wilderness,  and,  at  the  opening  of  the  next  session,  they  will  bid 
their  royal  mistress  congratulate  her  assembled  parliament  upon 
their  successful  government,  and  the  peace  of  Ireland. 

And  they  insist,  too,  that  the  executive  of  this  wilderness  shall 
be  a  chief  of  police,  a  poor-law  Commissioner,  and  a  Commissary 
General. 

Will  you  submit  to  this  ?  Do  you  prefer  a  soup  kitchen  to  a 
custom-house  ?  Do  you  prefer  grave-yards  to  corn-fields  ?  Do 
you  prefer  the  Board  of  Works  to  a  national  Senate  ?  Do  you 
prefer  the  insolent  rule  of  Scotch  and  English  ofiicials  to  the  benifi- 
cent  legislation  of  Irish  Peers  and  Irish  Commoners  ? 

Heaven  forbid,  that  the  blight  which  putrified  your  food  should 
infect  your  souls  !  Heaven  forbid,  that  the  famine  should  tame 
you  into  debasement,  and  that  the  spirit  which  has  triumphed. 
over  the  prison  and  the  scafi'old,  should  surrender  to  the  corrup- 
tionist  at  last ! 

I  asked  you  a  moment  since,  how  much  wealth  flows  into 
Ireland  by  the  member  for  Dungarvan  being  Master  of  the  Mint  ? 

I  must  tell  you  •  this,  there  is  a  little  stream  of  it  always 
dropping  through  the  Castle-yard— but  sometimes  there  are  extra- 
ordinary spring-tides — ^just  about  election  times — and  then  that  tide 
swells  and  deepens,  and  rises  so  high,  aud  rushes  so  rapidly,  that 

6 


122  ENGLISH   LEGISLATION. 

it  frequently  sweeps  away  the  votes  of  the  people — sweeps  away 
then*  placards — sweeps  away  their  banners — sweeps  away  their 
Committee  rooms — and,  in  the  end,  throws  up  a  Whig  official 
upon  the  white  shore  of  England  ! 

Beware  of  this  spring  tide — it  is  sweeping  through  Gal  way  this 
moment — through  lane  and  street.  Its  glittering  waters  intoxicate 
and  debase.  The  wretches  who  drink  them  fall  into  the  current 
and  are  whirled  away — the  drenched  and  battered  spoils  of 
England. 

And  is  this  the  end  of  all  you  have  vowed  and  done  ?  And 
has  it  come  to  this,  that  after  the  defiances,  the  resolutions,  the 
organization  of  1843,  England  shall  plant  her  foot  upon  the  neck 
of  Ireland,  and  exclaim — "  behold  my  bribed  and  drunken  slave !" 

I  do  not  exaggerate.  The  battle  of  Ireland  is  being  fought  in 
Galway.     If  the  Whigs  take  Galway — Ireland  falls. 

Shall  Ireland  fall  ? 

Incur  defeat,  and  you  shall  have  her  bitter  curse.  Win  the 
battle,  and  you  shall  have  her  proud  blessing.  Your  virtue  and 
your  victory  will  fire  the  coward  and  regenerate  the  venal — your 
example  will  be  followed — the  Whigs  will  be  driven  from 
Wexford,  from  Waterford,  from  Mallow,  from  Dungarvan — their 
bribes  will  be  trampled  in  the  dust — their  strongest  citadels 
be  stormed — the  integrity  of  the  people  shall  prevail  against  the 
venality  of  the  faction — the  Union  act  shall  share  the  fate  of  the 
Penal  code — and  mankind  shall  hail  the  birth,  the  career,  the 
glory  of  an  Irish  Nation. 


IRISH  PAUPERISM— OUT- DOOR  RELIEF. 
Music  Hall^  Dublin^  1th  April,  1847. 

[In  the  kitchen  of  the  London  Eeform  Club,  the  "Whig  government 
Bought  out  a  panacea  for  the  Irish  famine.  M.  Soyer,  the  chief  cook  of  that 
establishment,  had  made  certain  discoveries  in  soup,  and  informed  the 
government  that  "  a  belly -full  of  his  soup  once  a  day,  with  a  biscuit,  was 
more  than  sufficient  to  sustain  the  strength  of  a  strong  and  healthy  man." 
He  could  easily  supply  one  meal  per  day  to  all  the  poor  in  Ireland.  His 
plans  were  examined  by  the  Admiralty  and  Board  of  Works,  and  after 
"mature  deliberation,"  were  pronounced  "quite  capable  of  answering  the 
object  sought."  The  best  judges  "  of  the  noble  art  of  gastronomy  "  in 
London  considered  it  "  not  a  soup  for  the  poor,  but  for  the  Reform  Club." 
Lord  Litchfield  and  Mr.  O'Connell  declared  it  "excellent,"  after  which  it 
was  confidently  hoped  that  "  no  more  deaths  by  starvation  would  take 
place  in  Ireland."  Great  preparations  were  made  for  transporting  M. 
Soyer  and  his  cooking  apparatus  to  Ireland.  The  London  Lancet,  speaking 
of  this  "  soup  quackery,"  at  the  time,  remarks  on  the  estimate  formed  of  it 
by  the  "  talented,  but  eccentric,  self-deceived  originator."  "  M.  Soyer  (says 
the  Lancet)  proposes  to  make  soup  of  the  following  proportions  : — Leg  of 
beef,  four  ounces ;  dripping  fat,  two  ounces ;  flour,  eight  ounces ;  brown 
sugar,  half  an  ounce ;  water,  two  gallons.  These  items  are  exclusive  of  the 
onions,  a  few  turnip  parings,  celery  tops,  and  a  little  salt,  which  can 
hardly  be  considered  under  the  head  of  food.  The  above  proportions  give 
less  than  airee  ounces  of  solid  nutriment  to  each  quart  d  la  Soyer.  Is^o 
culinary  digestion,  or  stewing,  or  boiling,  can  convert  four  ounces  into 
twelve,  unless,  indeed,  the  laws  of  animal  physiology  can  be  unwritten, 
and  some  magical  power  be  made  to  reside  in  the  cap  and  apron  of  the 
cook  for  substituting  fluids  in  the  place  of  solids,  and  aqua  pur  a  in  place  of 
solids  in  the  animal  economy."  On  the  5th  of  April,  (Easter  Monday)  with 
much  parade,  in  presence  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  the  viceregal  Court,  and 
a  host  of  "  distinguished  personages,"  the  great  soup  kitchen  was  inaugu- 


124  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

rated  in  the  Parade  Ground,  fronting  the  Royal  Barracks,  Dublin.  In  the 
interior  of  the  pavilion,  M.  Sojer  received  his  "  noble  "  and  "  distinguished  " 
visitors,  who  filed  in  at  one  door,  partook  of  the  soup  from  a  chained 
spoon,  and,  with  many  ejaculations  in  praise  of  the  inventor's  genius,  made 
their  exit  at  another.  These  judges  from  "  high  society  "  pronounced  it 
"good!"  Fifty  men,  and  fifty  women — model  beggars — weak,  ragged, 
and  hungry — "attended  by  policemen" — tottered  in,  to  the  air  of  "St. 
Patrick's  Day" — swallowed  their  rations  from  the  chained  spoons,  and, 
passing  in  front  of  the  effigy  of  her  "  most  Gracious  Majesty  Victoria," 
tottered  out  at  the  other  door.  Then  the  laurels  rustled,  the  trumpets 
sounded,  the  banners  waved,  the  arms  glittered — and  the  Union  Flag 
shook  lazily  over  all.  Count  Rum.ford's  Essay  on  Food  was  edited  by 
Sir  Richard  Musgrave,  as  being  likely  to  contain  some  valuable  hints  for  the 
poor.  It  recommended  the  people,  who  had  not  even  potatoes,  "to  mix 
salted  jDork,  or  bacon,  or  smoked  beef  with  their  soup,"  and  satirically 
hinted  that  the  "best  cooks  also  put  fried  bread  in  their  soup."  Within 
a  week  the  "deaths  from  starvation"  in  small  towns  were,  Boorisoleigh, 
6;  Mayo,  19;  Killury  and  Ratoo,  60;  Leitrim,  18;  Castlebar,  18;  Clare, 
20,  (fee.  In  Dungarvan  the  priests  administered  consolation  to  from 
fifteen  to  eighteen  daily.  Several  of  these  victims,  or  members  of  their 
families,  were  employed  on  public  works,  but  did  not  receive  their  wages 
in  time  to  prevent  starvation.  Rev.  Dominic  Noon  gave  an  account  of 
sixty-five  cases  of  starvation  in  Ahamlish.  In  Sligo,  the  coroner  published 
eight  inquests  in  three  days.  The  newspapers  complained  that  they 
were  not  able  to  get  the  coroner's  full  returns. '  Rev.  Mr.  Fahey  recounted 
fifteen  stai-vations  in  Moycullen,  county  Gal  way.  At  Coolavin  the  people 
died  on  the  waysides  in  scores ;  the  police  officials  refused  to  send  for  the 
coroner,  stating  it  was  not  necessary,  as  the  people  died  from  starvation. 
Tralee  workhouse,  23  died;  Roscommon,  of  1,100  inmates,  600  in  fever; 
in  the  Cork  poorhouse,  171  deaths  ;  in  Newry,  42;  in  Belfast,  .S3.  The 
Sligo  Chajnpion  gave  the  following  fearful  picture : — "  What  f'lmine  may 
leave  undone,  pestilence  will  finish.  The  poor-house  is  now  a  pe?t,-house; 
The  guardians  have  abandoned  it.  The  medical  officer  declared  it  no 
longer  safe  to  meet  in  the  board  room.  The  nurses  are  all  ill ;  the 
master  and  his  assistants  are  dying ;  and  out  of  eleven  hundred  inmates, 
six  hundred  are  on  the  sick  list.  The  fever  is  not  malignant,  but 
the  dysentery  frightfully  fatal."  Commander  Caffi.n,  R.  K,  in  one  of 
the  London  journals,  detailed  the  horrors  which   came  under  his  own 


IRISH    PAUPERISM OUT -DOOR    RELIEF.  125 

observation,  while  visiting  Skull  with  a  cargo  of  meal.  His  letter  is  dated 
February  15th,  in  the  course  of  which  he  says: — "In  the  village  of  Skull 
three-fourths  of  the  inhabitants  you  meet  carry  the  tale  of  woe  in  their 
features  and  persons,  as  they  are  reduced  to  mere  skeletons  ;  the  men  in 
particular,  all  their  physical  strength  is  wasted  away."  Having  a  desire  to 
see  with  his  own  eyes  the  misery  said  to  exist,  Dr.  Traill,  the  rector,  took 
him  through  a  portion  of  his  parish.  He  says  : — "  The  doctor  drove  me 
five  or  six  miles,  and  in  no  house  that  I  entered  was  there  not  to  be  found 
the  dead  and  the  dying."  After  recounting  several  fearful  scenes,  he 
proceeds: — "I  could  tell  you  also  of  that  which  I  can  vouch  for  the 
truth  of,  but  which  I  did  not  see  myself,  such  as  bodies  half  eaten  by  the 
rats;  of  two  dogs  last  Wednesday  being  shot  by  Mr.  O'Callaghan  whilst 
tearing  a  body  to  pieces ;  of  his  mother-in-law  stopping  a  poor  woman  and 
asking  her  what  she  had  on  her  back,  and,  being  replied  that  it  was  her 
son,  telling  her  she  would  smother  it ;  but  the  poor  emaciated  woman  said 
it  was  dead  already,  and  she  was  going  to  dig  a  hole  in  the  churchyard 
for  it."  Towards  the  close  of  February  the  police  received  ilistructions 
to  make  returns.  Imperfect  as  these  wei-e,  fifty  thousand  was  given 
in  to  the  office  in  Dublin  as  the  number  of  deaths  from  starvation. 
Rev.  James  O'Driscoll,  Parish  Priest  of  Kilmichael,  declared  the  "  destitution 
in  his  parish  of  so  appalling  a  nature  as  to  bafiie  description.  Famine  and 
fever  raged  in  it.  From  February  to  March  27,  eighty-five  victims  had 
fallen.  The  dogs  preyed  on  them ;  the  corpses  being  left  unburied  for 
several  days,  through  fear  of  catching  the  disease."  Speaking  of  the 
"Relief  Works,"  he  said,  "the  employment  of  the  laboring  classes  was 
entirely  confined  to  them,  but  owing  to  the  exorbitant  price  of  food  and  the 
low  rate  of  wages,  an  able-bodied  laborer  could  barely  support  himself." 
He  speaks  of  "  a  young  man  who  had  to  be  visited  at  Cooldorahy.  He 
was  found  in  a  dying  state,  without  one  to  attend  him.  His  sister  and 
brothers  lay  dead  quite  close  to  him  in  the  same  room.  The  sister  was 
dead  for  five  days,  the  brothers,  two,  for  three  days.  The  sick  man  was 
the  only  survivor  of  a  large  family.  The  father  and  the  children  died  from 
want."  In  the  meantime  not  one  person  died  of  actual  destitution  in 
England,  Scotland,  or  Wales.  16th  March,  a  very  influential  meeting  was 
held  in  the  Music  Hall,  Dublin,  at  wliich  the  Lord  Mayor  presided,  for  the 
purpose  of  petitioning  Parliament  upon  the  unparalleled  depreciation 
of  trade,  the  privations  and  losses  of  the  citizens  which  had  become  insup- 
portable, and   to   pray  that   means   be  taken   to   save  the  eounti'v  from 


126  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

depopulation.  Mr.  Henry  Fitzgibbon,  brother  to  the  eminent  Queen's 
Counsel,  referring  to  the  meeting,  said,  "They  were  men  who  had  never 
mixed  in  politics — who  devoted  their  time  to  their  respective  business. 
The  working  men  intended  calling  a  meeting,  but  were  prevented  by  the 
attendant  expense.  The  employers  he  then  thought  should  do  it,  for  the 
same  cause  which  deprived  the  tradesman  of  bread  deprived  the  employer 
of  business.  It  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  him  whether  they  had  a 
"Whig  or  Tory  government.  He  had  merely  to  do  with  the  measures  that 
had  brought  desolation  and  death  upon  the  people.  The  government,  he 
said,  founded  their  policy  upon  their  assertion  that  if  they  interfered  to 
bring  food  into  the  country  it  would  prevent  merchants  from  importing 
grain.  Who  was  it  that  merchants  supplied  ?  "Was  it  not  the  people  who 
had  money  to  purchase  food  ?  Did  any  one  ever  hear  of  merchants  bring- 
ing food  to  men  who  had  no  money  to  purchase  it?  He  would  suppose  the 
case  of  an  island,  which  was  unable  to  produce  anything  beyond  what  v/as 
necessary  for  the  consumption  of  its  population,  and  he  should  like  to 
know  if  mediants  would  bring  food  to  that  population  when  there  was  no 
prospect  of  getting  any  return?  The  sole  subsistence  of  five  millions  of 
the  country  was  the  potato,  and  that  being  cut  off,  Ireland  was  placed  in 
the  condition  of  that  country,  which  only  produced  enough  for  the  support 
of  its  own  inhabitants,  and  to  say  that  such  a  population  should  be  left  to 
be  supplied  by  merchants,  was  tantamount  to  passing  sentence  of  death 
upon  them.  He  could  show  an  easy  and  practical  plan  whereby  the 
government  at  one-fourth  the  expense  already  gone  to,  would  supply  the 
wants  of  the  people.  He  made  a  calculation  to  support  five  millions  for 
one  year.  It  would  take  3,802,083  quarters  of  Indian  corn  to  give  lib.  per 
day  to  five  millions  for  one  year,  which,  at  the  'New  Orleans  price,  on 
19th  December,  would  cost  £2,914,929,  which,  if  brought  by  the  ships  of 
the  state,  and  given  at  cost  price,  would  supply  the  food  of  a  family  of 
seven  persons  for  24d.  per  day.  He  found  that  so  late  as  the  19th  Decem- 
ber last.  Wheat  and  Indian  corn  were  respectively  32s.  and  15s.  4d.  per 
quarter  in  New  Orleans,  while  they  were  '73s.  and  60s.  in  London.  In  the 
former,  oats  were  7 d.  per  stone;  in  the  latter  Is.  7d.  A  million  of  money 
laid  out  in  New  Orleans  at  that  time  would  buy  650,000  quarters  of  wheat ; 
in  London  it  would  only  buy  273,9*72  quarters;  which  would  give  of  the 
million  laid  out  in  London  £692,307  to  the  merchant,  and  £307,693  for  the 
food  of  the  poor.  So,  in  the  ratio  with  the  other  commodities.  He  read 
with  astonishment  the  speeches  in  Parliament  by  members  of  the  govern- 


IRISH    PAUPERISM OUT    DOOR    RELIEF.  127 

ment.  and  was  surprised  at  the  extreme  silliness  of  the  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer.  The  Americans  were  teaching  the  English  government  what 
they  ought  to  do.  *Send  food,'  say  they,  'to  Ireland,  but  not  money.' 
That  was  Yankee  sagacity.  There  were  no  resolutions  this  year  issuing 
from  the  Mansion-house  calling  on  government  to  supply  the  people  with 
food.  What  was  the  reason  ?  He  was  not  afraid  to  tell  it.  They  had  a 
friendly  (Whig)  government  this  year."] 

The  proceedings  of  this  night,  Sir,  will,  no  doubt,  incur  the 
censure  of  those  gentlemen  who  maintain  that  politics  hare 
nothing  to  do  with  the  state  of  the  country.  It  will  be  said  by 
them,  that  it  is  heartless  to  talk  about  Repeal  when  the  people 
require  relief.  It  will  be  said  by  them,  that  lessons  of  nationality 
should  not  be  preached  whilst  the  nation  is  on  its  knees,  begging 
for  its  bread. 

Sir,  these  gentlemen  would  adjourn  the  question  of  Irish 
independence,  to  criticise  the  "  boil  and  bubble  "  of  a  French  cook. 
Turning  their  backs  upon  the  old  parliament  house  in  College- 
green,  they  would  dive  into  the  mysteries  of  the  soup-kitchen  at 
King's-bridge. 

Yet,  Sir,  I  agree  with  these  gentlemen  to  a  certain  extent. 
Party  politics  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  state  of  the  country. 
"  Who  is  in,  and  who  is  out — who  has  this,  and  who  has  that  ?" — 
these  questions  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  state  of  the  country. 
But  national  politics  have  everything  to  do  with  the  state  of  the 
country,  and  these  we  shall  adhere  to  and  propagate. 

Gentlemen  who  tell  us  to  postpone  the  question  of  Repeal, 
whilst  the  famine  is  on  the  wing,  dictate  a  course  that  would 
perpetuate  the  disease  and  beggary  of  the  land.  They  advise  a 
step  that  would  make  the  Union  Act,  in  truth,  "  a  final  settle- 
ment." They  recommend  a  policy  that  would  violate  our  vow, 
disband  our  forces,  and  let  in  the  enemy.  Once  down — England 
would  keep  us  down. 

Sir,  there  must  be  no  pause,  no  adjournment,  no  truce.     Repeal 


128  ElffGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

is  now  a  question,  not  so  much  of  political  power,  as  of  actual 
physical  existence.  Self-government  has  become  a  question  of 
self-preservation.  A  national  parliament  is  the  only  efficient 
relief-committee  that  can  be  organized — the  only  one  that  can 
have  the  wisdom  to  devise,  and  the  power  to  carry  out,  any 
measures  calculated  to  save  the  life  and  improve  the  prospects  of 
the  country. 

The  famine  has  already  done  enough  for  England.  It  shall  not 
do  more.  It  shall  not  do  its  worst — it  shall  not  force  us  to 
capitulate. 

What  has  the  famine  done  for  England  ?  The  famine  has  been 
her  best  recruiting  sergeant — it  has  purchased  thousands  into  her 
brilliant  and  licentious  legions.  The  famine  has  been  her  best 
miner — it  has  discovered  gold  mines  for  her  merchants  in  bankrupt 
cities  and  depopulated  villages.  The  famine  has  been  her  best 
swordsman — it  has  cut  down  thousands  of  her  peasant  foes. 

But  there  is  one  spot  where  this  powerful  agent  of  English  lust 
must  halt — one  spot  where  it  shall  purchase  no  recruits — one  spot 
where  it  shall  •plsmt  no  cypress  and  rear  no  trophy — one  spot 
where  it  shall  cease  to  do  the  business  and  the  butchery  of 
England.  It  shall  halt — it  shall  be  powerless  and  paralysed — 
where  the  Confederation  sits. 

What  say  they  in  England  now  ?  What  says  the  Times — the 
great  organ  of  English  opinion  ? 

"  Ireland  is  now  at  the  mercy  of  England.  For  the  first  time  in 
the  course  of  centuries,  England  may  rule  Ireland,  and  treat  her 
as  a  thoroughly  conquered  country." 

Ay,  Ireland  is  now  at  the  mercy  of  England  !  Ireland  is  now  a 
thoroughly  conquered  country !  England  has  won  her  crowning 
victory !  The  war  of  centuries  is  at  a  close !  The  archers  of 
Stronofbow  have  failed — the  Ironsides  of  Cromwell  have  failed — 
the  spies  and  yeomen  of  Castlereagh  have  failed — the  patronage 
and  proscriptions  of  Ebrington  have  failed — the  proclamations  and 


•  IRISH    PAUPERISM OUT    DOOR    RELIEF.  129 

state  prosecutions  of  De  Grey  have  failed — tlie  procrastination  and 
economy  of  Russell  have  triumphed  !  Let  a  thanksgiving  be 
preached  from  the  pulpit  of  St.  Paul's — let  the  Lords  and  Com- 
mons of  England  vote  their  gratitude  to  the  victorious  economist — 
let  the  guns  of  London  Tower  proclaim  the  triumph  which  has 
cost,  in  past  years,  coffers  of  gold  and  torrents  of  blood,  and,  in 
this  year,  a  wholesale  system  of  starvation  to  achieve ! 

England !  your  gallant  and  impetuous  enemy  is  dead — your 
*'  great  difficulty  "  is  at  an  end.  L-eland,  or  rather  the  remains  of 
Ireland,  are  yours  at  last.  Your  red  ensign  flies — not  from  the 
Rath  of  Mullaghmast,  where  you  played  the  cut-throat — not  from 
Limerick  wall,  where  you  played  the  perjurer — not  from  the 
Senate-house,  where  you  played  the  swindler — not  from  the  Cus- 
tom-house, where  you  played  the  robber — but  it  flies  from  her 
thousand  graveyards,  where  the  titled  niggards  of  your  Cabinet 
have  won  the  battle  your  soldiers  could  not  terminate. 

Celebrate  your  victory  !  Bid  your  Scourge  steamer,  from  the 
western  coast,  convey  some  memorial  of  your  conquest ;  and,  in 
the  hall,  where  the  flags  and  cannons  you  have  captured  from  a 
world  of  foes  are  grouped  together,  let  a  shroud,  stripped  from 
some  privileged  corpse — for  few  have  them  now — be  for  its  proper 
price  displayed. 

Stop  not  here !  Change  your  war-crest.  America  has  her 
eagle — let  England  have  her  vulture  !  What  emblem  more  fit  for 
the  rapacious  power,  whose  statesmanship  depopulates,  and  whose 
commerce  is  gorged  with,  famine  prices  ?  That  is  her  proper 
signal.  It  will  commemorate  a  greater  victory  than  that  of 
Agincourt,  than  that  of  Blenheim,  than  that  of  Moodkee.  It  will 
commemorate  the  victories  of  Skull,  of  Skibbereen,  of  Bantry. 

But,  Sir,  this  is  a  false  alarm.  "Whatever  the  monarch  journalist 
of  Europe  may  say,  Ireland,  thank  God !  is  not  down  yet.  She 
is  on  her  knees — but  her  withered  hand  is  clenched  against  the 
giant,  and  she  has  yet  the  power  to  strike ! 

6* 


130  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Last  year,  from  tlie  Carpathian  heights,  we  heard  the  shout  of 
the  Pohsh  insurrectionist — "  there  is  hope  for  Poland  whilst  in 
Poland  there  is  a  life  to  lose."  Sir,  there  is  hope  for  Ireland, 
whilst  in  Ireland  there  is  a  life  to  lose. 

True  it  is,  thousands  upon  thousands  of  our  people  have  been 
swept  down,  but  thousands  upon  thousands  still  survive,  arid  the 
fate  of  the  dead  should  quicken  the  purpose  of  the  living.  The 
stakes  are  too  high  for  us  to  give  up  the  game,  until  the  last 
card  has  been  played — too  high  for  us,  to  fling  ourselves  ^  u  despair 
upon  the  coffins  of  our  starved  and  swindled  partners. 

A  peasant  population,  generous  and  heroic,  is  at  stake.  A  me- 
chanic population,  intelligent  and  upright,  is  at  stake.  These  great 
classes — that  form  the  very  nerve  and  marrow  of  a  nation — without 
which  a  nation  cannot  be  saved — without  which,  there  is,  in  fact, 
no  nation  to  be  saved — without  which,  a  professional  class  is  so 
much  parchment  and  powdered  horsehair — and  a  nobility  a  mere 
glittering  spectre — these  great  primary  classes  are  at  stake.  Shall 
these,  too,  be  the  spoils  of  England  ? 

Has  she  not  won  enough  already  ?  Has  she  not  pocketed 
enough  of  your  money  ?  And  what  she  has  got,  is  she  not 
determined  to  keep  ? 

You  have  seen  a  letter  from  Mr.  Grogan,  a  few  weeks  since,  to 
the  Lord  Mayor.  It  appears  that  England  will  ship  off  the  Irish 
beggars  from  Liverpool — she  will  not  ship  off  the  Irish  absentees 
from  London. 

And,  tell  me,  has  she  not  eaten  enough  of  your  food — broken 
down  enough  of  your  manufactures — buried  enough  of  your 
people  ?     Recount  for  a  moment,  a  few  of  your  losses. 

The  cotton  manufacture  of  Dublin,  which  employed  14,000 
operatives,  has  been  destroyed.  The  3,400  silk-looms  of  the 
Liberty  have  been  destroyed.  The  stuff  and  serge  manufacture, 
which  employed  1,491  operatives,  has  been  destroyed.  The 
calico-looms    of  Balbriggan  have    been   destroyed.      The  flannel 


IRISH    PAUPERISM — OUT   DOOR    RELIEF.  131 

manufacture  of  Kathdrum  lias  been  destroyed.  The  blanket 
manufacture  of  Kilkenny  has  been  destroyed.  The  camlet  trade 
of  Bandon,  which  produced  £100,000  a  year,  has  been  destroyed. 
The  worsted  and  stuff  manufactures  of  Waterford  have  been 
destroyed.  The  rateen  and  frieze  manufactures  of  Carrick-on-Suir 
have  been  destroyed.  One  business,  alone,  survives !  One  busi- 
ness, alone,  thrives  and  flourishes,  and  dreads  no  bankruptcy ! 

That  fortunate  business — which  the  Union  Act  has  not  struck 
down,  but  which  the  Union  Act  has  stood  by — which  the  absentee 
drain  has  not  slackened,  but  has  stimulated — which  the  drainage 
acts  and  navigation  law^s  of  the  Imperial  Senate  have  not  deadened, 
but  invigorated — that  favored,  and  privileged,  and  patronised 
business,  is  the  Irish  coflSn-maker's.  He,  alone,  of  our  thousand 
tradesmen  and  mechanics,  has  benefited  by  the  Union — he,  alone, 
is  safe  from  the  general  insolvency — he,  alone,  has  reason  to  be 
gi'ateful  to  the  Imperial  Senate — he,  alone,  is  justified  in  voting, 
at  the  next  election,  for  the  accomplices  of  the  Whig  minister  of 
England ! 

Sir,  the  fate  which  the  prophet  of  the  Lamentations  announced, 
three  thousand  years  ago,  to  the  people  of  Israel,  has  come  to  pass 
this  year,  in  this  island  of  faith,  of  genius,  and  of  sorrow  : 

"  And  I  will  bring  a  nation  upon  you  from  far — an  ancient 
nation — a  nation  of  mighty  men,  whose  quiver  is  like  to  an  open 
sepulchre ;  and  they  shall  eat  up  thine  harvest  and  thy  bread, 
which  thy  sons  and  daughters  should  eat ;  and  thy  vines  and  fig 
trees  ;  and  they  shall  eat  up  thy  flocks  and  thine  herds,  which  thy 
sons  and  daughters  should  eat ;  and  they  shall  impoverish  thy 
fenced  cities,  wherein  thou  trusted." 

Yet,  Sir,  out  of  this  tribulation  and  this  woe,  there  is  a  path  to 
a  brighter  fate  and  a  happier  land. 

The  God  of  Israel  and  of  Ireland  never  yet  sent  a  scourge,  that 
he  did  not  send  the  means  whereby  its  evils  might  be  alleviated.  The 
same  voice  that  bid  the  fiery  serpents  to  the  desert,  ordained  that 


132  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

an  image  should  be  erected  there  for  the  chastised  to  look  to,  and 
be  saved  ;  and  the  same  tongue  that  uttered  the  prophecy  I  have 
recited  to  you,  promised  that  "the  city  should  be  built  up — that 
the  vines  should  grow  again  upon  the  mountains  of  Samaria — that 
the  sono-  should  be  heard  once  more  from  the  height  of  Zion — and 
they  who  were  in  captivity  and  mourning  should  sing  again  with 
gladness,  and  shout  among  the  chief  of  the  nations." 

Sir,  out  of  our  captivity  and  mourning  we  shall  surely  go  forth, 
if  we  truly  love  this  land,  and  act  with  the  courage  which  true 
love  inspires. 

We  must  have  nothing  to  do  with  these  whining  counsellors, 
who  bid  us  sound  a  truce,  retire  from  the  field,  visit  the  sick,  and 
bury  the  dead.  The  minister  has  committed  too  many  crimes 
against  this  country,  to  have  an  hour's  repose.  In  this  very  Hall, 
a  few  days  since,  an  honest  and  able  fellow-citizen  of  yours,  Mr. 
Fitzgibbon,  distinctly  proved,  in  a  speech  of  great  argumentative 
power,  and  great  statistical  research,  that  the  present  desperate 
condition  of  the  country  w-as  to  be  ascribed,  not  to  the  ignorance, 
not  to  the  negligence,  not  to  the  mistake  of  the  minister,  but  to  a 
downright  and  deliberate  compact  of  his  with  the  mercantile  inte- 
rest of  England,  by  which  the  lives  of  the  Irish  people  were  merci- 
lessly surrendered  to  the  cupidity  of  the  British  merchants. 

Sir,  I  know  not  when  or  where  the  scourge,  inflicted  by  this 
minister,  will  cease  to  devastate.  Those  whom  the  famine  has 
spared  are  flying  to  the  emigrant  ships,  and  rushing,  panic-struck, 
from  the  land  where  England  has  lodged  the  foundations  of  her 
despotism  in  the  graves  of  the  people. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  returns  of  the  number  of  emigrants  from  the 
ports  of  Dublin,  Waterford,  Limerick,  and  Cork,  for  the  present 
season.  Now,  it  appears  from  these  returns,  that,  although  the 
season  has  only  just  commenced — that  although,  in  fact,  one 
month  only  of  the  emigration  season  has  expired — the  number  of 
emigrants,  from  the  above-mentioned  ports,  is  nearly  treble  the 


IRISH    PAUPERISM OUT   DOOR    RELIEF.  133 

number  tliat  left  during  the  entire  season  in  1846.  Again,  I  must 
observe  that  these  returns  are  imperfect — the  emigrants  that  have 
sailed  from  Liverpool  and  other  English  ports,  not  being  included 
in  them.  And  the  worst  "»f  it  all  is,  that  it  is  not  mere  bone  and 
sinew  we  are  losing  in  this  way,  but  the  only  current  capital  of 
the  country. 

Yet,  sir,  it  is  selfish  to  deplore  this  emigration.  Why  should 
we  grudge  our  generous  and  heroic  peasantry  a  better  home,  in  a 
new  country  ?  Why  should  we  grudge  them  their  emancipation 
li'om  English  rule?  Why  should  we  grudge  them  their  life,  their 
bread,  their  liberty  ?  The  sun,  each  evening,  as  he  passes  over 
the  graves  of  their  fallen  brothers,  beckons  them  to  follow  him,  in 
his  golden  track,  across  the  waves,  to  a  land  of  freedom.  Let 
them  go !  For  a  while,  at  least,  let  them  leave  this  island,  where 
England  has  planted  her  own  beggars,  in  the  shape  of  chief  secre- 
taries, and  poor-law  commissioners,  and  archbishops.  Let  them 
go  to  the  land  where  English  law  was  flung,  to  the  four  winds — 
where  a  young  stripling  of  a  colony  sprang  up,  and  dashed  an  old 
and  sturdy  empire  to  the  earth.  There  they  will  be  safe  from 
English  law,  and,  therefore,  safe  from  beggary,  from  starvation, 
and  from  pestilence. 

But,  sir,  we  have  vowed  to  remain  here,  and  meet  whatever 
fate  is  coming.  And  now,  that  thousands  have  rotted  into  the 
earth  which  gave  them  birth — now,  that  thousands  are  flying 
from  our  shores,  that  they  may  not  tempt  the  scourge  to  strike 
them — we  are  bound  to  work  the  harder — to  do  double  duty — 
that,  at  least,  the  remnant  of  an  old  and  honorable  nation  may  be 
saved. 

Sir,  we  must  adopt  a  policy  suited  to  the  times.  We  have  now 
to  struggle,  not  merely  against  adverse  opinions,  but  against  death 
itself.  The  desperate  condition  of  the  country  demands  a  bold 
and  decisive  policy.  From  this  hour,  let  us  have  done  with  the 
English  parliament — on  thia  very  night,  let  us  resolve  to  close  our 


134  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

accounts  with  that  parliament.  Send  no  more  petitions  across  the 
Channel.  For  fifty  years  you  have  petitioned,  and  the  result  has 
been  500,000  deaths ! 

Henceforth,  be  that  parliament  accr  -sed  !  Spurn  it  as  a  fraud, 
a  nullity,  a  usurpation.  Spurn  it  <,s  such  on  the  authority  of 
Saurin,  who  declared  that  the  Union  Act  was  not  obligatory  on 
conscience ;  that,  in  the  abstract,  resistance  to  it  was  a  duty  ;  and 
the  exhibition  of  that  resistance  a  mere  question  of  prudence. 
.  Spurn  it  as  such  on  the  authority  of  Plunket,  who  declared  the 
incompetency  of  Parliament  to  pass  the  Act  of  Union— declared 
that  if  such  an  act  should  pass  it  would  be  a  nullity,  and  no  man 
in  Ireland  would  be  bound  to  obey  it.  Spurn  it  as  such  on  the 
authority  of  Grattan,  who  declared  that  the  competency  of  parlia- 
ment to  pass  the  Act  of  Union,  was  the  competency  of  delinquency, 
the  competency  of  abdication,  the  competency  of  treason. 

Confederates  of  Dublin !  you  know  that  this  Imperial  Parlia- 
ment is  a  fraud — a  nullity — a  usurpation.  You  know  it  is  worse 
than  all  this.  You  know  that  it  is  a  curse — a  penalty — a  plague. 
You  are  knaves  if  you  do  not  speak  your  convictions — you  are 
cowards  if  you  do  not  act  as  your  convictions  bid  you  act. 

If  you  adopt  petitions,  send  them  to  the  Queen.  She  has  a 
right  to  wear  an  Irish  crown.  We  shall  assert  that  right.  She 
has  a  right  to  summon  her  Irish  Parliament  to  sit  in  this  city ; 
and,  spite  of  the  disloyal  and  defrauding  minister — spite  of  the 
disloyal  and  defrauding  Commons,  who  would  suspend  the  royal 
functions — we  shall  boldly  and  loyally  assert  that  right. 

The  Irish  crown  must  no  longer  be  a  cipher.  The  Irish  sceptre 
and  the  Irish  flag  must  cease  to  be  mere  figures  of  speech — they 
must  become  empowered  and  recognized  realities. 

The  members  of  your  Council  have  determined,  by  a  recent 
resolution,  to  support  at  the  hustings  no  candidate  for  representa- 
tive honors,  who  will  not  pledge  himself  to  an  absolute  indepen- 
dence of  all  English  parties — who  will  not  pledge  himself  against 


IRISH    PAUPERISM OUT   DOOR   RELIEF.  135 

taking  or  soliciting,  for  himself  or  others,  any  office  of  emolument, 
under  any  English  government  whatsoever. 

Some  gentlemen  may  say,  this  is  going  too  far.  I  contend  it 
does  not  go  half  far  enough.  The  fact  is,  we  must  go  much  far- 
ther. 

At  our  next  meeting — I  am  speaking  my  own  sentiments  very 
frankly  to  you,  and,  of  course,  no  one  is  responsible  for  them  but 
myself — at  our  next  meeting,  I  think  it  would  be  most  advisable 
for  us  to  adopt  a  resolution  to  this  effect — that  the  members  of 
the  Irish  Confederation  shall  support,  at  the  hustings,  no  candi- 
dates for  representative  honors  who  will  not  pledge  themselves  to 
stay  at  home  and  deliberate  in  this  city,  and  in  no  place  else,  upon 
the  best  means  to  save  this  kingdom. 

One  circumstance,  at  least,  is  favorable  to  our  policy,  and 
assures  us  of  success — the  power  of  the  Whigs  is  at  an  end  in 
L*eland. 

No  man  dare  now  stand  up,  in  an  assembly  of  Irish  citizens,  to 
recommend  the  "  paternal  Whigs"  to  the  fihal  confidence  of  the 
Irish  people.  The  country,  thank  God  !  is  done  with  them  for 
ever.  Their  patronage  will  no  longer  save  them  with  the  people. 
Their  jail  deliveries  will  no  longer  save  them  with  the  people. 
Nothing,  sir,  will  save  them  with  the  Irish  people. 

They  may  have  their  "  command  nights"  at  the  theatre,  and  may 
bow  and  kiss  hands  to  an  enchanted  dress  circle,  and  a  gazing  pit 
— they  may  dine  at  the  Mansion  House — take  wine  all  round,  with" 
the  Sword  Bearer,  the  Water  Bailiff,  the  Town  Councillors  and 
Aldermen  of  the  reformed  Corporation,  and  drink  the  "  Prosperity 
of  Ireland"  to  the  tune  of  "  Rule  Britannia" — on  the  same  day  that 
the  new  docks  at  Birkenhead  are  opened  by  Lord  Morpeth,  they 
may  graciously  inaugurate,  on  the  Irish  side  of  the  Channel,  a 
grand,  metropolitan,  head  soup-kitchen — they  may  furnish  a  select 
party  of  the  blind,  the  crippled,  and  the  dumb  of  the  Mendicity, 
with  a  "  guard  of  honor"  during  their  experimental  repast — they 


136  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

may  embellisli  the  beggary  of  tlie  nation  with  all  the  elegance  of 
the  Castle,  and  all  the  pageantry  of  the  barrack — they  may  make 
a  glittering  display  of  our  sickening  degradation,  and  the  bugles 
of  their  garrison  may  summon  the  fashion  of  the  squares,  and  the 
aristocracy  of  the  clubs,  to  the  coronation  of  Irish  pauperism,  and 
the  final  consummation  of  the  Union — naught  will  avail  them. 
Their  fate  is  decided.  There  is  a  sentence  written  against  them 
in  the  blood  of  the  people  upon  the  walls  of  their  Council  cham- 
^  ber,  and  many  other  inquests,  besides  that  of  Galway,  have  found 
them  guilty  of  the  murder  of  the  people. 

And  now  that  we  are  done  with  these  Whigs — now  that  we 
fully  understand  what  their  "  comprehensive  measures"  mean — 
what  their  "  ameliorations"  mean — what  their  "  political  economy" 
leads  to — what  their  "  reductions  of  20  per  cent."  accomplish — 
now  that  we  are  fully  convinced  that  they  are  the  most  compli- 
mentary and  the  most  conscienceless — the  most  promising  and  the 
most  prevaricating — the  most  patronizing  and  the  most  perfidious 
of  our  English  enemies — now  that  we  have  broken,  from  hence- 
forth and  for  ever,  from  all  English  parties — now  that  we  shall  pest 
them  no  longer  with  our  petitions,  nor  rack  them  with  our  prayers 
— now  that  we  hold  their  Commons,  as  far  as  we  are  concerned, 
to  be  a  fraud,  a  nullity,  and  a  usurpation — now  that  we  scout  it 
as  a  penalty,  and  loathe  it  as  a  plague — now,  indeed,  that  in  our 
souls,  we  firmly  and  passionately  believe,  that 

"  Our  hope,  oui'  strength  is  in  ourselves  alone," 

let  us  look,  with  all  the  anxiety  and  earnestness  which  a  last 
struggle  should  inspire,  into  our  own  country,  and  see  what  power 
we  have  there  to  save  its  Hfe  and  win  its  freedom.  Let  us  see  if 
we  cannot  give  a  few  practical  answers  to  a  few  of  Bishop  Berke- 
ly's  queries.  Let  us  see,  in  fact,  if  we  cannot  devise  some  mode 
by  which  the  quiver  of  this  mighty  foe,  that  has  come  upon  us, 
fthall  cease  to  be  lika  to  an  open  sepulchre ;  by  which  this  nation 


IRISH    PAUPERISM OUT    DOOR    RELIEF.  137 

shall  keep  to  itself  tlie  harvest,  and  the  bread,  and  the  flocks,  and 
the  herds,  which  her  sons  and  daughters  should  eat,  and  by  which 
our  fenced  cities  shall  not  be  impoverished. 

Sir,  I  desire  to  have  this  done,  not  by  the  isolated  power  of  one 
great  section,  but  by  the  aggregate  power  of  all  sections,  of  the 
Irish  community.  I  desire  that  the  Irish  nation  should  act,  not  in 
divisions,  but  in  one  solid  square. 

I  am  one  of  the  people,  but  I  am  no  democrat.  I  am  for  an 
equality  of  civil  rights — but  I  am  no  republican.  I  am  for  vesting 
the  responsibilities  and  the  duties  of  government  in  three  estates. 
I  think  that,  in  a  free  state,  an  aristocracy  is  a  wise,  an  ennobling 
institution.  Like  all  human  institutions,  it  has  its  evil  susceptibili- 
ties ;  and  the  history  of  aristocracy,  like  all  other  histories,  has  its 
chapters  of  crime  and  folly.  But  I  can  conceive  no  state  complete 
without  it.  It  is  the  graceful  and  pictured  architrave  of  the  great 
temple,  sacred  to  law  and  freedom,  of  which  the  people  are  the 
enduring  foundations  and  the  sustaining  pillars. 

Whilst  the  peasant  tills  the  land,  in  which  the  law  should  recog- 
nize his  right  of  proprietorship,  as  it  is  in  France,  as  it  is  in  Prus- 
sia— whilst  the  mechanic  plies  his  craft,  from  which  the  law 
should  keep  aloof  the  crushing  influences  of  foreign  competition, 
as  it  is  in  Germany,  as  it  is  in  Belgium— whilst  the  merchant  sup- 
plies the  deficiencies  of  the  soil  with  the  superfluities  of  other 
lands,  and  drives  a  princely  trade  beneath  the  auspices  of  a  native 
flag — whilst  the  priest  protects  the  purity  of  the  altar,  and  the 
scholar  vindicates  the  reputation  of  the  schools — let  the  noble — • 
residing  amongst  those  who  enrich  his  inheritance  by  their  toil,  or 
contribute  to  his  luxury  by  their  skill — be  the  patron  of  those 
pursuits  in  which  the  purer  genius  of  a  nation  lives — pursuits 
which  chasten  and  expand  a  nation's  soul — which  lift  it  to  what  is 
high,  and  prompt  it  to  what  is  daring — which  infuse  the  spirit  of 
immortality  into  the  very  ruins  of  a  nation,  and  which,  even  when 
the  labors  of  a  nation  are  at  a  close — when  its  commercial  ener- 


138  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

gies  are  dead — wlien  its  meclianic  faculties  have  ceased  to  act,  bids 
it  live — as  Athens  lives,  as  Florence  lives,  as  Venice  lives — in  the 
lessons  of  the  historian,  and  the  raptures  of  the  poet. 

Thus,  Sir,  with  each  of  the  several  classes  of  the  community- 
fulfilling  its  distinct  mission,  and,  in  a  separate  sphere,  contributing 
to  the  peace,  and  wealth,  and  vigor  of  the  entire  state,  do  I  desire 
this  Island  to  advance  in  a  righteous  and  an  eminent  career — sus- 
tained by  its  inherent  strength — governed  by  its  native  wisdom — 
ennobled  by  its  native  genius — thankful  for  its  sustenance  to  no 
foreign  sympathizer — thankful  for  its  security  to  no  foreign  soldier 
— a  model,  rather  than  a  warning,  a  blessing,  rather  than  a  bur- 
den, to  the  nations  that  surround  her — no  longer  exciting  their 
pity  by  the  spectacle  of  its  infirmities,  but  commanding  their 
respect  by  the  exhibition  of  its  powers. 

But,  Sir,  a  time  comes  when  the  people  can  wait  no  longer  for 
the  aristocracy.  There  is  a  time  when  the  titles  of  the  nobility 
must  give  way  to  the  charter  of  the  people.  There  is  a  time 
when  the  established  laws  of  the  land  forfeit  their  sanctity  and 
become  a  curse. 

The  time  when  these  titles  of  the  nobility  must  give  way — when 
these  "  estabhshed  laAvs  of  the  land  "  must  cease  to  act — is  when 
a  nation's  life  is  quivering  on  its  lip. 

Standing  in  this  assembly  of  the  people,  I,  who  have  sprung 
from  the  people — I,  who  have  no  honors  to  boast  of,  save  those 
honors  which  the  people  have  conferred  upon  my  father — I,  who 
never  sat  at  the  table  of  a  lord,  and  am  as  thoroughly  indifferent 
to  the  compliments  of  the  order  as  I  am  thoroughly  anxious  for 
their  co-operation  in  this  struggle — standing  in  this  assembly  of 
the  people,  in  the  name  of  the  people,  I  now  make  this  last  appeal 
to  the  aristocracy  of  Ireland.  I  do  so,  that  in  our  day  of  triumph, 
we  may  lead  no  fellow-countryman  in  chains,  nor  scout  him  as  an 
alien  from  our  ranks. 

There  is  not  an  hour — no,  not  an  instant  to  be  lost.      Every 


IRISH    PAUPERISM OUT    DOOR    RELIEF.  139 

grave  that  opens  to  receive  a  victim  of  English  rule,  widens  and 
deepens  the  chasm  that  has*,  for  years,  divided  the  two  great 
classes  of  the  country. 

Sir,  it  is  useless  to  argue  it.  The  people,  without  the  aristocracy, 
when  driven  to  the  last  extremity,  have  the  power  to  win  their 
freedom.  One  thing,  at  least,  is  certain — the  people  will  not  con- 
sent to  live  another  year  in  a  wilderness  and  a  graveyard. 

I  alone  do  not  say  so.  The  historian  of  the  crimes  and  vic- 
tories of  Cromwell  has  said  so.  Lords  and  Commons  of  Ireland  ! 
hear  his  words,  and  be  instructed  by  them  : — 

"  And  when  the  general  result  has  come  to  the  length  of  peren- 
nial, wholesale  starvation,  argument,  extenuation,  logic,  pity,  and 
patience  on  that  subject  may  be  considered  as  drawing  to  a  close. 
All  just  men,  of  what  outward  color  soever  in  politics  or  other- 
wise, will  say — '  This  cannot  last.  Heaven  disowns  it — Earth  is 
against  it.  Ireland  will  be  burnt  into  one  black,  unpeopled  field 
of  ashes  rather  than  this  should  last ! '  " 


AMERICAN  BENEVOLENCE— IRISH  GRATITUDE. 

Rotunda^  Dublin^  4:tk  May,  184Y. 

[Among  the  earliest  ships  which  arrived,  freighted  with  corn  by  cer- 
tain benevolent  parties  in  America,  for  the  poor  in  Ireland,  was  the 
Victor,  Captain  Clarke,  from  New  York.  Shortly  after  his  arrival,  several 
of  the  most  respectable  citizens,  of  the  merchant  and  professional  classes, 
invited  him  and  his  chief  officers  to  a  public  dinner,  May  4th,  1847,  which 
took  place  in  the  pillar  room  of  the  Rotunda.  Upon  this  occasion,  Captain 
Clarke  was  presented  with  a  flag,  commemorative  of  his  charitable 
mission  to  Ireland.  "It  was  composed  of  Irish  poplin,  of  the  national 
color.  On  the  one  side,  it  bore  a  medallion  surrounded  by  laurel.  On 
the  medallion  was  depicted  the  Eagle  of  America,  bearing  in  its  talons 
a  sheaf  of  corn,  and  flying  across  the  sea  toward  Ireland,  typified  by 
its  harp  and  cross.  A  wreath  of  shamrock  encircled  the  whole.  On  the 
obverse,  appeared  the  Shield  of  America,  with  the  stripes  and  stars, 
surrounded  by  the  inscription — 'To  the  Ladies  of  America,  from  the 
Citizens  of  Dublin.' "] 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen,  I  almost  hesitate  to  thank  you 
for  the  high  honor  you  have  conferred  upon  me,  in  requesting  me 
to  speak  to  the  health  of  the  Ladies  of  America,  for,  in  doing  so, 
you  have  imposed  upon  me  a  very  serious  task.  This  I  sincerely 
feel. 

Not,  indeed,  that  this  toast  is  suggestive  of  no  inspiring  inci- 
dents, but  that  the  character  of  this  assembly  is  such  as  to  induce 
the  fear,  that  I  may  clash  with  the  opinions  of  some  who  are  pre- 
sent here  this  evening,  in  giving  full  expression  to  the  feelings 
which  the  sentiment  inspires. 

In  this  assembly,  every  political  school  has  its  teachers — every 
creed  has  its  adherents — and,  I  may  safely  say,  that  this  banquet 


AMERICAN    BENEVOLENCE IRISH    GRATITUDE.  141 

is  the  tribute  of  united  Ireland  to  the  representative  of  American 
benevolence. 

Being  such,  I  am  at  once  reminded  of  the  dinner,  which  took 
place  after  the  battle  of  Saratoga,  at  which  Gates  and  Burgoyne 
— the  rival  soldiers — sat  together. 

Strange  scene  !  Ireland,  the  beaten  and  the  bankrupt,  enter- 
tains America,  the  victorious  and  the  prosperous  ! 

Stranger  still !  The  flag  of  the  Victor  decorates  this  hall — 
decorates  our  harbor — not,  indeed,  in  triumph,  but  in  sympathy 
— not  to  commemorate  the  defeat,  but  to  predict  the  resurrection, 
of  a  fallen  people! 

One  thing  is  certain — we  are  sincere  upon  this  occasion. 
There  is  truth  in  this  compliment.  'For  the  first  time  in  her 
career,  Ireland  has  reason  to  be  grateful  to  a  foreign  power. 

Foreign  power,  sir  !  AVhy  should  I  designate  that  country  a 
"  foreign  power,"  which  has  proved  itself  our  sister  country  ? 

England,  they  sometimes  say,  is  our  sister  country.  We  deny 
the  relationship — we  discard  it.  "We  claim  America  as  our  sister, 
and  claiming  her  as  such,  we  have  assembled  here  this  night. 

Should  a  stranger,  viewing  this  brilliant  scene,  inquire  of  me^ 
why  it  is  that,  amid  the  desolation  of  this  day — whilst  famine  is 
in  the  land — whilst  the  hearse  plumes  darken  the  summer  scenery 
of  the  island — whilst  death  sows  his  harvest,  and  the  earth  teems 
not  with  the  seeds  of  life,  but  with  the  seeds  of  corruption — ^should 
he  inquire  of  me,  why  it  is,  that,  amid  this  desolation,  we  hold 
high  festival,  hang  out  our  banners,'  and  thus  carouse — I  should 
reply,  "  Sir,  the  citizens  of  Dublin  have  met  to  pay  a  compliment 
to  a  plain  citizen  of  America,  which  they  would  not  pay — '  no, 
not  for  all  the  gold  in  Venice  ' — to  the  minister  of  England." 

Pursuing  his  inquiries,  should  he  ask,  why  is  this  ?  I  should 
reply,  "  Sir,  there  is  a  country  lying  beneath  that  crimson  canopy- 
on  which  we  gaze  in  these  bright  evenings — a  country  exulting  in 
a  vigorous  and  victorious  youth — a  country  with  which  we  are 


142  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

incorporated  by  no  Union  Act — a  country  from  which  we  are 
separated,  not  by  a  little  channel,  but  by  a  mighty  ocean — and 
this  distant  country,  finding  that  our  island,  after  an  affiliation  for 
centuries  with  the  most  opulent  kingdom  on  earth,  has  been 
plunged  into  the  deepest  excesses  of  destitution  and  disease — and 
believing  that  those  fine  ships  which,  a  few  years  since,  were  the 
avenging  angels  of  freedom,  and  guarded  its  domain  with  a  sword 
of  fire,  might  be  intrusted  with  a  kindlier  mission,  and  be  the  mes- 
sengers of  life  as  they  had  been  the  messengers  of  death — guided 
not  by  the  principles  of  political  economy,  but  impelled  by  the 
holiest  passions  of  humanity — this  young  nation  has  come  to  our 
rescue,  and  thus  we  behold  the  eagle — which,  by  the  banks  of  the 
Delaware,  scared  away  the  spoiler  from  its  offspring — we  behold 
this  eagle  speeding  across  the  wave,  to  chase  from  the  shores  of 
Old  Dunleary,  the  vulture  of  the  Famine. 

Sir,  it  is  not  that  this  is  an  assembly  in  which  all  religious  sects 
and  political  schools  associate — it  is  not  that  this  is  a  festive  occa- 
sion in  which  we  forget  our  differences,  and  mingle  our  sympathies 
for  a  common  country — it  is  not  for  these  reasons  that  this 
assembly  is  so  pleasing  to  me. 

I  do  not  urge  my  opinions  upon  any  one.  I  speak  them  freely, 
it  is  true,  but  I  trust  without  ofi*ence.  But  I  tell  you,  gentlemen, 
this  assembly  is»pleasing  to  me,  because  it  is  instructive. 

Sir,  in  the  presence  of  the  American  citizens,  we  are  reminded  by 
what  means  a  nation  may  cease  to  be  poor,  and  how  it  may 
become  great.  In  the  presence  of  the  American  citizens,  we  are 
taught,  that  a  nation  achieving  its  liberty  acquires  the  power  that 
enables  it  to  be  a  benefactor  to  the  distressed  communities  of  the 
earth. 

If  the  right  of  taxation  had  not  been  legally  disputed  in  the 
village  of  Lexington — if  the  Stamp  Act  had  not  been  constitu- 
tionally repealed  on  the  plains  of  Saratoga — America  would  not 


AMERICAN    BENEVOLENCE IRISH    GRATITUDE.  143 

now  possess  the  wealtli  out  of  whicli  slie  relieves  tlie  indigence  of 
Ireland. 

The  toast,  moreover,  to  which  you  have  invited  me  to  speak, 
dictates  a  noble  lesson  to  this  country.  The  ladies  of  America 
refused  to  wear  English  manufacture.  The  ladies  of  America 
refused  to  drink  the  tea  that  came  taxed  from  England.  If  you 
honor  these  illustrious  ladies,  imitate  their  virtue,  and  be  their 
rivals  in  heroic  citizenship. 

If  their  example  be  imitated  here,  I  think  the  day  will  come 
when  the  Irish  flag  will  be  hailed  in  the  port  of  Boston.  But  if, 
in  the  vicissitudes  to  which  all  nations  are  exposed,  danger  should 
fall  upon  the  great  Republic,  and  if  the  choice  be  made  to  us  to 
desert  or  befriend  the  land  of  Washington  and  Franklin,  I,  for 
one,  will  prefer  to  be  grateful  to  the  Samaritan,  rather  than  be 
loyal  to  the  Levite. 


PLACE  BEGGING— SELF-RELIANCE. 
Music  ITall,  Dublin,  ^th  July,  1847. 

[A  GENERAL  election  approaching,  the  Irish  Confederation  determined,  as 
far  as  they  were  able,  to  place  the  Repeal  Candidates  on  a  more  national 
footing  than  had  previously  been  required.  One  of  their  fundamental 
principles,  indeed  the  chief  one,  was  their  opposition  to  place-hunting,  and 
the  time  was  approaching  which  would  afford  an  opportunity  to  apply  that 
principle.  The  Confederation  insisted  that  no  Repeal  Candidate  should  be 
supported  who  did  not  take  the  anti-place -hunting  pledge.  To  such  as  took 
it  the  Confederation  promised  their  heartiest  support.  A  long  and  painful 
experience  had  proved  to  them  the  denationalizing  effect  of  office-seeking. 
Many — and  even  some  leading  Repeal  Members  had  fettered  themselves 
— put  themselves  under  obligations  to  the  government  by  soliciting,  for 
themselves  or  their  friends,  places  of  emolument ;  thereby  rendering  their 
opposition  hypocritical  and  ineffective.  It  was  impossible  they  could  be 
the  means  of  serving  two  such  antagonistic  ends — the  crown  and  their 
country — at  the  same  time.  The  Confederation  believed  the  "  first  qualifi- 
cation for  an  Irish  representative  was,  that  he  should  be  zealously  devoted 
to  Irish  independence  ;  and  second,  that  he  should  be  of  personal  integrity 
— one  who  would  not  accept  or  solicit  office."  In  Cork,  the  Repealers  held 
a  meeting,  seconding  the  Confederate  recommendation  and  denouncing 
place-hunting.  Mr.  Fagan,  one  of  the  candidates  for  that  city,  stooc^on  this 
platform.  Some  other  candidates,  but  very  few,  followed  his  example. 
From  the  beginning  of  the  year,  the  health  of  Mr.  O'Connell  had  been 
declining.  Early  in  March,  he  sought  a  change  of  air  in  Hastings,  when 
he  revived  a  little.  For  a  short  time,  hopes  were  entertained  that  a 
few  months  in  the  south  of  Europe,  whither  his  medical  attendants 
advised  him  immediately  to  repair,  would  so  far  restore  his  health  that 
he  might  be  enabled  to  return  to  his  labors  in  the  autumn.  On -the  21st, 
accompanied  by  his  chaplain,  Rev.  Dr.  IVliley,  he  set  out  for  Rome,  the 


PLACE    BEGGING SELF-HELIANCE.  145 

hopes  for  his  recoyery  being  of  a  yerj  uncertain  nature.  In  Paris,  however, 
the  Thing's  physician,  Dr.  Chomel,  considered  Mr,  O'Connell's  ultimate  reco- 
very as  certain,  and  advised  him  to  refrain  from  all  political  excitement  and 
mental  anxiety.  The  Archbishop  of  Paris,  Count  de  Montalembert,  Marquis 
de  Laroche  Jaquelin,  Lord  Holland,  the  Marquis  of  JS'ormanby,  and  other 
leading  personages  in  Paris,  called  daily  at  Mr.  O'Connell's  hotel.  The 
British  Ambassador  invited  Mr.  O'Connell  and  suite  to  dinner,  but  the  state 
of  his  health  prevented  the  invitation '  being  accepted.  The  members  of 
the  electoral  committee  for  the  defence  of  religious  freedom,  consisting  of 
the  Marquis  de  Barthelemy,  Viscount  de  Falloux,  Count  Buetrebarbes, 
MM.  Chappier  and  Du  Rotier,  deputies,  the  Marquis  de  Dampierre,  INDI. 
Lenormant  and  Mauvais,  members  of  the  Institute,  Baron  de  Mont^ny, 
judge  of  the  Royal  Court,  Viscount  de  Bonneuill,  President  of  the  Petition 
Committee,  MM,  Decous  and  Oeuillot,  editors  of  the  Univers,  &c,,  offered 
their  congratulations  and  sympathy  to  Mr.  O'Connell.  On  the  29th,  Mr. 
O'Connell  pursued  his  route  to  Rome  accompanied  by  his  youngest  son, 
and  Dr.  Miley,  via  Orleans  and  Lyons.  At  the  latter  place,  the  treatment 
of  the  eminent  physicians  Bounet  and  Verieel,  promised  to  be  very 
successful.  The  rumors  which  had  gained  circulation,  intimating  that  a 
softening  of  the  brain  and  a  swelling  of  the  limbs  had  taken  place,  were 
contradicted,  A  letter  of  the  2'7th  April  stated  that  "his  intellectual 
faculties  had  never  been  interrupted."  On  his  arrival  and  departure 
from  the  various  towns  on  his  route,  Mr.  O'Connell  was  surrounded  by 
enthusiastic  multitudes.  On  the  5th  May,  he  embarted  in  the  Lombard 
steam-packet,  at  Marseilles,  for  Civita  Vecchia,  taking  with  him,  in  addi- 
tion to  his  son,  chaplain,  and  private  physician.  Dr.  Oliffe,  of  Paris,  Dr. 
Lacour,  of  Lyons.  He  was  so  much  improved  as  to  pay  a  visit  to  the 
Botanical  Gardens,  at  Marseilles,  the  day  previous.  His  illness  returning- 
■wath  increased  severity,  he  was  forced,  however,  to  stop  at  Genoa,  where 
he  expired  at  half  past  nine  o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  15th  May.] 

I  have  the  honor,  Sir,  to  second  the  resolution  proposed  by 
Mr.  O'Gorman.  The  advice  to  which  it  refers,  and  which  this 
meeting  is  called  upon  to  sanction,  has  been  censured.  I  am 
prepared  to  defend  it,  and,  I  trust,  this  meeting  will  have  reason 
to  declare  that  it  is  wise,  just,  and  expedient. 

Reviewing  the  political  movements  that  have  taken  place  in 


146  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Ireland  for  some  years  past,  it  seems  to  me,  Sir,  that  in  this 
country  those  principles  of  public  virtue  have  been  systematically 
decried,  which  give  to  a  people  their  truest  dignity  and  their 
surest  strength. 

At  different  times,  in  other  countries,  when  the  people  found 
it  necessary  to  recover  or  augment  their  rights,  we  have  seen 
the  finest  attributes  of  the  heart  and  mind  called  forth,  and 
society  present  the  most  brilliant  instances  of  morality  and 
heroism.  In  such  countries,  the  progress  of  liberty  has  been  the 
progress  of  virtue.  Thus  has  the  history  of  freedom  become  the 
selbnd  gospel  of  humanity — an  inspiration  to  those  who  sufi"er — an 
instruction  to  those  who  struggle. 

True  it  is,  there  have  been  faults,  there  have  been  errors,  there 
have  been  crimes,  in  the  revolutions  to  which  I  now  refer,  which 
fling  a  shadow  across  the  epitaph  of  many  an  honored  grave.  But, 
high  above  these  errors  and  these  crimes,  ascend  the  genius  and 
the  virtue  of  these  revolutions — pure,  brilliant,  and  imperishable  1 

Let  us  consult  the  star.  If  we  read  not  the  destiny  of  our 
country  in  its  glory,  in  its  purity  we  read  the  virtues  that  qualify 
for  freedom,  and  ennoble  the  citizen  even  in  his  chains.  We  read 
that  truth,  generosity,  self-sacrifice,  have  been  the  virtues  of  the 
true  patriot,  and  the  strongest  weapons  of  his  success. 

It  has  not  been  so  in  Ireland  for  many  years.  Truth  has  been 
frittered  away  by  expediency — generosity  has  been  supplanted  by 
selfishness— self-sacrifice  has  been  lampooned  as  an  ancient  folly, 
which,  in  these  less  classic,  but  more  philosophic  times,  it  would 
be  downright  insanity  to  imitate. 

But  what  is  the  character  of  our  cause  ? 

It  is  wise,  generous,  and  heroic.  Wise,  for  the  necessities  and 
interests  of  our  country  dictate  it.  Generous,  for  it  includes  the 
rights  of  all — the  rights  of  the  democracy,  the  priesthood,  the 
nobility.  Heroic,  for  it  inspires  the  loftiest  ambition — suggesting 
schemes  the  boldest  that  the  courage  of  a  nation  could  attempt — 


PLACE    BEGGING — SELF-RELIANCE.  14*7 

tte  grandest  that  tlie  ability  of  a  nation  could  accomplish.  The 
genius  of  Ireland  has  been  its  apostle — the  chivalry  of  Ireland  has 
been  its  champion.  Triumphant  in  the  brightest  period  of  our 
history — encircled  with  the  dazzling  memories  of  an  Irish  senate, 
an  Irish  commerce,  an  Irish  army — it  is  the  noblest  cause,  Sir,  in 
which  an  Irish  citizen  could  have  the  ambition  to  serve,  or  the 
fortitude  to  suffer. 

Forty-seven  years  have  passed  by  since  that  cause  was  sold  for 
place  and  pension,  and  in  the  very  hall  where  Henry  Grattan 
impeached  the  corruption  of  the  minister,  and  the  perfidy  of  the 
placeman,  we  hear  this  day  the  clank  of  gold,  which  bids  us  still 
remember  the  base  bargain  that  was  ratified  within  its  walls.  Let 
it  clank  and  glitter  still !  It  will  be  a  warning  to  the  people.  It 
will  remind  them  of  the  vice  that  led  to  vassalage,  and  which — 
still  prevailing,  still  greedy,  still  rapacious — degrades  the  character 
of  the  country,  effeminates  its  power,  and  repels  its  liberty. 

Not  by  the  perpetuation  of  this  vice,  but  by  its  utter  extinction, 
will  the  national  cause — the  cause  of  Swift,  of  Charlemont,  and  of 
Grattan — advance  and  triumph. 

This  doctrine,  we  are  told,  is  exceedingly  erroneous.  To  Repeal 
the  Union,  it  is  essential  that  Repealers  should  take  places — that 
is  the  correct  doctrine  !  To  give  the  minister  a  decisive  stroke,  it 
is  expedient  to  equip  the  patriot  hand  with  gold  !  Strenuously  to 
oppose  the  minister,  you  must,  first  of  all,  beg  of  the  minister,  then 
be  his  very  humble,  and,  if  possible,  conclude  with  being  his  much 
obliged  servant !  The  financial  statement  between  the  two 
countries  cannot  be  properly  made  out,  until  some  Repeal 
accountant  has  had  a  friendly  intercourse  wdth  the  Treasury,  and 
a  propitious  acquaintance  with  the  Mint !  Absenteeism  has  been 
enormously  increased  by  the  Union,  and,  therefore,  it  is  that  our 
peaceful  Repealer  procures  a  colonial  appointment,  and,  exemplify- 
ing in  his  person  all  the  evils  of  the  system,  administers  British 
law,  beyond  the  seas,  upon  strictly  Repeal  principles !     Impove- 


148  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

rished  by  tlie  Union — beggared  by  the  Union — driven  to  the  last 
extremity  of  destitution  by  the  Union — it  is  advisable  that  we 
should  prove  all  this  to  the  minister  and  the  parliament,  with  our 
pockets  full  of  salaries,  and  our  family  circumstances  in  full  bloom  ! 
Denouncing  the  rapacity  of  England,  we  are  to  share  her  spoils ! 
Impeaching  the  minister,  we  are  to  become  his  hirehngs !  Claim- 
ing independence,  shouting  for  independence,  foaming  for  inde- 
pendence— we  are  to  crawl  to  the  Castle,  and  there  crave  the 
luxuries  and  the  shackles  of  the  slave  !  Thus  we  are  told  to 
act !  Thus  we  are  implored  to  agitate  !  This  is  the  great,  peace- 
ful, moral,  and  constitutional  doctrine  !  This,  the  true  way  to 
make  us  the  noblest  people  on  the  face  of  the  globe,  and  restore 
Ireland  to  her  place  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth ! 

Mean,  venal,  and  destructive  doctrine! — teaching  the  tongue  to 
cool  and  compliment  that  has  burned  and  denounced.  Mean, 
venal,  and  destructive  doctrine ! — teaching  the  people,  on  their 
march  to  freedom,  to  kneel  and  dance  before  the  golden  idol  in 
the  desert.  Mean,  venal,  and  destructive  doctrine! — teaching 
whining,  teaching  flattery,  teaching  falsehood.  Scout  it,  spurn  it, 
fling  it  back  to  the  Castle  from  whence  it  came — there  let  it  lie 
amongst  the  treasured  instructions  of  tyranny,  and  the  precious 
revelations  of  treason  I 

Sir,  we  oppose  Mr.  John  O'Connell  because  he  is  the  abettor  of 
this  system.  We  oppose  him,  because  he  has  positively  declared 
that  he  will  solicit  places  from  the  English  government  for  his 
friends.  We  oppose  him,  because  we  conscientiously  believe  that 
he  sustains  a  system  which  enervates  the  national  strength,  and 
therefore  imperils  the  national  cause.  This  we  sincerely  believe, 
and  experience  justifies  the  belief. 

Look  back  to  the  year  1833 — note  the  conspicuous  Repealers 
of  that  year.  Mark  down  those  amongst  them  who  took  place 
after  the  memorable  debate  in  April,  1834.  Run  through  the 
newspapers  of  the  last  ten  or  thirteen  years,  and  tell  me,  in  what 


PLACE    BEGGING SELF-RELIANCE.  149 

political  position  do  you  detect  these  priceless  patriots  ?  In  the 
chair  of  Conciliation  Hall  ?  In  the  committee  box  ?  In  the 
reserved  seats  for  strangers  ?  On  Tara,  with  the  gallant  peasantry 
of  Kildare  and  Meath  ?  On  the  Green  of  Donnybrook,  with  the 
bannered  and  battalioned  trades  of  Dublin  ?  In  the  Rotunda,  on 
the  30th  of  May,  1845,  where  citizenship  received  the  honors  of 
monarchy,  and  was  invested  with  more  than  its  legitimate 
authority  ? 

Why,  Sir,  you  might  as  well  inquire  if  these  gentlemen  had 
left  a  card  in  the  moon,  or  had  been  at  a  pic-nic  in  the  crater  of 
Vesuvius. 

The  porter  outside  the  Chief  Secretary's  in  the  Upper  Castle- 
yard,  will  tell  you  where  they  have  been.  The  butlers  in  the 
Viceregal  Lodge,  will  tell  you  where  they  have  been.  The 
policeman  on  the  beat  at  Chesham-place,  will  tell  you  where  they 
have  been.  The  coiflers  in  the  Mint,  will  tell  you  where  they 
have  been.  The  clerks  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  may  let  you  know 
something  concerning  their  mercantile  anxieties. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  a  book,  entitled  "  The  Voice  of  the  ISTation." 
I  bes:  leave  to  read  the  following  extract  from  it : — 

"  When  the  last  agony  of  the  Whigs  was  approaching,  great 
was  the  desire  to  conciliate  and  make  friends.  Notice  had 
been  taken  at  the  Castle  of  the  immense  number  of  applications 
pressing  in  from  those  who,  throughout  various  localities  in  Ire- 
land, had  been  'leaders  of  the  people'  in  former  agitations. 
These  applications  were  carefully  registered  and  noted ;  and  when 
the  list  was  found  to  contain  the  names  of  a  large  majority  of  such 
persons,  the  '  declaration '  was  made  as  a  proclamation  and 
warning  to  them,  and  made  with  only  too  shameful  success. 
Nearly  all  those  leaders  were  silenced.     They  did,  indeed, 

"Fall  down 
And  foul  corruption  triumphed  over  them !" 

Corruption,  that  other  arm  of  England,  w^henever  she  seeks  to 


150  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

strike  down  tlie  rising  liberties  of  Ireland  !  Force,  when  we  give 
her  the  excuse  for  using  it  1  Corruption,  when  she  cannot  provoke 
us  to  give  her  that  excuse !" 

Who  wrote  this  ?  A  jealous  and  embittered  Conservative  ? 
An  insatiable  revolutionist  ?  A  discarded  Orangeman  ?  A  flip- 
jDant  and  sarcastic  infidel  ?  A  Chartist  Repealer,  gentlemen  ?  No 
— it  was  the  honorable  member  for  Kilkenny — he  who,  in  the 
very  death-chamber  of  his  father,  snatches  at  the  vacant  crown, 
and  strives  to  balance,  in  his  little  hand,  the  massive  sceptre  which 
the  colossal  king  alone  could  wield  ! 

Out  of  his  own  mouth  do  we  condemn  the  apologist  of  place- 
begging.  We  arm  ourselves  with  his  sentence  against  corruj^tion, 
and  with  that  sentence  we  give  him  battle  on  the  hustings.  We 
have  seen  the  result  of  this  system  in  the  first  agitation  for 
Repeal,  and,  whatever  it  may  cost,  we  shell  oppose  it  in  the 
second. 

Sanction  this  system,  and  you  set  the  seeds  of  venality  in  that 
body,  which,  to  be  formidable,  must  be  exempt  from  all  impurities. 
Sanction  this  system,  and  you  entice  men  to  the  national  lists, 
who,  but  for  the  golden  apples  scattered  along  the  course,  would 
never  join  you  in  the  race  to  freedom.  Thus  it  is  that  gentlemen 
will  appear  upon  the  hustings,  as  Repeal  candidates,  who  do  not 
in  truth  ambition  the  independence  of  the  country,  but  avail 
themselves  of  the  cry,  to  extort  from  the  minister  a  compensation 
for  their  presumed  apostasy. 

Lamartine,  in  his  History  of  the  Girondists,  has  said  of  Danton 
that  "  he  merely  threatened  the  court  to  make  the  court  desirous 
of  buying  him — that  he  only  opened  his  mouth  to  have  it  stuffed 
with  gold." 

Sir,  there  have  been,  there  are,  and  there  will  be,  hundreds  of 
Repealers  to  whom  this  description  will  precisely  apply,  and,  if  we 
do  not  utterly  break  up  the  system  that  produces  them,  we  will 


PLACE    BEGGING SELF-RELIANCE.  151 

propagate  the  contaminating  race,  until  the  whole  manhood  of  the 
country  has  become  diseased  and  powerless. 

But,  with  God's  blessing,  whilst  we  have  nerve  and  voice,  we 
will  urge  this  war  against  corruption,  and  the  people  will  back  us, 
I  am  confident.  They  must  be  heartily  sick  of  the  system  that 
has  exacted  so  many  sacrifices  from  them,  whilst  it  has  contributed 
exclusively  to  the  benefit  of  their  leaders. 

Cork  has  done  its  duty  in  this  respect.  The  citizens  of  the 
southern  capital  have  met,  and  they  declare,  that  this  venality 
shall  cease.  I  trust  sincerely  that  the  example  will  be  followed, 
and  that  the  pledge  which  was  exacted  in  Cork,  will  be  exacted 
in  Limerick,  in  Mayo,  in  Dundalk,  in  Kilkenny,  in  Dungarvan,  in 
every  borough,  and  in  every  county,  where  a  Repeal  candidate 
presents  himself. 

As  to  Waterford,  my  father  is  one  of  the  Repeal  candidates  for 
that  city. 

Now,  proud  as  I  would  be  to  see  my  father  represent  his  native 
city — proud  as  I  would  be  to  share  with  him  the  fatigue  and  vex- 
ation of  the  contest — proud  as  I  would  be  to  see  him  triumph  over 
the  ministerialist  who  at  present  represents  that  city — proud  as  I 
would  be  to  stand  by  him  on  the  hustings,  when  the  people  hailed 
him  as  the  successful  opponent  of  an  insolent  imperialism — proud 
as,  I  know,  I  would  then  feel,  with  the  thought  that  I  had  done 
my  best  to  level  the  Whig  power  at  the  feet  of  my  fellow-citizens 
— yet  I  sincerely  tell  you,  that  if  he  does  not  subscribe  to  the 
pledge  of  the  Confederation — though  I  know  he  would  scorn  to 
ask  the  slightest  favor  of  any  faction — yet  I  will  feel  bound  in 
conscience  not  to  vote  for  him. 

But,  Sir,  we  are  told,  that  soliciting  places  for  others  is  quite  a 
difi'erent  thing  from  the  representative  sohciting  place  or  pension 
for  himself. 

I  admit  there  is  a  difference.  To  my  mind,  however,  the  differ- 
ence consists,  in  the  latter  being  the  more  injurious  and  discredita- 


152  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

ble  case.  For,  in  the  former  case,  tlie  rejDresentative  gets  his  place, 
or  whatever  else  it  may  be,  and  we  are  sm'e  to  have  done  with 
him.  Like  the  great  Athenian,  he  is  seized  with  an  excessive 
hoarseness  the  moment  he  grasps  the  cup  of  Harpalus,  and,  owing 
to  the  bandage  round  his  neck,  cannot  possibly  harangue  against 
the  Macedonian !  But,  in  the  former  case,  the  representative 
remains  amongst  us — day  after  day  multiplying  his  obligations  to 
the  government — day  after  day  binding  the  people  to  the  govern- 
ment by  a  series  of  golden  links — day  after  day  stimulating 
amongst  the  people  a  gross  appetite  for  the  dregs  and  droppings 
of  a  foreign  court — when  he  should  expand  their  ambition,  and 
bid  them  seek  in  the  prosperity  of  their  country,  and  in  that  alone, 
the  purest  and  most  unfailing  source  of  private  happiness. 

Sir,  once  for  all,  we  must  have  an  end  of  this  money-making  in 
the  public  forum.  The  pursuit  of  liberty  must  cease  to  be  a  traf- 
fic. Let  it  resume  amongst  us  its  ancient  glory — let  it  be  with  us 
an  active  heroism. 

Fear  not  dissension.  Dissension  is  good  where  truth  is  to  be 
saved.  Eepeal  does  not  triumph,  I  contend,  where  the  repeal  prin- 
ciples of  Concihation  Hall  prevail.  Repeal  does  not  incur  defeat, 
where  those  principles  are  swamped  by  Whiggery  or  Conservatism. 
In  the  former  case,  it  is  Whiggery,  masked  and  muffled,  that  suc- 
ceeds— in  the  latter,  it  is  Whiggery,  masked  and  muffled,  that  is 
beaten. 

Disdaining,  then,  the  calumnies  of  the  public  writer,  and  the 
invectives  of  the  public  orator ;  however  bitterly  society  may 
sneer ;  however  coarsely  a  section  of  the  multitude  may  curse ; 
assert  this  righteous  principle.  Rescue  the  cause  of  Ireland  from 
the  profanation  of  those  who  beg,  and  the  control  of  those  who 
bribe.  Ennoble  the  strife  for  liberty,  and  be  it  here,  as  it  has 
been  in  other  countries,  a  gallant  sacrifice — not  a  vulgar  game. 

Conform  to  one  precept  of  the  English  parliament — depend 
upon  your  own  resources.      Demanding  independence,  be  tho- 


PLACE    BEGGING SELF-RELIANCE.  153 

rouglily  independent.  Be  as  independent  of  tLis  Paissell,  tlie 
Englisli  minister,  as  of  Metternich  of  Vienna,  or  Guizot  of  Paris. 
Cherish  in  its  full  integrity,  this  fine  virtue,  without  which  there 
will  be  no  true  liberty  amongst  you,  whatever  be  your  institutions. 
Bereft  of  it,  the  heart  of  the  nation  will  be  cold,  and  cramped,  and 
sordid.  Bereft  of  it,  the  arts  will  have  no  enduring  impulse,  and 
commerce  no  invigorating  soul.  Bereft  of  it,  society  degenerates, 
and  the  mean,  the  frivolous,  and  the  vicious  triumph. 

The  idler,  the  miser,  and  the  coward,  may  laugh  at  these  senti- 
ments. The  worms  of  the  Castle,  I  know,  would  eat  them  from 
the  hearts  of  the  young,  the  generous,  and  the  gifted.  The  old 
champions  of  faction — in  whose  withered  souls  all  that  is  pure  and 
generous  in  our  nature  has  rotted  out — may  drive  their  poisoned 
pens,  and  ply  their  tainted  tongues,  in  their  profane  crusade 
against  them.  Then,  too,  may  come  the  dull  philosopher  of  the 
age,  to  rebuke  our  folly,  our  want  of  sense,  our  indiscretion ;  and 
proclaim  that  patriotism,  a  wild  and  glittering  passion,  has  died 
out — that  it  could  not  coincide  with  civilization,  the  steam- 
engine,  and  free-trade. 

It  is  false  ! 

The  virtue  that  gave  to  Paganism  its  dazzling  lustre — to  Bar- 
barism its  redeeming,  trait — to  Christianity  its  heroic  form,  is  not 
dead.  It  still  lives  to  preserve,  to  console,  to  sanctify  humanity. 
It  has  its  altar  in  every  clime — its  worship  and  festivities. 

On  the  heathered  hills  of  Scotland,  the  sword  of  Wallace  is  yet 
a  bright  tradition. 

The  genius  of  France,  in*  the  brilliant  literature  of  the  day,  pays 
its  high  homage  to  the  piety  and  heroism  of  the  young  maid  of 
Orleans. 

In  her  new  Senate  Hall,  England  bids  her  sculptor  place,  among 
the  eifigies  of  her  greatest  sons,  the  images  of  Hampden  and  of 
Russell. 

In  the  gay  and  graceful  capital  of  Belgium,  the  daring  hand  of 


154  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Geefs  has  reared  a  monument,  full  of  glorious  meaning,  to  tlie 
three  hundred  martyrs  of  the  revolution. 

By  the  soft  blue  waters  of  Lake  Lucerne,  stands  the  chapel  of 
William  Tell.  On  the  anniversary  of  his  revolt  and  victory,  across 
those  waters,  as  they  glitter  in  the  July  sun,  shim  the  light  boats 
of  the  allied  cantons.  From  the  prows  hang  the  banners  of  the 
republic,  and  as  they  near  the  sacred  spot,  the  daughters  of  Lucerne 
chaunt  the  hymns  of  their  old,  poetic  land.  Then  bursts  forth 
the  glad  Te  Deum,  and  Heaven  hears  again  the  voice  of  that  wild 
chivalry  of  the  mountains  which,  five  centuries  since,  pierced  the 
white  eagle  of  Vienna,  and  flung  it  bleeding  on  the  rocks  of  Uri. 

At  Innspruck,  in  the  black  aisle  of  the  old  cathedral,  the  peasant 
of  the  Tyrol  kneels  before  the  statue  of  Andreas  Hofer.  In  the 
defiles  and  valleys  of  the  Tyrol,  who  forgets  the  day  on  which  he 
fell  within  the  walls  of  Mantua  ?  It  is  a  festive  day  all  through 
his  quiet,  noble  land.  In  that  old  cathedral,  his  inspiring  memory 
is  recalled  amid  the  pageantries  of  the  altar — his  image  appears 
in  every  house — his  victories  and  virtues  are  proclaimed  in  the 
songs  of  the  people — and  when  the  sun  goes  down,  a  chain  of 
fires,  in  the  deep  red  ligbt  of  v/hich  the  eagle  spreads  his  wings 
and  holds  his  giddy  revelry,  proclaims  the  glory  of  the  chief, 
whose  blood  has  made  his  native  land  a  sainted  spot  in  Europe. 

Sir,  shall  we  not  join  in  this  glorious  worship,  and  here  in  this 
island — anointed  by  the  blood  of  many  a  good  and  gallant  man 
— shall  we  not  have  the  faith,  the  duties,  the  festivities  of 
patriotism  ? 

You  discard  the  weapons  of  these  heroic  men — do  not  discard 
their  virtues.  Elevate  the  national  character,  and  serve  the 
national  cause  with  generous  hearts  and  stainless  hands.  You 
have  pledged  yourselves  to  strive  for  the  independence  of  your 
country,  within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution.  Keep  within  the 
Constitution,  but  do  not  compromise  the  virtue  of  the  state. 
Confront  corruption  wherever  it  appears — scourge  it  from   the 


PLACE    BEGGING SELF-RELIANCE.  155 

hustings — scourge  it  from  the  public  forum — and  whilst  proceed- 
ing with  the  noble  task,  to  which  you  have  vowed  your  lives  and 
fortunes,  let  this  proud  thought  enrapture  and  invigorate  your 
hearts — that,  in  seeking  the  independence  of  your  country,  you 
have  preserved  her  virtue  from  the  seductions  of  a  powerful  minis- 
ter, and  the  infidelity  of  bad  citizens. 


DECLARATION  OF  RIGHTS— RESURRECTION  OF  ITALY. 
Victoria  Theatre,  Cork,  20th  September,  1847. 

[The  citizens  of  Cork,  whose  opinions  were  in  unison  with  the  Confede- 
rates, held  a  meeting  at  the  Theatre,  in  order  to  form  a  branch  of  the  Con- 
federation in  that  citj.  There  was  at  first  considerable  annoyance  and 
tumult,  arising  from  the  preconcerted  arrangements  of  some  dissentient 
parties,  which  was,  however,  after  a  little  time  suppressed.  The  general 
elections  were  now  completely  over,  and  though,  so  far  as  Ireland  was  con- 
cerned, they  did  not  yield  as  satisfactory  a  result  as  might  haye  been 
desired,  yet,  it  was  sufficiently  so  to  indicate  the  fidelity  with  which  the 

people  still  adhered  to  the  j)roject  of  IS'ational  independence. The  state 

of  Italy,  at  this  time,  was  the  subject  of  universal  attention.  In  Ireland, 
it  excited  the  highest  enthusiasm.  June  1st,  1846,  Pope  Gregory  XVI. 
died.  He  was  succeeded  by  Cardinal  John  Maria  Mastei  Ferretti,  under 
the  title  of  Pius  IX.  The  occupation  of  the  Papal  throne  by  Pio  K"ono 
was  looked  upon  with  general  satisfaction,  and  with  more  than  usual 
hope,  from  the  acclamation  by  which  he  was  elected — the  conclave  of 
the  Sacred  College  sitting  but  two  days — from  his  reputation  of  having  a 
mild  and  conciliating  disposition,  and  from  his  youth — being  but  fifty -four 
years  old,  and  one  of  the  youngest  Popes  ever  elected.  The  coronation  took 
place  June  21st.  Letters  from  Rome,  as  early  as  the  28th  of  that  month, 
stated  that  he  was  seriously  occupied  with  the  question  of  a  political  amnesty, 
and  that  his  benevolent  intentions  had  already  won  public  confidence.  Peti- 
tions were  submitted  to  him,  signed  on  the  part  of  the  people,  by  the  chief 
magistrates,  municipal  councillors,  and  principal  inhabitants  of  the  Roman 
cities,  praying  the  execution  of  the  Memorandum  of  1831,  addressed  to  the 
then  Pontifi",  by  France,  Prussia,  Austria,  and  Russia.  July  1st,  the  six 
cardinals — Lambruschini,  Bernetti,  Amat,.Gizzi,  Mattel,  and  Machi,  met  to 
deliberate,  when  the  Pope  submitted  the  following  questions  for  examina- 
tion :  First — Plow  and  in  what  manner  should  an  amnesty  be  granted  ? 
Second — In  what  way  can  the  public  debt  be  paid  off  ?     Third — Would  it 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY.         15 7 

be  pru(3ent  to  discharge  the  foreign  troops  ?     Fourth — Would  it  be  better 
for  the  administration,  to  possess  one  or  two  Secretaries  of  State  ?     He  dis- 
pensed with  much  of  the  State  pageantry,  and,  to  the  great  surprise  of  the 
Roman  inhabitants,  went  on  foot  through  the  streets,  accompanied  only  by 
a  few  prelates  and  some  Swiss  soldiers — a  circumstance  not  witnessed  since 
the  days  of  Ganganelli.     The  people  received  him  with  great  enthusiasm, 
and  the  acclamations  of  the  crowd  increased  when  he  "  condescended  to 
receive  a  petition  presented  to  him  by  a  poor  man."     It  was  stated,  that 
the  system  of  Public  Instruction  would  be  modified,  and  the  censorship  in 
future  less  severe,  especially  on  science ;  that  the  scientific  men  of  Eome 
would  be  "  permitted  "  to  be  present  at  the  scientific  congress  at  Genoa,  and 
that  the  congress  would  be  celebrated  at  Rome  the  ensuing  year.     The  fol- 
lowing anecdote  was  received  as  a  guarantee  of  that  toleration  for  which 
Pius  had  repute.     Some  sonnets  and  satires,  reflecting  upon   the  Papal 
government,  having  been  found  in  the  trunks  of   some   young  men  in 
Bologna,  they  were  ordered  to  return  to  the  city.     Upon  receiving  the 
information,  the  Pope  desired  the  order  to  be  revoked,  and  "expressed 
great  anger  at  this  infringement  of  personal  liberty  for  so  slight  a  cause." 
The  amnesty  was  received  with  the   liveliest  gratitude   throughout   the 
Papal  states.     The  popularity  of  the  Pope  was  further  enhanced  by  his 
giving  audiences  to  persons  of  all  classes  of  society,  who  had  complaints  or 
demands  to  make  of  him,  in  the  gardens  of  the  Quirinal.     "  My  people  may 
expect  justice  and  mercy  from  me,  for  my  only  guide  is  this  book,"  said  he, 
laying  his  hand  on  the  N"ew  Testament.     In  order  to  remove  *'  all  suspicion 
and  appearance  of  nepotism,"  he  sent  into  the  provinces  such  of  his  rela- 
tions  as   held    public   offices.      The   upper   nobility   seemed    anxious   to 
assist  in  the  reforms  proposed  by  the  Pope  and  Cardinal   Gizzi,   though 
the   Sacred  College   opposed   those   measures   by  every   possible    means. 
"If  you  do  not  alter  your  system,   the  people  will  demand  a  Constitu- 
tion," said  one  of  the  cardinals  to  the  Pope.     "And  why  should  I  not 
accede  to  their  desire,  if  a  Constitution   is  necessary  to   the  welfare  of 
my  subjects?"  was  the  reply.     The   Austrian  Ambassador — to  whom  a 
programme  of  the  proposed  civil  and  political  reforms  was  communicated — 
in  vain  remonstrated  against  its  publication.      To  all  appearance,  Pius  IX 
was  not  to  be  deterred  from  his  purpose.     August  4th,   a  circular  was 
addressed  to  the  governors  of  the  Roman  states,  calling  on  them  to  adopt 
measures  calculated  to  improve  the  religious  and  temporal  condition  of  the 
poorer  classes.     In  addition  to  the  general  dissemination  of  education  and 


158  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

industrial  habits,  the  circular  stated,  the  Pope's  intention  of  founding,  with- 
out delay,  an  establishment  at  Kome  for  the  instruction  of  a  number 
of  the  sons  of  the  working  classes  throughout  the  States,  and  the  forming 
of  a  nucleus  of  well-educated  non-commissioned  officers,  calculated  to 
suffice  for  the  army  required  by  the  State.  In  October,  the  Congregation 
of  Cardinals,  continuing  systematically  to  oppose  the  reform  movements  of 
Gizzi,  the  Pope  replaced  that  body  by  a  Consulta  di  Stato,  of  the  under 
secretaries  of  state,  the  highest  prelates  at  Rome,  and  several  distinguished 
laymen.  He  had  also  made  some  overtures  to  the  Italian  governments,  for 
the  formation  of  a  federative  union  in  Italy.  The  proposition  met  favor  ia 
Sardinia,  but  the  Neapolitan  Court  was  disinclined  to  the  proposal,  unless 
it  obtained  the  presidency  of  the  Confederation.  From  the  accession  of 
Pius  IX.,  to  November,  crime  had  diminished  ninety  per  cent.  The  buying 
and  selling  of  the  upper  grades  in  the  Pontifical  army  was  abolished, 
giving  opportunities  for  the  advancement  of  men  of  capacity,  without 
fortune.  The  superior  officers,  whose  capabilities  were  not  equal  to  their 
position,  were  placed  on  the  retired  list,  or  employed  in  civil  service.  On 
the  3d  November,  the  citizens  were  permitted  to  form  themselves  into 
patrols  for  the  suppression  of  nightly  disturbances.  Tliis  measure,  which 
was  looked  on  as  a  sure  step  towards  the  formation  of  a  civic  guard,  was 
received  with  great  delight — the  people,  in  gratitude,  at  the  theatre  and 
public  places,  shouting,  "  Long  live  Pio  Nono  !"  "  Long  live  Cardinal  Gizzi !" 
Each  day  but  inqyeased  the  popular  enthusiasm.  On  the  10th,  a  memora- 
ble banquet — memorable  as  being  the  movement  of  the  middle  classes, 
rarely  heard  of  in  the  affairs  of  Rome — took  place  at  the  magnificent  Aliberti 
Theatre.  Eight  hundred  Roman  citizens  met  to  celebrate  the  return  of  the 
political  exiles.  The  committee  deserve  record  :  they  were — Orioli,  son  of 
an  exiled  professor ;  Nattali,  a  bookseller ;  Delfrate,  an  artist ;  Thomasson, 
a  man  of  letters ;  and  De  Andreis,  a  printer.  Chechetelli,  a  well  known 
writer,  appeared  for  the  first  time  as  a  speaker,  warning  them  how  they 
would  best  defeat  any  attempt  to  stay  the  on-rolling  tide  of  Roman  freedom. 
Professor  Sejani,  late  an  exile  in  Malta,  the  author  of  several  tragedies,  and 
who  had  been  engaged  in  many  conspiracies,  proposed  the  health  of 
Pius  IX.  ELis  energetic  speech  was  enthusiastically  applauded,  and,  amid 
the  loud  vociferations  of  the  assembly,  a  colossal  bust  of  the  Pope  v/as 
crowned  with  laurel.  A  distinguished  physician,  Dr.  De  Dominieis,  whose 
brother  had  but  lately  died  in  prison  for  political  offences,  exhorted  his 
hearers  not  to  thwart  the  beneficial  measures  of  the  Pontiff  with  any 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS — RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY".         159 

unreasonable  desire  for  change.  Sterbini,  late  an  exile  from  Marseilles, 
followed  in  prose  for  some  time,  till  expanding  with  his  subject,  he  burst 
forth  with  poetry,  or  that  measured  recitative  so  peculiar  to  the  Italian 
improvisator — the  whole  gathering,  as  if  lifted  into  an  ecstasy  of  song,  rising 
in  a  chorus.  Several  tickets  had  been  purchased  by  members  of  the  Casina 
del  Nobili^  and  their  places  were  kept  unoccupied  until  a  late  hour.  Some 
inquiry  being  made  as  to  their  absence,  it  transpired  that  they  were  at  an 
entertainment  given  by  the  Prince  Borghese.  This  was  deemed  a  preme- 
ditated insult  to  the  popular  feeling  and  to  the  Pope,  whereupon,  at  the 
close  of  the  proceedings,  several  hundred  of  the  young  men  bent  their  steps 
to  the  Palazzo  Borghese,  and  loudly  demanded  an  illumination  in  honor  of 
Pio  IX.  "Lumi  fuori!  lumi  fuori!  vivi  Pio  K^ono!"  The  inmates  com- 
menced closing  the  shutters,  instead  of  restoring  good  feeling,  by  complying 
with  the  request;  Avhich  so  augmented  the  popular  rage  that  a  storm 
of  execrations  on  Borghese  and  his  guests  followed.  The  Prince  was  pro- 
ceeding to  address  the  mob  from  the  balcony  when  he  was,  "  luckily  for 
himself,"  pulled  back  by  Vincenzo  Colonna,  and  some  of  the  graver  citi- 
zens arriving,  they  appeased  the  crowd,  convinced  that  the  nobles  of  the 
Casino  and  the  Prince  would  make  an  apology  next  day.  In  December, 
the  Cabinet  of  Turin  paid  a  decided  mark  of  sympathy  with  the  liberal 
movements  of  the  Pope.  Charles  Albert,  not  only  recalled  Count  Broglia, 
his  Envoy  at  the  Eternal  City,  who  had  been  remarkable  there  for 
allowing  himself  to  be  made  the  tool  of  the  Austrian,  Neapolitan,  and 
Gregorian  league — but  dismissed  him  with  the  smallest  retiring  pension 
ever  allowed  to  ministers,  as  a  mark  of  his  displeasure.  The  indications  of 
the  growing  revolutionary  spirit  in  Italy  were  unmistakable.  On  the 
hundredth  anniversary  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Austrians  from  Genoa,  the 
heights  of  the  Apennines  were  radiant  with  fires;  balloons  with  the 
national  colors,  ascended  from  the  various  villas ;  in  the  streets  young  men 
paraded,  shouting,  "long  live  ]S"ational  Independence!" — "death  to  the 
Austrians!"  A  proclamation  secretly  printed,  was  displayed  upon  the 
walls,  and  eagerly  read  by  the  excited  Genoese.  Reminding  the  Italians 
that  it  was  on  the  5th  December,  1746,  that  the  Genoese  rose  against  the 
Austrian  troops  which  devastated  and  insulted  Italy  and  her  people,  it  says, 
"That  for  a  hundred  years  Italy  has  been  eagerly  awaiting  the  hour  to 
extend  the  triumph  of  the  Genoese  to  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  to  drive 
their  foreign  domiuators  beyond  the  Alps,"  and  concludes : — "  Italians !  a 
victory  similar  to  that  carried  by  the  valorous  Genoese  may  be  renewed. 


160  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION, 

But  to-daj  let  us  weep  together— let  us  Treep,  old  and  voung,  people  and 
nobles,  of  every  faction,  of  every  province!  Let  us  weep  that  we  are 
obliged,  with  suppressed  voices,  and  arms,  weighed  down  with  chains, 
to  celebrate  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  so  noble  an  act.  May  our  pious 
tears  engender  in  every  heart  the  sacred  duty  of  regaining  our  indepen- 
dence." The  Tuscan  authorities  were  on  the  alert:  the  nights  of  the 
5th  and  6th,  the  police  tore  down  the  proclamation;  and  seventeen 
persons  were  arrested.  The  following  day,  however,  the  greater 
number  of  them  were  set  at  liberty ;  the  authorities  fearing  that  the 
popular  excitement  might  give  rise  to  some  dangerous  proceedings. 
In  the  Romagna  the  enthusiasm  was  equally  great.  At  Forli,  Rimini,  and 
Ravenna,  the  houses  were  illuminated  and  the  streets  echoed  with  the  cry 
of  "Death  to  the  Strangers  !"  8th  February,  the  Pope  received  the  Irish 
Committee  formed  in  Rome  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  subscriptions  for  the 
famine  in  Ireland.  At  the  end  of  February,  on  the  arrival  at  Pisa,  of  the 
Archduke  Ferdinand  d'Este,  nephew  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  Avho  had 
been  civil  and  military  governor  of  Gallicia  during  the  massacres  of  the  pre« 
viousyear,  a  political  movement  took  place  there  which  created  much  agita-^ 
tion.  In  the  course  of  the  day,  crowds  assembled  in  front  of  the  palace  where 
he  was  staying,  for  the  purpose  of  manifesting  their  disapprobation  whenever 
he  might  ajjpear  in  public.  The  gendarmerie  were  called  out,  and  dispersed 
the  crowd.  At  midnight  a  petard  which  had  been  placed  in  the  cellar  of 
the  palace  was  discharged  by  a  train.  The  explosion  shook  the  building, 
breaking  the  windows,  and  those  of  the  adjacent  houses.  The  town  was 
excited  to  a  high  pitch.  Placards  were  issued,  and  posted  daily,  full  of 
invective  against  the  Austrians.  Several  arrests  followed,  and  the  Grand 
Duke  commenced  increasing  the  troops  of  the  line.  In  Rome,  the  Board 
of  Censorship,  up  to  the  time  arbitrary  in  its  decisions,  was  placed  under 
the  direction  and  control  of  a  tribunal,  laymen  being  substituted  for  clergy- 
men. The  tribunal  was  composed  of  the  master  of  the  palace,  its  presi- 
dent, the  Marquis  Antici,  Abbe  Coppi,  M.  Salvator  Cetti,  and  M.  Vannu- 
telli.  These  were  all  men  of  literary  distinction  and  liberal  opinions,  save 
the  president.  In  May,  a  French  vice-consul  was  established  (and  received 
the  Pope's  exequatur)  in  the  frontier  town  of  Ferrara.  This  movement  in 
the  very  teeth  of  Austria,  was  regarded  as  very  significant.  On  the  6th 
July,  the  edict  organizing  the  national  guard  was  issued.  Ten  thousand 
men  sprang  into  the  attitude  of  citizen  soldiers,  and  both  banks  of  the  Tiber 
shook  with  the  jubilee.      The  banker  Torloni^  Prince  Corsini,  Prince  Piora- 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY.         161 

bino,  Campana,   the  celebrated  archeologist,  Duke  Salviati,  were  higb  in 
command  of  the  civic  militia.     A  distinguished  writer  at  the  time  wrote : — 
"  Once  arms  in  the  hands  of  every  Roman,  adieu,  a  long  adieu,  to  the  hope 
of  even  undoing  what -Pius  has  done.     The  volunteers  of  Dungannon  are 
BOW  reproduced  in  this  capital,  and  as  Grattan  then  gloried,  '  there  is  not 
a  man  that  washes  his  firelock  to-night  that  is  not  pledged  to  the  redemp- 
tion of  his  native  land,  and  the  sustainment  of  her  freedom.'      This  last 
blow  has  come  like  a  thunderbolt  on  the  Austrian  ambassador,  and  he  is 
fairly  at  his  wits'  end.     His  latest  card  was  to  try  and  persuade  the  corres- 
pondents (there  are  four  or  five,)  of  the  German  gazettes  to  circulate  a 
report  that  the  Pope  is  mad."     Meantime  the  Austrians,  counting  on  the 
opposition  which  the  Pope  met  with  from  the  cardinals  and  nobility,  entered 
some  of  the  towns  within  the  Roman  States.      On  the  same  day,  17th  July, 
a  dangerous  and  desperate  plot,  no  doubt  intended  to  act  simultaneously 
with  the  Austrian  movement,  was  discovered  on  the  eve  of  exploding  at 
Rome.     Cardinal  Freddi,  the  chief  conspirator,   Chevalier  Minardi,  (who 
subsequently  disclosed  the  facts  of   the  conspiracy,)  and  eighty  of  their 
accomplices,  were  imprisoned  and  ironed  in  the  Castle  of  San  Angelo.     And 
Cardinal  Ferreti,  the  Pope's  minister,  ofiicially  protested  against  the  occu- 
pation of  Ferrara.      He  exhorted  the  Italians  to  "  rely  upon  themselves  " 
notwithstanding  there  were  twenty -five  thousand  Austi'ians  concentrated  in 
the  north  of  Italy.     He  also  afforded  protection  to  the  Jews  resident  in  the 
city.     The  iS'ational  Guard  was  nightly  reviewed.     "  We  must  show  Europe 
that  we  can  protect  ourselves,"  says  Pio  IsTono  as  he  passed  the  enthusiastic 
lines.    Reinforcements  of  the  Austrian  troops  continued  on  the  march,  while 
those  who  occupied  Ferrara,  by  every  means  essayed  to  goad  the  people 
into  a  tumult.     They  insulted  the  statue  of  the  popular  Pio,  quarreled  with 
the  soldiers  in  his  service,  waylaid  the  physician  on  his  Vv^ay  to  the  dying, 
and,  all  these  failing,  outraged  a  lady  in  the  public  streets.     Proclamations 
were  posted,  bidding  the  people  to  "  Watch  !  suffer !  listen !"  for  "  they  stood 
more  in  need  of  firmness  than  ever  " — "in  supporting,  for  the  time  being, 
the  insults  of  the  foreigner,  we  shall  give  a  proof  of  the  greatest  courage 
and  of  the  purest  love  for  our  country,  and  for  our  sovereign.      Be  firm, 
and  full  of  confidence,  and  remember  that  our  only  watchword  must  ever 
be  Pius IX!  Religion!  Italy'."  These  proclamations  the  Austrians  tore  down, 
as  the  spirit  of  them  was  in  direct  opposition  to  their  orders  and  endeavoi*s, 
which  were  to  irritate  tlie  people,  and  massacre  without  mercy  on  the 
slightest  manifestation   of  disorder.     The  National  Guard,  however,  con- 


162  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

tinned  to  be  enrolled  and  drilled  nightly.     On  the  1st  August,  Ferreti,  by  his 
energy,  subdued  an  attempt  that  was  to  have  been  made  to  throw  the 
Trastevere  quarter  into  confusion.    The  Austrian  General,  who  had  marched 
into  Ferrara  with  two  thousand  men,  came  to  Rome,  on  the  plea  of  com- 
plaining of  the  Cardinal  Legate,  Ciacchi,  for  not  allowing  his  soldiers  free 
quarter,  protesting  that  he  had  the  late  Secretary  Gizzi's  invitation,  and 
demanding  satisfaction.     In  Ferrara,  the  Austrians,  impatient  at  the  delay 
and  fearful  of  the  gathering  strength,  raised  a  pretence  that  one  of  their 
officers  was  arrested  by  the  National  Guard,  and  made  it  the  opportunity 
of  overrunning   the  town.     Patrols  of  Austrians,  with  a  carte  blanche  of 
action,  and  free  orders  to  fire,  traversed  the  public  ways.      The   Cardinal 
Legate  made  a  formal  protest,  which  was  dispatched  to  Rome,  Verona, 
Milan,  and  the  Governor  of  the  fortress  of  Ferrara,     The  Pope,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  remonstrances  of  the  French  and  Austrian  ambassadors,  ordered 
Ciacchi's  protest  to  be  published  in  the  Diario  di  Roma.      It  produced 
an  intense  sensation.     On  the  13th,  the  Austrians  suddenly  possessed  them- 
selves of  all  the  barriers  and  principal  buildings  in  Ferrara.     In  the  public 
squares,  their  cannon  were  effectually  disposed  and  their  patrols  crowded 
the  thoroughfares.     Bridges  of  boats  were  formed  across  the  Po,  ammu- 
nition arrived,  and  troops  were  on  the  march  for  the  occupied  city.     The 
Cardinal  Legate  could  only  issue  a  second  protest.     An  attempt  was  made 
to  commit  or  bewilder  the  popular  champion,   Cicerouacchio,     He  was 
deluged  with  letters  from  all  quarters ;  addressed  as  Excellenza  and  prayed 
to  intercede  for  the  people,  and  to  take  every  advantage  in  public  and 
private  for  that  end.     He  escaped  the  net  laid  for  him  by  the  intriguing 
]3arty.     He  knew  the  people  too  well — was  too  long  of  them.     He  exposed 
these  proceedings,  by  protesting  against  them  in  the  Speranza  ;  and  declined 
all  claim  to  the  title  heaped  on  him  by  his  various  unknown  correspondents. 
On  the  16th,  the  already  excited  state  of  Rome  was   lieightened  by  the 
arrival  of  the  courier  from  Ferrara,  with  the  news  that  Count  Auersperg 
had  taken  measures  of  a  more  hostile  nature,  which  had  elicited  a  third 
protest  from  the  Legate.     Romagna  could  wath  difficulty  be  kept  quiet.     To 
resist  Austrian  aggression  was  the  sole  preparation  of  the  entire  people. 
Cardinal  Ferreti  intimated  to  the  Austrian  government  that,  if  it  did  not 
withdraw   its  troops  within  fifteen   days  from  Ferrara,  and   keep  them 
within  the  citadel,    the  Court  of   Rome  would    recall   the  nuncio   from 
Vienna,  and  deliver  his  passport  to  their  ambassador.     All  the  available 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY.         163 

troops  were  dispatched  by  the  government  to  the  Legations.  A  camp 
was  established  at  Forli :  and  altogether  the  greatest  aetivitj  pre- 
vailed among  the  Italians.  The  Capuchin  Friars  of  Perugia,  issued  an 
indignant  manifesto,  and  declared  themselves  ready  to  take  up  arms. 
Charles  Albert  protested  against  the  Austrian  aggression  ;  sent  his  pro- 
test to  all  the  courts  of  Europe ;  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Pope 
both  his  army  and  navy,  should  the  independence  of  the  Papal  dominions 
be  menaced.  Piedmont  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  Pope.  This  important 
step  caused  extraordinary  excitement.  The  peasants  of  Bologna  enlisted 
eagerly.  National  guards  were  springing  into  active  existence  in  Pisa  and 
Florence.  The  Pope  had  now  acceded  to  the  universal  desire  of  the 
citizens  and  prepared  for  defence.  Various  battalions  were  in  motion  for 
Ferrara.  The  Swiss  in  the  Pope's  pay  had  taken  up  all  the  strong  points  on 
Ihe  road  from  Ferrara  to  Ravenna  and  Bologna.  The  Austrian  outposts 
stretched  to  a  radius  of  six  miles  outside  the  walls  of  Ferrara  and  Commacchio. 
At  Ponto  Lagoscuro,  800  Tyrolese  crossed  the  river,  and  another  body  at  a 
distance  of  twelve  miles  from  Ferrara  quartered  at  Polesella.  2Sth,  the 
government  had  received  from  Vienna  an  answer  to  the  protest  of  Cardinal 
Ciacchi.  The  cabinet  expressed  regret  for  the  occupation  of  Ferrara,  but 
maintained  its  right  to  have  a  garrison  there.  The  Emperor  of  Austria 
declared  that  Radetzky  acted  on  his  own  judgment,  and  that  he  alone 
ordered  the  occupation.] 

Notwithstanding  the  slight  interruption  tbat  has  taken  place,  it 
is  not  to  comply  with  the  etiquette  usually  observed  upon  occasions 
like  the  present  that  I  assure  you,  I  most  gratefully  appreciate  the 
reception  you  have  given  me.  For  that  reception  I  sincerely  thank 
you. 

Yet,  I  will  not  hesitate  to  tell  you,  there  is  something  else  I 
more  highly  estimate. 

Upon  your  accession  to  the  ranks  of  the  Irish  Confederation, 
your  adoption  of  its  principles,  and  your  concurrence  in  its  policy, 
I  set  a  much  higher  value.  And  it  is  just  that  I  should  estimate 
more  highly  than  any  personal  compliment  you  could  pay  me, 
the  sanction  you  have  given  to  that  Confederation,  through  the 


164  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION". 

instrumentality  of  which,  I  believe  in  my  inmost  soul,  the  inde- 
pendence of  this  country  will  be  accomplished. 

From  the  Secession,  the  Confederation  originates.  It  is  the 
offspring  of  the  Repeal  Association — it  is,  I  trust,  the  precursor  of 
the  Irish  Senate. 

As  to  the  Secession — the  circumstances  that  preceded,  and 
those  that  have  followed  it — I  think  it  unnecessary  to  say  one 
word.  If  you  did  not  approve  of  that  Secession,  you  would  not 
have  assembled  here  this  nio'ht — of  this  I  am  certain,  vou  would 
not  have  passed  the  resolution  that  has  been  just  put  from  the 
chair. 

Besides,  it  is  now  an  old  story.  It  has  been  told  a  thousand 
times — it  has  gone  through  a  thousand  editions — as  many  editions 
as  the  "  Seven  Champions  of  Christendom" — it  has  lost  its  novelty 
— it  can  no  longer  interest  the  public  mind,  though  it  might  irri- 
tate the  public  passions.  We  must  go  back  no  more,  to  fret  and 
squabble. 

There  is  a  fresh  grave  in  the  cemetery  of  Glasnevin  which 
marks  the  conclusion  of  one  era,  and  the  commencement  of  ano- 
ther. The  achievement  of  Catholic  Emancipation  illustrates  the 
past — the  achievement  of  Irish  Independence  must  illustrate  the 
future. 

To  repeal  the  Act  of  Union — to  rescue  this  country  from  the 
control  of  English  statesmen — to  restore  to  it  its  ancient  form  of 
government — to  revive  within  it  the  power  to  develop  and  apply 
its  own  resources — the  power  that  will  enable  it  to  acquire  a  large 
prosperity  and  attain  an  eminent  position — this  is  the  righteous 
task  which  a  new  generation  is  summoned  to  assume,  and  which, 
I  trust,  it  will  have  the  glory  to  accomplish. 

To  argue  the  question  of  Repeal — the  right  of  Ireland  to  be 
governed  by  its  own  citizens — the  invahdity  of  the  Union  Act — 
the  evils  of   Imperial  legislation — would  be  unnecessary,  I  pre- 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY.         165 

sume.  But  tlie  question  at  which  we  must  pause — for  it  is  the 
question  at  which  old  heads  shake,  and  young  heads  grow  impa- 
tient—is, how  will  you  get  Repeal  ? 

That's  the  rub,  they  say. 

Sir,  it  is  a  serious  question ;  and  I,  for  one,  do  candidly  confess, 
that  before  I  can  answer  it,  I  must  put  as  serious  a  question  to 
those  from  whom  it  proceeds. 

Does  the  Government — the  Crown — the  Parliament  of  England 
— recognise  the  public  opinion  of  this  country  ?  Does  the  Govern- 
ment— the  Crown — the  Parliament  of  Eno;land — admit  the  ex- 
pressed  opinion  of  this  country  to  be  a  just  basis  for  legislation? 
Will  the  Government — the  Crown — the  Parliament  of  England — 
act  in  defiance  of  that  opinion,  or  shall  that  opinion  inspire  their 
councils  and  direct  their  measures  ?  Will  the  Government — the 
Crown — the  Parliament  of  England — be  deaf  to  the  citizens  of 
Ireland,  claiming  to  be  self-taxed  and  self-protected,  as  the  govern- 
ment of  Lord  North  was  deaf  to  the  petitioners  of  Boston  ?  Over 
this  country  will  that  government  preside  as  a  despotism,  circled 
with  its  gibbets  and  its  bayonets,  defending  the  flag  of  usurpation, 
where  it  should  sign  the  code  of  liberty  ?  In  one  word.  Sir,  must 
the  people  of  this  country  despair  of  establishing  their  right  to 
make  their  own  laws,  within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution,  and  be 
driven  to  organize  beyond  them  ? 

Let  it  not  be  said  that,  in  using  this  language,  I  preach  sedition, 
and  invoke  to  an  armed  crusade  the  precipitate  passions  of  the 
people.  That  which  I  now  declare  in  public,  I  have  stated  fre- 
quently in  private.  I  believe — it  is  my  deep  conviction — that  the 
opinion  of  this  country,  expressed  through  the  legitimate  organs 
of  the  press,  the  public  tribune,  and  the  Parliament,  can  effect 
that  change  in  the  relationship  between  two  countries  which  our 
interest  necessitates,  and  to  which  our  ambition  prompts.  And 
this  opinion  I  will  not  renounce  until  the  government  of  England 


166  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

shall  declare — shall  positively,  definitively  declare — that,  in  defiance 
of  this  opinion,  the  Union  shall  be  maintained. 

When  this  declaration  has  been  made  to  the  people  of  Ireland, 
two  alternatives  will  yet  remain. 

The  first — to  slink  back  from  the  Parliament  that  has  scouted 
their  opinion — that  has  cuff"ed  them  for  half  a  century — to  hoard 
up  their  flesh  and  blood — to  patch  their  rags — to  dress  their  sores 
as  best  they  may — to  hug  their  chains,  and  die.  The  last — to 
make  good  the  words  of  Henry  Grattan — -"  perish  the  connexion, 
let  Ireland  live  !" — to  go  out,  like  men,  and  serve  the  Act  of  Union 
as  the  Belgians  served  the  Treaty  of  Vienna. 

But  now,  Sir,  that  we  have  determined  to  test  the  eflScacy  of 
public  opinion — determined  to  appeal  to  reason,  and  not  to  mea- 
sure swords — determined  to  approach  the  throne,  not  with  pikes, 
but  with  petitions — now  that  we  have  determined  upon  this  course 
of  action,  it  is  reasonable  to  enquire  if  an  opinion — such  an  opinion 
as  should  influence  the  government  of  England — exists  at  present 
in  this  country. 

I  may  be  wrong,  but  I  do  not  think  that  such  an  opinion  exists 
at  present.  I  mean,  Sir,  that  such  an  opmion  has  not  an  active 
evident  existence. 

It  is  quite  true  that  the  heart  of  Ireland  is  right.  The  result  of 
the  late  elections  proves  decisively  that  the  heart  of  Ireland  is  bent 
upon  Repeal,  and  that  the  spirit  which,  in  1843,  was  heard — like 
the  voice  which  spoke  from  Sinai,  dictating  laws  to  a  trampled 
tribe — is  still  throbbing  through  that  noble  heart,  though  famine 
has  preyed  upon  it  in  the  desert. 

A  French  historian  has  written,  that  after  the  terrific  eruption 
of  Vesuvius,  in  1794 — w^hich  swept  away  vilkiges,  and  flocks,  and 
palaces,  and  vineyards — the  olive  trees  that  grew  at  the  base  of 
the  mountain  were  found,  amidst  the  wilderness  of  ashes,  fresh, 
and  green,  and  vigorous. 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY.  IQl 

Thus,  after  the  visitation  which,  through  the  whole  bleak  win- 
ter, swept  across  this  island,  strewing  those  fields  with  thousands 
of  our  people,  where  a  precious  harvest,  a  few  weeks  before,  waved 
and  glittered  like  a  golden  banner — spreading  desolation  from  the 
hills  of  Innishowen  to  the  shore  of  Bantry,  ghastlier  than  that 
with  which  the  swarthy  Scythian,  rushing  from  the  black 
waters  of  the  Danube,  scourged  the  plains  of  Lombardy — 
ghastlier  than  that  through  which  the  fiery  Schismatic  of  Arabia, 
propagating  his  dazzling  and  voluptuous  gospel,  burned  his  way 
from  the  valley  of  Zeder  to  the  gates  of  Mecca — ghastlier  than 
that  which  the  Venetian  renegade  gazed  upon  by  Lepanto's  gulf, 
when  -he  watched 

" the  lean  dog;s  beneath  the  wall 


Hold  o'er  the  dead  their  carnival." — 

thus,  after  this  tremendous  visitation,  which  men  had  said  would 
sink  this  country  for  ever  in  despair,  the  fine  old  spirit  is  found 
still  living  in  the  land — pure,  active,  brilliant — brighter  from  the 
torture  through  which  it  passed — stronger  from  the  calamity 
with  which  it  struggled. 

Thus,  Sir,  we  find  that  the  heart  of  Ireland  is  proof  against  the 
worst. 

But  for  a  struggle  like  this — a  struggle  that  must  of  necessity 
continue  for  some  time  before  it  terminates  in  triumph — something 
else  is  requisite. 

"Whilst  the  heart  is  brave,  I  would  have  the  mind  enlio-htened. 
I  would  combine  intellect  with  enthusiasm,  and  have  the  people 
subordinate  their  energies  to  the  sustainment  of  a  strong  con- 
viction. Repeal  should  cease  to  be  a  vague  shout;  it  should 
become  a  deliberate  study.  Enthusiasm  may  drive  a  people 
through  the  squadrons  of  the  tyrant,  and  impel  them  up  those 
steeps  from  which,  with  flushed  and  crimsoned  arms,  they  may 
fling   out  the  rescued   flag   of  freedom;   but   a   strong   convic- 


1G8  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

tion  of  its  necessity,  can  alone  sustain  the  people  through  this 
struggle,  reconciling  them  to,  the  time  it  will  take,  the  efforts  it 
will  require,  the  sacrifices  it  may  exact. 

Besides,  Sir,  the  effect  of  this  opinion  upon  the  government  of 
England  will  depend,  to  a  very  great  extent,  upon  the  estimate 
which  they  are  taught  to  form  of  its  strength  and  tendency. 

If  they  see  that  it  has  no  depth,  no  intensity,  no  positive 
purpose,  no  distinct  direction,  they  will  laugh  at  your  Repeal 
pledges,  your  public  meetings,  your  Confederate  clubs,  and  lecture 
you  upon  the  propriety  of  being  practical. 

Convince  them  to  the  contrary,  however — convince  them,  as 
the  anti-Corn  Law  league  convinced  them,  that  you  thoroughly 
understand  the  question  of  which  you  demand  the  settlement — 
that  you  are  well  instructed  in  the  wants,  the  grievances,  the 
capabilities  of  your  country — that  you  know  by  heart  the 
history  of  their  fatal  legislation — ihat  you  are  determined, 
with  your  whole  mind,  your  whole  soul,  to  put  an  end  to 
that  legislation — determined  to  tolerate  it  no  longer — deter- 
mined to  shape  out  a  new  career  for  your  country,  without  the 
assistance  of  their  relief-inspectors,  their  Reform  cooks;  their 
soup  kitchens,  their  ten  million  loans — determined  to  begin 
a  new  life — to  set  up  in  the  world  once  more  and  do  for  your- 
selves— convince  them  that  this  is  your  intelligent  and  inflexible 
determination,  and,  depend  upon  it,  a  time  will  come  when  a  wise 
minister,  backed  by  the  high  authority  of  parliament,  will  be  found 
to  declare  that,  to  stay  a  revolution,  to  save  the  empire,  the  Union 
must  be  repealed. 

Then  the  question  comes,  how  will  the  government  ascertain 
this  opinion — its  nature  and  extent  ? 

By  a  Commission,  empowered  like  the  Devon  Commission,  to  dr>ve 
from  town  to  town — to  examine  Repealers  in  Molyneux's  Case  of 
Ireland,  the  Mihtary  Memoirs,  and  Kane's  Industrial  Resources,  and 
then,  at  the  end  of  each  quarter,  to  report  progress  ?     By  an  invita- 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY.         169 

tion  to  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  to  steam  up  tlie  pleasant 
waters  of  the  river  Lee — as  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  did  the 
other  day — to  inspect  the  Desmond  Club — to  lunch  with  the 
President — to  dine  with  the  Treasurer — and  take  tea  with  the 
Secretary  ?  Is  that  the  mode  in  which  I  suggest  that  the  Repeal 
opinion  of  the  country  should  be  ascertained  ? 

JSTo,  sir,  let  the  country  speak  out  as  it  did  in  1782.  Let  the 
Grand  Juries,  the  Orange  Lodges,  the  Corporations  speak  out,  as 
they  did  in  1*782.  And,  sir,  if  the  people  cannot  declare  for  inde- 
pendence, as  they  did  declare  in  1782,  drawn  up  in  battalions, 
80,000  strong,  officered  by  the  nobles  and  the  gentry  of  the  land, 
and  flanked  by  400  cannon — let  them  declare  for  independence 
through  their  representatives,  on  the  floor  of  the  English  Com- 
mons, in  the  presence  of  the  minister,  and  in  the  hearing  of  the 
throne. 

The  opinion  of  L'eland  thus  announced,  what  pensioned  recu- 
sant, dazzled  with  the  treasures  of  the  Mint,  would  satirize  the 
cause  of  freedom  as  "  a  splendid  phantom  ?"  The  opinion  of 
Ireland  thus  announced,  what  daring  orator,  amid  the  huzzas  of 
the  Imperial  Commons,  would  then  decree  that  the  sword  should 
enforce  what  gold  and  ignorance  would  no  longer  perpetuate  ? 

To  create  in  this  city  a  sound,  a  vigorous,  an  independent 
opinion  in  favor  of  legislative  freedom — to  propagate  that  opinion 
through  all  classes  of  the  community — to  impregnate  your  local 
institutions  with  it,  and  make  them  the  practical  exponents  of  it — 
that  so  it  may  acquire  authority,  and  be  uttered  witli  eftect — this 
is  the  task  to  which  we  summon  you  to  devote  your  energies. 

Disseminate  that  opinion  through  the  country — let  it  sink  deep 
into  the  public  mind — and,  in  time,  the  representatives  of  the 
people  will  be  men  calculated  to  command  respect — competent  to 
enforce  the  national  claim. 

If  the  constituencies  be  honest,  the  representatives  will  be 
honest.     If  the  constituencies  be  informed,  the  representatives  will 

8 


170  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

not  be  dolts.     If  tlie  constituencies  be  virtuous,  tlie  representatives 
will  not  be  place-beggars. 

Upon  this  point,  sir,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that  any  movement  for 
independence  will  be  perfectly  useless — contemptuously  aud  ruin- 
ously  absurd — unless  the  people,  to  a  man,  pronounce  against  the 
acceptance  or  solicitation  of  place  or  pension  from  the  English 
governments. 

You,  the  citizens  of  Cork,  have  protested  against  this  system  ; 
and  when  the  other  constituencies  of  Ireland  shall  have  protested 
against  it  with  the  same  firmness  as  you.  have  done,  the  English 
2)ower,  within  this  island,  must  quail  and  stagger,  for  corruption 
shall  have  ceased. 

After  all,  the  main  question  comes,  will  the  gentry  of  Ireland  con- 
sent to  confiscation  to  maintain  the  Union  ?  I  do  not  believe  so.  I 
do  not  believe  that  they  are  so  utterly  bereft  of  the  instincts  of 
our  common  nature.  I  believe  they  will,  without  much  further 
delay,  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  people.  I,  am  confident 
the  people  will  follow  them ;  and,  between  them  both,  they*  will 
keep  the  country,  they  are  now  called  upon  to  give  up. 

What  restrains  them  ? 

It  is  said  that  a  dread  of  Catholic  ascendancy— the  persecution, 
the  disfranchisement  of  Protestantism — deters  them.  It  is  a  false 
fear,  sir. 

How  this  ascendancy  could  be  eff'ected — by  what  process — by 
what  penal  institution  in  the  state  this  ascendancy  could  be 
efiected — I  have  never  yet  been  able  to  ascertain. 

But,  supposing  that  it  should  take  the  form  of  a  j)enal  code — 
statutes  of  disabilities,  acts  prohibitory  of  education,  civic  privi- 
leges, the  possession  of  property — supposing  that  it  was  much 
worse — that  it  grew  into  an  Inquisition,  and  menaced  us  with  the 
tragedies  of  Smithfield — would  there  be  no  virtuous  heroism 
to  arm  against  it,  and  drive  it,  maimed  and  cowering,  from  the 
island  ? 


DECLARATION    OF    RIGHTS RESURRECTION    OF    ITALY.         l7l 

Are  not  the  gentry  of  Ireland  by  this  time  convinced,  that 
a  spirit  has  sprung  up  amongst  the  young  CathoKcs  of  Ireland, 
which,  tolerating  all  things  else,  will  tolerate  no  sectarianism  ? 
Do  not  the  gentry  of  Ireland  recognise  amongst  the  young 
Catholics  of  this  country  a  spirit  that  will  bend  to  no  clerical 
authority  beyond  the  sanctuary — a  spirit  that  spurns  the  texts  and 
sermons  of  the  bigot — a  spirit  that  would  preserve  the  altar  from 
the  profanation  of  politics,  as  it  would  protect  politics  from  the 
influence  of  the  altar  ? 

Ah !  is  there  nothing,  at  this  day,  at  this  very  hour,  to  stir  the  blood 
within  you  ?  Do  you  not  hear  it  ?  Does  it  not  ring  through  the 
soul,  and  quiver  through  the  brain  ?  Beyond  the  Alps  a  trumpet 
calls  the  dead  nations  of  Europe  from  their  shrouds  ! 

Italy !  at  whose  tombs  the  poets  of  the  Christian  world  have 
knelt  and  received  their  inspiration — Italy  !  amid  the  ruins  of  whose 
forum  the  orators  of  the  world  have  learned  to  sway  the  souls  of 
men,  and  guide  them,  like  the  coursers  of  the  sun,  through  all 
climes  and  seasons,  changing  darkness  into  light,  and  giving  heat 
to  the  coldest  clay — Italy  !  from  whose  radiant  skies  the  sculptor 
draws  down  the  fire  that  quickens  the  marble  into  life,  and  bids  it 
take  those  wondrous  forms,  which  shall  perish  only  when  the  stars 
change  into  drops  of  blood,  and  fall  to  earth — Italy  !  where 
religion,  claiming  the  noblest  genius  as  her  handmaid,  has  reared 
the  loftiest  temples  to  the  Divinity,  and  with  a  pomp,  which  in  the 
palaces  of  the  Caesars  never  shone,  attracts  the  proudest  children 
of  the  earth  to  the  ceremonies  of  her  immortal  faith — Italy  ! — the 
beautiful,  the  brilliant,  and  the  gifted — -Italy !  Italy  is  in  arms  ! 

Down  for  centuries,  amid  the  dust  of  heroes  wasting  silently 
away,  she  has  started  from  her  swoon,  for  the  vestal  fire  could  not 
be  extinguished.  Austria — old,  decrepid,  haggard  thief — clotted 
with  the  costly  blood  of  Poland — trembles  as  she  sheathes  her 
sword,  and  plays  the  penitent  within  Ferrara's  walls. 

Glory  !  Glory  !  to  the  citizens  of  Rome,  patricians  and  plebeians, 


172  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

who  think  that  liberty  is  worth  a  drop  of  blood,  and  will  not  stint 
the  treasure  to  befriend  in  other  lands  a  sluggish,  false  morality ! 

Glory  !  Glory  !  to  the  maids  and  matrons  of  Rome — descendants 
of  Cornelia — inheritors  of  the  pride  and  lovehness  of  Nina  di  Rasseli 
— who,  working  scarfs  of  gold  and  purple  for  the  keenest  marks- 
men, bid  the  chivalry  of  their  houses  go  forth  and  bring  the 
vulture,  shadowing  their  sunny  skies,  reeking  to  the  earth  ! 

Glory !  Glory  !  to  the  High  Priest,  who,  within  the  circle  of  the 
Seven  Hills — whose  summits  glitter  with  ten  thousand  virgin 
bayonets — plants  the  banner  of  the  Cross,  and,  in  that  sign,  com- 
mands the  civic  guard  to  strike  and  conquer ! 

And  what  can  Ireland  do,  to  aid  this  brilliant  nation  iu  her 
struo-o-le?  In  rags,  in  hunger,  and  in  sickness — sitting,  like  a 
widowed  queen,  amid  the  shadows  of  her  pillar  towers  and  the 
grey  altars  of  a  forgotten  creed— with  two  millions  of  her  sons 
and  daughters  lying  slain  and  shroudless  at  her  feet — what  can 
this  poor  island  do  ? 

Weak,  sorrowful,  treasureless  as  she  is,  I  believe  there  are  still 
a  few  rich  drops  within  her  heart  that  she  can  spare. 

Perish  the  law  that  forbids  her  to  give  more !  Perish  the  law 
that,  having  drained  her  of  her  wealth,  forbids  her  to  be  the 
boldest  spirit  in  the  fight !  Perish  the  law  which,  in  the  language 
of  our  young  apostle — "  our  prophet  and  our  guide" — compels 
her  sons  to  perish  in  a  climate  soft  as  a  mother's  smile — fruitful  as 
God's  love  !  Perish  the  law  which,  in  the  language  of  one  whose 
genius  I  admire,  but  whose  apostasy  I  shall  never  imitate, 
"converts  the  island,  which  ought  to  be  the  most  fortunate  in  the 
world,  into  a  receptacle  of  suffering  and  degradation — counteract- 
ing the  magnificent  arrangement  of  Providence — frustrating  the 
beneficent  designs  of  God." 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  NORTH— EUROPEAN  EXAMPLES. 

Music  Hall ^  Belfast,  19th  November,  1847. 

[A  deputation  from  the  Confederation  arrived  in  Belfast,  for  tlie  purpose 
of  explaining  the  yiews  of  that  body  to  the  inhabitants  generally  of  the 
town.  A  meeting  was  convened  at  the  Music  Hall.  For  a  considerable  time, 
until  the  police  appeared  with  fixed  bayonets,  the  utmost  confusion  and 
violence  prevailed.  After  several  efforts,  however,  it  was  finally  suppressed, 
and  the  members  of  the  deputation  were  enabled  to  state  the  principles 
and  policy  of  the  Confederation.  The  opposition  proceeded  from  the 
adherents  of  Mr.  O'Connell.] 

Citizens  of  Belfast,  I  appear  before  you  in  favor  of  those  princi- 
ples, with  the  resolute  assertion  of  which  the  proudest  reminiscences 
of  Ulster  have  been  identified.  I  appear  before  you  as  the  disciple 
of  that  creed  which,  a  few  years  since,  was  preached  from  the 
pulpit  of  Dnngannon  Church,  and  which  the  armed  apostles  that 
issued  from  it  delivered  to  the  nation. 

If  I  am  wrong,  blame  your  fathers — blot  their  names  from  the 
records  of  the  North — burn  their  banners,  on  which  "  free  trade  " 
was  written — brand  their  arms,  which  saved  the  nation  and 
restored  the  senate.  Blame  them — they  have  taught  me  the 
principles  you  impeach  as  treason.  Blame  them — they  have 
taught  me  the  creed  you  anathematize  as  heresy.  Blame  them — 
they  have  taught  me  to  love  the  frank,  bold  vice  of  freedom — to 
shun  .the  lazy  sanctity  of  servitude. 

The  sentiments  they  cherished,  I  would  labor  to  diffuse.  The 
attitude  they  assumed,  I  would  have  their  sons  assume.  The 
position  to  which  they  raised  this  kingdom,  I  would  urge  this 


174  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

kingdom  to  regain.  Therefore,  I  demand  tlie  Repeal  of  the  Act 
of  the  Union ;  and  that  this  act  may  be  repealed,  I  invoke  the 
spirit  of  the  IS'orth. 

'Not  for  vote  by  ballot — not  for  an  extension  of  the  franchise — • 
not  for  corporate  reform  amendment  acts — not  for  eleven  compre- 
hensive measures — do  I  demand  Repeal.  These  are  not  the 
grounds  upon  which  an  Irish  citizen  should  claim  for  his  country 
the  restitution  of  her  legislative  power.  The  grievances  of  a  class, 
the  defects  of  an  institution,  may  be,  in  time,  removed  by  that 
parhament,  the  legislation  of  which  has,  for  so  long  a  period,  been 
conservative  of  error  and  abuse.  Political  reform  is  a  question 
common  to  both  countries ;  and  you  must  bear  this  in  mind,  that 
many  politicians  in  England  believe,  that  an  assimilation  of  the 
franchises  and  various  Dolitical  institutions  of  the  two  countries, 
will  confirm,  rather  than  disturb,  the  control  which  England 
maintains  at  present  over  the  taxes,  the  produce,  and  the  energies 
of  Ireland. 

On  higher  grounds — on  grounds  that  are  immutable — on 
grounds  that  are  common  to  all  j^arties  in  the  state — I  take  my 
stand,  and  beckon  the  nation  to  a  new  career. 

That  the  taxes  of  this  island  may  be  levied  and  applied,  by  its 
own  decrees,  for  its  own  particular  use  and  benefit ;  that  the 
produce  of  the  soil  may  be  at  our  own  free  and  full  disposal,  and 
be  dealt  with  precisely  as  the  national  necessities  require  ;  that  the 
commerce  of  the  island,  protected  by  native  laws,  may  spring  into 
a  strenuous  activity,  and  cease  to  be  a  mere  channel  trade ;  that 
the  manufactures  of  our  towns,  encouraged  by  the  premiums 
which  a  native  parliament  would  not  hesitate  to  grant,  may  revive, 
and,  with  a  generous  supply,  meet  the  demand  which  a  resident 
gentry,  and  all  the  public  offices  connected  w^ith  the  seat  of 
legislation,  would  be  sure  to  create ;  that,  in  fact,  the  whole 
property  of  this  island — the  food  that  sustains — the  skill  that 
clothes — the  enterprise  that  enriches — the  genius  that  adorns — 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH — EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  1  <  5 

may  belong,  permanently  and  absolutely,  to  itself,  and  cease  to  be 
the  property  of  any  other  people ;  on  these  grounds,  Sir,  we  insist 
that  Ireland  shall  be  exempt  from  foreign  rule. 

Against  this  project,  what  objection  have  you  to  urge  ?  Is  it 
tainted  with  sectarianism  ?  Is  it  distempered  with  Whiggery  ? 
Does  it  predict  the  fall  of  Protestantism  ?  Does  it  threaten  the 
rights  of  property  ? 

I  know  that  many  of  you  are  the  enemies  of  Repeal.  I  know 
full  well,  that,  in  the  North,  Repeal  has  been  identified  with 
Popery,  whilst  the  Union  has  been  identified  with  Protestantism. 
I  know  full  well,  that,  on  this  side  of  the  Boyne,  it  has  been 
declared  antagonistic  to  Orangeism,  and  that,  with  the  principles 
of  1688,  a  legislative  disconnexion  from  England  has  been  judged 
incompatible. 

Your  fathers  did  not  say  so.  On  the  first  of  July,  IVZO,  the 
Volunteer  companies  of  Belfast  held  a  diflferent  opinion.  On  that 
day,  the'  Orange  cockades  were  glittering  in  their  hats,  and  the 
same  guns  that  backed  the  declaration  of  Irish  rights,  poured 
forth  their  volleys  in  commemoration  of  the  great  victory  you  still 
so  vehemently  celebrate.  Why  have  you  forsworn  the  faith,  of 
which  your  fathers  were  the  intrepid  missionaries  ? 

I  will  not  urge  this  question  deceitfully.  You  are  frank,  blunt 
men  in  Ulster,  and  speak  your  opinions  boldly.  You  like  to  hear 
the  plain  truth,  and  you  shall  have  it. 

That  there  have  been  circumstances,  connected  with  the  Repeal 
movement,  which  justify  in  great  measure  your  hostility  to  Repeal, 
I  candidly  admit.  Until  very  lately,  the  movement  has  worn  the 
features  of  the  Catholic  movement  of  1827.  Exclusion  of  Catho- 
lics from  the  jury-box — exclusion  of  CathoHcs  from  government 
offices — Infidel  Colleges — Propaganda  rescripts — Bequest  acts — 
Maynooth  grants — questions  which  could  not  be  discussed  without 
provoking  sectarian  strife,  and  which  could  not  be  decided  without 
originating  factions — these,  and  similar  questions,  were  frequently 


176  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION, 

introduced  at  Repeal  meetings,  giving  to  them  the  complexion  of 
the  meetings  that  i^receded  the  Act  of  1829.  Instead  of  keeping 
to  the  one  plain  cjuestion — the  question  upon  which,  in  1*782,  the 
advocate  of  Catholic  claims  and  the  advocate  of  Catholic  disabili- 
ties concurred — the  question  upon  which,  in  1799,  the  Catholic 
Committee  and  the  Orange  Lodge  pronounced  the  same  opinion — 
instead  of  keeping  to  this  one  plain  question,  the  leaders  of  the 
movement  constantly  diverged  into  those  topics,  upon  which,  as 
I  have  just  said,  division  was  inevitable,  and  from  the  discussion 
of  which,  in  a  poj)ular  assembly,  I  conceive,  the  fiercest  antipathies 
must  arise. 

Besides,  Sir,  it  seems  to  me,  that  a  predominance  in  the  move- 
ment was  conceded  to  the  Catholic  priests,  which  the  Protestant 
portion  of  the  community  could  not  recognise,  and  which,  I  main- 
tain, it  would  be  an  abdication  of  their  civil  liberty  for  Protestants 
to  tolerate. 

"  The  Priests  and  the  People  " — that  was  the  motto  of  the 
Repeal  Association. 

•  "  The  Citizens  of  Ireland  " — this  is  the  motto  of  the  Irish  Con- 
federation. And  by  this  we  mean,  the  peer,  the  priest,  the 
merchant,  the  peasant,  the  mechanic — every  class,  trade,  creed,  race, 
profession — all  the  elements  that  move  and  act  within  this  island — - 
sustaining  its  existence,  and  directing  its  career. 

Will  you  adopt  that  motto  ? 

But,  first  of  all,  tell  me,  do  you  believe  the  Union  is  essential  to 
Irish  interests  ?  Do  you  believe  that  we  cannot  get  on  through 
life,  unless  we  are  bound  by  an  act  of  parliament  to  England  ? 
Do  you  believe  that  we  have  been  gifted  with  no  inherent  strength, 
and  that,  without  the  help  of  a  neighboring  state,  we  must  limp 
and  stagger  through  the  world  ?  Is  that  your  faith  ?  If  it  .be, 
whence  comes  it  ?  Is  it  the  result  of  inspiration,  or  the  result  of 
teachinof  ? 

Inspiration  !     What — the  secret  tutorship  of  God  !     What — 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  177 

the  instruction  wliich  the  soul  receives  amid  the  mj'steries  of 
nature — which  comes  to  it,  borne  upon  the  black  pinion  of  the 
wave,  and  bids  it  go  forth  and  bring  a  new  world  into  contact 
with  the  old — which  comes  to  it  along  the  burning  pathways  of 
the  stars,  and  bids  it  utter  those  mio-htv  thouofhts  which  shall  echo 
through  all  ages — which  comes  to  it,  even  at  this  day,  across  the 
waste  and  desolation  of  the  desert — wakes  an  outcast  tribe  into 
brilliant  heroism,  and  gives  them  strength  and  skill  to  cope  with 
the  cross  and  sword  of  the  Christian  civilizer  ! 

Inspiration  !  Utter  not  the  word.  No  craven  faith  ever  came 
from  thence.  Taught  from  thence,  you  would  spurn  the  menial's 
garb,  and  snap  the  vassal's  fetter.  Taught  from  thence,  you  would 
boldly  dare,  and  nobly  consummate.  Taught  from  thence,  you 
would  find  no  enterprise  too  perilous,  no  eminence  too  giddy,  for 
your  ambition  to  attempt.  Taught  from  thence,  you  would  step 
from  height  to  height,  bearing  aloft  your  country's  flag,  until  you 
had  reached  the  summit,  from  whence  your  voice  would  be  heard, 
and  your  glory  witnessed,  from  the  furthest  confine  of  the  earth  ? 

From  false  teaching  your  timid  faith  has  come.  Look  to  it, 
and  see  if  it  be  not  false. 

You  cannot  do  without  the  aid  of  Eno-land — the  Union  Act  is 
your  stoutest  main-stay.  This  you  have  been  taught  to  say. 
And  how  is  this  sustained  ? 

Mr.  Pitt  assured  you  that  the  Union  was  essential  to  the  local 
interests  of  Ireland.  In  his  speech,  on  the  31st  of  January,  1799, 
he  declared,  that  the  measure  "  was  designed  and  calculated  to 
increase  the  prosperity,  and  insure  the  safety  of  Ireland."  He 
declared,  moreover,  that  he  wished  for  it  "  with  a  view  of  giving 
to  Ireland  the  means  of  improving  all  its  great  national  resources, 
and  of  giving  to  it  its  due  weight  and  importance,  as  a  great 
member  of  the  empire." 

The  landlord  swamped — the  tradesman  bankrupt — the  former 

in  the  poorhouse — are  these  the  evidences  of  increased  prosperity  ? 

8* 


178  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

And  tell  me,  is  it  by  the  scourge  of  famine  tliat  the  safety  of 
Ireland  has  been  ensured  ? 

I  do  not  enter  into  the  details  of  ruin  which  the  history  of  the 
Union  contains.  Were  I  to  do  so,  I  should  have  to  detain  you 
for  many  hours.  Besides,  it  is  an  inquiry  that  can  be  more 
instructively  pursued  in  private  than  in  public.  The  Council  of 
the  Confederation  will  take  care  to  have  pamphlets  and  tracts  dis- 
tributed throughout  the  country,  in  which  these  details  will  be 
fully  given ;  for  we  desire,  that  from  a  conviction  of  its  necessity, 
and  from  that  alone,  you  should  unite  with  us  in  the  demand  for 
self-government.  / 

An  intelligent  concurrence  of  opinion  is  the  only  sure  basis  for 
a  firm  political  combination.  The  accession  to  a  political  society 
of  men  who  do  not  understand  its  object — who  have  not  been 
convinced  of  the  utility  of  that  object,  and  the  practicability  of  its 
attainment — such  an  accession,  to  my  mind,  is  utterly  worthless. 

Hence,  I  say,  that  the  meetings  of  1843  failed  to  promote  Repeal. 
There  was  no  mind  at  work  within  those  gigantic  masses.  There 
was  faith,  trust,  heroism.  But  that  which  outlives  the  tumult  of  a 
meeting — that  which  dies  not  with  the  passion  the  orator  has 
evoked — that  which  survives,  though  the  arm  may  shrivel  and  the 
heart  grow  cold — a  free,  intelligent  opinion — was  wanting. 

What,  then,  do  we  propose  ? 

Nothing  more  than  this — that  the  question  of  Repeal  should  be 
honestly  considered  by  the  country,  and  that  if  the  result  of  this 
consideration  be  a  conviction  of  its  necessity,  the  country  should 
demand  Repeal  as  the  condition  of  its  allegiance. 

That  the  country  will  be  in  time,  and  in  a  very  short  time,  con- 
vinced of  the  necessity  of  Repeal,  I  entertain  no  doubt.  That  it 
is  already  the  growing  conviction  of  many  minds,  hitherto  opposed 
most  decisively  to  the  measure,  I  firmly  believe. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  the  Irish  Council,  sitting  in  the  Rotunda, 
if  it  be  not  this — that  the  affairs  of  Ireland  having  been  mis- 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  1*79 

managed  by  the  parliament  of  England,  tlie  citizens  of  Ireland 
liave  been,  at  lengtli,  compelled  to  assemble,  as  an  Irisli  parlia- 
ment would  do,  to  overlook  those  affairs,  and  advise  upon  them  ? 

In  that  Council  many  of  our  best  citizens  deliberate.  What  do 
they  report?  That  the  Union  must  be  repealed  ?  No  ;  but  that 
the  Union  has  been  an  experiment,  of  which  the  utter  prostration 
of  the  national  interests  attests  the  terrible  fatality.  Do  you  refuse 
to  authenticate  this  report  ? 

Doctor  Boyton  must  be  esteemed  an  authority  in  the  North. 
He  was  a  zealous  opponent  of  Catholic  claims,  and  a  powerful 
champion  of  ultra-Conservatism.  In  1835,  there  was  a  great 
Protestant  meeting  at  Morrisson's  Hotel,  Dublin,  and  at\hat  meet- 
ing. Doctor  Boyton  delivered  an  anti-Union  speech,  from  which  I 
will  read  to  vou  the  following  extract : — 

"  The  exports  and  imports,  as  far  as  they  are  a  test  of  a  decay 
of  profitable  occupation — so  far  as  the  exports  and  imports  are 
supplied  from  the  parliamentary  returns — exhibit  extraordinary 
evidences  of  the  condition  of  the  laboring  classes.  The  importa- 
tion of  flaxseed,  an  evidence  of  the  extent  of  a  most  important 
source  of  employment,  was — In  1790,  339,V45  barrels;  1800, 
3  2  7, 7  21  barrels;  1836,  460,458  barrels.  The  importation  of  silk, 
raw  and  thpown,  w^as— In  1790,  92,091  lbs.;  1800,  79,060  lbs. ; 
1830,  3,190  lbs.  Of  unwrought  iron— In  1790,  2,271  tons;  in 
1800,  10,241  tons;  in  1830,  871  tons.  Formerly  we  spun  all 
our  own  woollen  and  worsted  yarn.  We  imported  in  1790,  only 
2,294  lbs.  ;  in  IBOO,  1,880  lbs.;  in  1826,  662,750  lbs.— an  enor- 
mous increase.  There  were,  I  understand,  upwards  of  thirty  per- 
sons eno^ao'ed  in  the  woollen  trade  in  Dublin,  who  have  become 
bankrupts  since  1821.  There  has  been,  doubtless,  an  increase  in 
the  exports  of  cottons.  The  exports  were — in  1800,  9,147  yards; 
1826,  7,793,873.  The  exports  of  cotton  from  Gre«it  Britain  were 
—In  1829,  402,517,196  yards,  value  £12,516,247,  which  will 
give  the  value  of  our  cotton  exports  at  something  less  than  a  quar- 
ter of  a  milKon — poor  substitute  for  our  linens,  which  the  province 


180  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

of  Ulster  alone  exceeded  in  value  two  millions  two  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds.  In  fact,  every  other  return  affords  unequivocal  proof 
that  the  main  sources  of  occupation  are  decisively  cut  ofl'  from  the 
main  body  of  the  population  of  this  country.  The  export  of  live 
cattle  and  of  corn  has  gTeatly  increased,  but  these  are  raw  mate- 
rial; there  is  little  more  labor  in  the  production  of  an  ox  than  the 
occupation  of  him  who  herds  and  houses  him ;  his  value  is  the 
rent  of  the  land,  the  price  of  the  grass  that  feeds  him,' while  an 
equal  value  of  cotton,  or  linen,  or  pottery,  will  require  for  its  pro- 
duction the  labor  of  many  people  for  money.  Thus  the  exports 
of  the  country  now  are  somewhat  under  the  value  of  the  exports 
thirty  years  since,  but  they  employ  nothing  like  the  number  of 
people  for  their  production  ;  employment  is  immensely  reduced — 
population  increased  three-eighths.  Thus,  in  this  transition  from 
the  state  of  a  manufacturing  population  to  an  agricultural,  a  mass 
of  misery,  poverty,  and  discontent  is  created." 

Thus  have  Mr.  Pitt's  predictions  been  verified  ;  thus  has  the  pros- 
perity of  Ireland  increased ;  thus  have  its  local  interests  been  pro- 
tected ;  and  thus  its  due  weight  and  importance,  as  a  great  mem- 
ber of  the  empire,  has  been  established  ! 

Mr.  Staunton,  in  his  able  essay — an  essay  which,  for  its  statis- 
tical information,  I  know  would  be  highly  prized  in  the  North 
— has  quoted  an  opinion  of  the  late  O'Connor  Don,  in  which  the 
weight  and  importance  of  Ireland,  as  a  great  member  of  the 
empire,  is  very  respectfully  set  forth.  The  opinion  is  simply  this — 
that  "  any  five  British  merchants  waiting  upon  the  minister,  to  urge 
on  his  -attention  any  public  subject,  would  have  more  weight  than 
the  whole  body  of  Irish  representatives." 

In  this  opinion  is  it  erroneous  to  coincide  ?  Do  you  really 
believe  that  Ireland  is  a  great  member  of  the  British  empire  ? 

You  might  as  v/ell  say  that  the  boy  Jones  was  a  great  member 
of  the  Royal  family.  He  had  no  right  to  the  privy  purse,  and  you 
have  no  claim  to  the  Imperial  exchequer.  So  you  may  boast  of 
your  English  connection,  but  you'll  get  nothing  by  it. 


SPIRIT    or    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN   EXAMPLES.  181 

Get  notliing  by  it!  No  ;  but  depend  upon  it,  you  will  lose  every- 
thing you  have  to  lose.     See  what  you  have  lost  already. 

You  have  lost  your  manufactures.  You  have  lost  your  foreign 
trade.  You  have  lost  several  public  institutions.  The  Board  of 
Customs  has  been  transferred  to  London.  So  have  the  Revenue 
and  Excise  Boards.  The  Board  of  Ordnance,  within  the  last  few 
weeks,  has  been  ordered  off.  And  is  it  not  the  fashionable  news 
of  the  day,  that  Lord  Clarendon  will  be  the  last  of  the  English 
Proconsuls,  and  that  the  Castle  will  be  given  up  to  the  Board  of 
Works,  of  whose  genius  for  mischief,  there  have  been  deposited, 
upon  every  road  in  the  country,  the  most  embarrassing  expositions  ? 

Depend  upon  this — the  English  people  love  old  England,  and,  to 
make  her  rich  and  powerful,  they  will  exact  from  you  every  treasure 
you  possess,  and  then  commit  you,  most  piously,  to  Providence  and 
your  own  resources.  Like  proper  men  of  business,  they  mind  their 
own  affairs,  and  will  not  intrust  them  to  the  Diet  of  Hungary,  or 
the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies.  And,  in  doing  so,  of  course, 
they  will  pay  very  little  attention  to  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  or  any 
other  despicable  province. 

Thus  it  is,  that  the  grant  in  aid  of  your  linen  manufacture  has 
been  withdrawn.  Thus  it  is,  that  the  grant  in  aid  of  the  deep  sea 
fisheries  has  been  withdrawn.  Thus  it  is,  that  the  protective  duties 
have  been  repealed,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrance  of  the  principal 
manufacturers  of  Ireland.  Thus  it  is,  that  for  the  reclamation  of 
your  five  million  acres  of  waste  land,  they  have  refused  to  vote  an 
adequate  advance.  Thus  it  is,  as  Mr.  Grey  Porter  has  stated,  in 
the  first  pamphlet  which  he  published,  that,  since  the  Union  Act 
came  into  operation,  only  fifteen  local  acts  have  passed  for  Ireland, 
whilst  four  hundred  and  forty-five  local  acts  have  passed  for  Great 
Britain. 

I  might  proceed  with  these  facts,  if  you  did  not  interrupt  me 
with  the  exclamation — "  look  to  Belfast,  if  you  please — we  have 
thriven  here  in  spite  of  England — the  industry  of  the  people  can 


182  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

thwart  tlie  injustice  of  the  parliament — cease  your  spouting — go 
to  work — leave  the  old  parliament  house  with  the  bankers — the 
cashier's  office  is  just  as  good  as  a  Treasury  bench — build  the  fac- 
tory— build  the  warehouse — learn  this,  that  industry  is  true  patriot- 
ism, and  that  for  a  nation  to  be  prosperous  it  must  cease  to  be 
indolent." 

]^ow.  Sir,  this  is  excellent  advice,  and  I  congratulate  Belfast 
upon  its  miraculous  exemption  from  the  ruin  in  which  every  other 
town  in  Ireland  has  been  imbedded.  Your  fate  has  been  as  singfu- 
lar  as  that  of  Robinson  Crusoe  ;  and  your  ingenuity,  in  making 
the  most  of  a  desert  island,  has  been  no  less  remarkable. 

But,  in  ascribing  the  indigence  of  the  country  to  the  indolence 
with  which  you  charge  it,  how  do  you  explain  this  fact,  that,  pre- 
vious to  the  enactment  of  the  Union,  in  thousands  of  factories  now 
closed  up,  there  were  so  many  evidences  of  an  industrious  dispo- 
sition ?  '-  " 

I  cannot  run  through  them  all — but  take  one  or  two. 

Dublin,  with  its  ninety-one  master  manufacturers  in  the  woollen 
trade,  employing  4, 9"3 8  hands;  Cork,  with  its  forty-one  employ- 
ers in  the  same  trade,  giving  employment  to  2,500  hands ;  Ban- 
don,  your  old  southern  ally,  with  its  camlet  trade,  producing 
upwards  of  £100,000  a-year;  were  these  no  proofs  of  an  active 
spirit,  seeking,  in  the  rugged  paths  of  labor,  for  that  gold  out  of 
which  a  nation  weaves  its  purple  robe,  and  moulds  its  sceptre  ? 

I  cite  those  towns — I  could  cite  a  hundred  other  towns — Lime- 
rick, Eoscrea,  Carrick-on-Suir,  Kilkenny — I  cite  them  against  the 
Union.  You  cite  Belfast,  and  because  Belfast  has  prospered,  the 
Union  must  be  maintained.      Is  that  your  argument  ? 

I  do  not  deny,  that  whilst  Belfast  has  been  industrious,  the 
other  places  I  have  mentioned  have  been  inert.  But  how  does 
this  admission  serve  the  Unionist  ?  He  admits  the  existence  of  an 
industrious  energy,  prevailing  all  through  the  country,  previous  to 
the  Union.     In  the  English  Commons,  it  was  asserted  by  Mr. 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  183 

Sheridan,  Mr.  Burclett,  and,  I  believe,  also  Mr.  Tierney.  Mr.  Pitt 
himself  bore  testimony  to  it,  but  said  there  was  room  for  improve- 
ment. What  then  ?  The  indolence  of  the  country  dates  from  the 
passing  of  the  Union  ;  and  the  fact  is  indisf)utable,  that  whilst  the 
Union  has  grown  old,  the  country  has  grown  decrepid.  How 
could  it  be  otherwise  ? 

In  the  history  of  all  nations,  you  will  find  that,  with  the  decline 
of  freedom,  the  decay  of  virtue  has  been  contemporaneous.  Re- 
strict the  powers — restrict  the  functions  of  a  nation — and  you  check 
the  passions  that  prompt  it  to  what  is  noble.  The  nation  that 
does  not  possess  the  power  to  shape  its  own  course,  will  have  no 
heart,  no  courage,  no  ambition.  Like  the  soul  in  which  a  sense 
of  immortality  has  been  suppressed,  it  will  not  look  beyond  to-day 
— it  will  do  nothing  for  the  morrow.  All  its  acts  will  be  little, 
and,  for  the  future,  it  will  have  no  generous  aspiration,  and,  there- 
fore, no  heroic  efi'ort. 

Argue  as  you  please,  the  plain  fact  is  this — a  nation  will  be 
indolent,  sluggish,  slothful,  unless  it  has  a  security  for  its  outlay, 
and  this  security  exists  solely  in  the  power  to  protect,  by  laws  and 
arms,  the  riches  which  its  industry  may  accumulate. 

Do  you  dispute  the  fact  ?     Have  you  no  faith  in  freedom  ? 

If  so,  let  the  Northern  Whig  supplant  the  gospel  of  Dungan- 
non.  Go  into  the  churchyard — write  "  fool"  upon  every  tombstone 
that  commemorates  a  Volunteer — and  thank  your  God  that  you 
live  in  an  age  of  common  sense,  Whig  philosophy,  and  starvation. 

Ay,  write  the  sarcasm  upon  the  tombstone  of  the  Volunteer, 
It  may  be  sacrilege — but  it  is  common  sense.  The  citizen  soldier 
of  1782  was  a  fool! 

He  did  not  sign  petitions  for  out-door  relief,  but  labelled  his 
gun  with  "  free  trade."  He  did  not  drive  to  the  Castle  to  beg 
"justice  for  Ireland,"  but  drew  his  sword  in  College-green  under 
the  statue  of  King  William,  took  the  oath  of  independence,  and 
compelled  the  Castle  to  do  homage  to  the  Senate.     He  insisted 


184  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

upon  a  final  settlement  between  tlie  two  countries— declared  tliat 
Ireland  should  not  be  an  integral  portion  of  a  monopolizing  empire 
— declared  that  Ireland  should  be  an  independent  sovereignty — 
and,  until  that  settlement  was  concluded,  he  "  put  his  trust  in 
God,  and  kept  his  powder  dry." 

I  am  much  mistaken  if  you  do  not  ambition  to  imitate  this 
"  fool."  I  believe  that  you  desire  to  have  this  country  occupy  an 
honorable  position,  and  that,  of  its  abilities  to  be  great,  you  have 
formed  no  mean  conception. 

But  as  I  have  already  said,  you  dread  Repeal,  which  means  the 
restoration  of  the  Constitution  of  1782,  and  you  chng  to  the  Union, 
which  is  an  abdication  of  that  Constitution — an  abdication  by 
the  country  of  all  control  over  her  resources,  her  revenue,  her 
existence. 

The  Union  Act,  you  say,  is  the  great  charter  of  Irish  Protestant- 
ism. But  has  that  charter  been  held  inviolate?  Have  those 
ancient  privileges  been  preserved,  which,  a  few  years  since,  gave 
to  Irish  Protestantism  an  authority  so  supreme  ? 

The  corporations — once  the  citadels  of  the  Williamites — have 
been  surrendered  to  the  Radicals ;  and  though,  as  yet,  the  civic 
chain  has  never  shone  as  a  trophy  upon  the  altar  of  the  Catholic, 
how  often,  let  me  ask  you,  does  it  glitter  in  the  Protestant  pew, 
for  which  its  brilliancy  has  been  so  fastidiously  reserved  ? 

The  Castle,  too,  has  slipped  from  your  hands.  The  sleek 
Catholic  slave  is  a  greater  favorite  in  that  quarter  now-a-days, 
than  an  alderman  of  Skinner's-alley.  The  Orange  flag  is  desig- 
nated by  a  Conservative  minister  the  symbol  of  vagabondism — 
your  processions  are  prohibited — and,  when  you  declaim  against 
the  spread  of  Popery,  and  pray  for  the  repeal  of  the  Emancipation 
Act,  they  knock  ten  mitres  of  the  Established  Church  into  "  king- 
dom come,"  and  vote  £20,000  a-year  to  Maynooth. 

What  say  you  now  to  the  great  charter  of  Protestant  suprema- 
cy ?     What  said  Dr.  Mamisell,  in  the  Dublin  Corporation,  in  1844, 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  185 

when  his  motion  in  favor  of  rotatory  parliaments  was  under  discus- 
sion ?  Speaking  upon  this  very  subject,  he  asked  the  following 
question : — 

"  What  is  now  the  position,  and  what  may  be  the  reasonable 
expectations  of  Irish  Protestants  ?  Two  institutions — and  two 
only — in  which  they  have  a  special  interest,  have  been  suffered  to 
remain — the  University  and  the  Church.  Now  I  ask  any  reflect- 
^ing  man  will  he  engage  that  the  Protestant  University  will  not, 
within  a  year,  be  thrown  as  a  sop  to  the  monster  of  agitation  ? 
On  this  matter,  the  handwriting  of  the  Premier  has  but  recently 
appeared  upon  the  wall.  The  question  is  no  longer  a  mooted  one  : 
•the  days  of  the  University  of  Dublin,  as  an  exclusively  or  special 
Protestant  institution,  are  numbered ;  and  I  will  again  ask,  when 
the  University  shall  have  been  sacrificed,  how  long  do  Irish  Pro- 
testants suppose  their  Church,  as  a  national  Establishment,  will 
survive  ?  Surely,  if  the  history  of  the  last  fifteen  years  be  remem- 
bered, no  one,  not  the  most  sanguine  truster  in  statesmen,  can  in 
his  sober  moments  fail  to  see  that  this  Establishment  is  already 
doomed — that  the  purses  of  the  great  English  proprietors  of  Irish 
soil  gape  for  the  remnant  of  the  patrimony  of  the  Church,  to  the 
appropriation  of  which  they  have"  already  made  a  first  step,  by 
converting  it  from  an  actual  property  in  the  land  to  a  stipendiary 
rent-charge  ?  No ;  let  no  one  hope  that  a  minister  whose  mind 
is  trained  in  manoeuvres  for  tiding  over  political  shoals  will  hesi- 
tate to  slip  these  the  two  only  remaining  anchors  of  Irish  Protes- 
tantism, as  a  national  Establishment,  if  doing  so  will  enable  -him 
to  escape  oflicial  wreck,  even  if  it  were  but  for  a  session." 

Such  were  the  prospects  of  Protestantism  in  1844;  and,  since 
then,  have  those  prospects  been  improved  ? 

Alderman  Butt  is  an  authority  upon  this  subject,  and  wherever 
integrity  is  prized,  his  opinion  must  have  weight.  At  the  second 
meeting  of  the  Irish  Council  he  delivered  a  most  powerful  speech 
upon  the  condition  of  Ireland,  and  in  alluding  to  that  establish- 
ment, of  which  he  has  been  for  so  many  years  the  gifted  cham- 
pion, he  made  the  following  remarks  : — 


186  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

"  Take  any  of  those  interests  for  wliicli  party  has  contended. 
Where  will  they  be  when  the  country  is  gone  ?  Let  us  tahe  the 
question  of  the  church  establishment — a  question,  perhaps,  which 
has  excited  much  of  angry  discussion.  I  am  one  of  those  who 
thouo'ht — I  still  think — that  the  Protestant  establishment  of  Ire- 
land  ought  to  be  maintained.  I  see  gentlemeij  in  this  room  who 
have  differed  with  me  honestly  and  sincerely,  I  am  sure,  upon  this 
question.  We  have  contended  about  this,  and  what  is  the  result  ? 
The  question  will  be  settled  without  the  decision  of  our  disputes. 
The  poor-rate  has  swallowed  up  the  income  of  the  clergy  ;  and  in. 
many  districts  the  Protestant  Church  has  suffered  that  which  you, 
its  most  determined  opponents,  never  proposed.  The  present 
incumbents  will  be  left,  by  the  operation  of  the  present  pauperism 
of  Ireland,  without  the  means  of  actual  support.  Thus,  while  we 
have  been  contending  about  the  church,  the  church  is  sharing  the 
ruin  of  the  country.  Need  I  refer  to  other  instances  to  prove  that, 
struggle  as  we  will  for  party  interests,  no  party  interest  can  survive 
our  country  ?  There  are  gentlemen  here  who  have  been  advocates 
of  the  voluntary  system — who  have  applauded  that  system,  as  car- 
ried out  in  Ireland,  in  the  support  of  the  clergy  of  the  Church  of 
Rome.  I  inquire  not  now  into  the  reasonableness  of  your  opi- 
nions ;  but  are  not  these  clergy  now  in  many  districts  reduced  to 
actual  destitution  with  the  misery  of  their  flocks  ?  What  interest, 
I  ask  again,  for  which  party  was  intended,  can  outlive  the  ruins  of 
our  native  land  ?" 

This  is  the  declaration  of  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  Irish 
Protestants.  Is  this  declaration  false,  and  do  you  still  maintain 
that  the  Union  Act  is  your  great  charter  ?  Beggary,  insult,  the 
sneers  of  English  prelates,  tithe  reductions  of  twenty  per  cent. — are 
these  your  ancient  j)rivileges  ? 

If  so,  stand  to  the  Union,  and  kiss  the  hand  that  has  given  you 
gall  and  wormwood  to  drink  !  If  so,  stand  to  the  Union,  and  be 
the  history  of  Irish  Protestantism  henceforth  the  history  of  debase- 
ment !     If  so,  stand  to  the  Union,   and  let   the  spires  of  your 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  187 

cliurches  mark  tlie  way  by  whicli  slaves  may  crawl,  like  bruised 
and  bleeding  worms,  to  the  grave  ! 

In  the  summer  of  1845  there  was  a  purer  blood  rushing  through, 
your  veins ;  and,  from  the  hills  of  the  South,  there  were  eyes  that 
strained  and  glistened — day  after  day,  from  the  rising  to  the  setting 
of  the  sun — as  they  looked  towards  that  river,  into  which  your  fore- 
fathers knocked  the  crown  of  a  craven  king,  for  there  a  splendid 
spectacle  had  been  predicted. 

Do  you  forget  the  prediction  ?  Do  you  forget  the  menace  which 
the  Evening  Mail  flung  in  the  face  of  England,  when  her  Prime 
Minister  was  warned  that  "  a  hundred  thousand  Orangemen,  with 
their  colors  flying,  might  yet  meet  a  hundred  thousand  Repealers 
on  the  banks  of  the  Boyne,  and,  on  a  field  presenting  so  many 
solemn  reminiscences  to  all,  sign  the  Magna  Charta  of  Ireland's 
independence  ?"  Why  has  that  rapturous  menace  been  with- 
drawn ? 

Repeal  would  deliver  you  into  the  hands  of  the  priests — a  penal 
code  would  exclude  the  Protestant  from  the  privileges  of  the  citi- 
zen— the  Union  has  made  him  a  beggar,  but  Repeal  would  make 
him  a  slave.  You  might  as  well  predict,  that  there  will  be  a 
Smithfield  fire  in  College-green,  and  a  Spanish  Inquisition  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  where  your  victories  of  Aughrim  and  the  Boyne 
are  worked  in  gorgeous  tapestry  upon  the  walls. 

I  say  here,  what  I  said, in  Cork — and  I  am  the  more  anxious  to 
repeat  it,  because  it  has  been  censured — I  say,  that  there  is  a  spirit 
growing  up,  amongst  the  young  Catholics  of  Ireland,  which  will 
not  bend  to  any  clerical  authority  beyond  the  sanctuary — a  spirit 
which  will  not  permit  the  priesthood  of  any  rehgion  to  hold  a 
political  power  greater  than  that  which  any  other. class  of  citizens 
possess — a  spirit  which  would  raise  the  banner  of  revolt  against 
the  pulpit,  if  the  pulpit  preached  intolerance  to  the  people — a  spirit 
which  would  level  the  altar  to  the  dust,  before  the  bigot  had  stained 
it  with  the  sacrifices  of  the  scaftbld. 


188  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Catliolic  ascendancy  !  It  is  a  gliost  that  frightens  you,  and, 
whilst  you  stand  trembhng  before  it,  the  Union,  which  is  no  ghost, 
is  playing  the  thief  behind  your  back.  The  Unionist  tells  you  not 
to  trust  the  Catholic,  and,  in  your  panic,  you  forget  who  robbed 
you  of  the  ten  mitres  and  the  corporations. 

Away  with  the  evil  counsellor !  In  Kome,  the  Jew  and  Chris- 
tian have  embraced.  There  is  a  creed  which  includes  all  other 
creeds — a  creed  common  to  the  synagogue,  the  cathedral,  and  the 
mosque.  The  genius  of  the  poor  weaver  of  Belfast,  whose  lyrics 
are  the  brightest  treasures  you  possess,  has  announced  it  to  you — 

"  And  though  ten  thousand  altars  bear 
On  each  for  Heaven  a  different  prayer, 
By  light  of  moon,  or  light  of  sun. 
At  Freedom's  we  must  all  be  one." 

This  is  the  creed  we  profess.  The  place-beggar  calls  it  "  infi- 
delity." The  place-beggar — that  figure  with  two  faces — like  the 
Marquis  of  Rockingham,  described  by  Grattan — one  face  turned 
towards  the  Treasury,  and  the  other  presented  to  the  people,  and, 
with  a  double  tongue,  speaking  contradictory  languages. 

You  disapprove  of  place-begging,  I  understand.  And  why  not  ? 
This  country  can  never  be  independent,  whilst  it  is  a  recruiting 
depot  for  the  English  Whigs,  or  any  other  English  faction,  that 
frets  and  fights  for  salary  behind  the  benches  of  St.  Stephen's. 

Orangemen  of  Ireland ! — stand  to  your  colors — keep  up  your 
anniversaries — but  do  not  damn  the  Pope  at  the  skirts  of  England. 
Burn  Guy  Fawkes,  but  in  the  flames  let  not  the  writings  of  Moly- 
neaux  be  consumed. 

Radicals  of  Ireland  ! — claim  the  ballot — claim  household  suffrage 
— claim  annual  or  triennial  parliaments — but  claim  them  from  a 
native  parliament.  Of  the  House  of  Russell  scorn  to  be  the  sup- 
pliants. Imitate,  in  this  respect,  that  nation  from  whose  corn-law 
majorities,  sugar  bill  majorities,  coercion-bill  majorities,  we  struggle 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  189 

to  emancipate  ourselves.-  Be  antagonists  in  religion — be  antago- 
nists in  the  science  of  legislation — but  combine  for  the  common 
right — combine  for  self-government. 

Is  this  absurd  ?     Is  this  impracticable  ? 

Consult  the  oracles  of  Exeter  Hall — consult  the  oracles  of  the 
Catholic.  Institute.  High  above  them  both  flies  the  ensign  of  St. 
George,  and  though  the  war  of  sects — the  battle  of  the  Bible — is 
waged  beneath,  no  hand  is  ever  raised  to  tear  it  down,  and  fling  it 
to  a  foreio;n  foe.  Interrosrate  the  cotton  lord  of  Manchester — inter- 
rogate  the  corn  monopolist  of  Newport  Pagnell — and  see  if  they 
would  not  link  their  forces — artisans  and  farmers— if  a  camp,  like 
that  of  1803,  threatening  an  invasion,  were  descried  from  the  clifls 
of  Dover. 

A  union  of  parties,  then,  in  the  name  of  national  independence, 
is  not  impracticable.  But  the  acquisition  of  indeiDcndence  is 
impossible. 

What — the  public  opinion  of  Ireland  a  feather  in  the  scales  of 
the  British  Constitution  ?  Is  that  the  conclusion  you  have  come 
to?  Have  you  tried  your  weight  at  all?  You  have  not,  and 
before  you  assert  that  you  are  not  up  to  the  mark,  you  are  bound 
to  make  the  experiment. 

In  God's  name,  then,  let  the  experiment  be  made ! 

To  raise  this  kingdom  to  the  position  of  an  independent  state, 
should  be  the  ambition  of  all  its  citizens.  Gifted,  as  she  has  been, 
with  fine  capacities  for  power,  it  is  a  crime  to  tolerate  the  influence 
by  which  those  capacities  are  restrained.  In  the  profusion  of  its 
resources,  the  will  of  Heaven,  that  this  land  should  be  blessed  with 
affluence,  has  been  nobly  signified.  Nor  have  the  intimations  of 
that  will  been  less  distinctly  traced  iti  the  character  of  its  people. 
The  generous  passion,  the  vivid  intellect,  the  rapturous  faith,  are 
visible  through  all  their  vicissitudes,  their  errors,  and  their  vices. 
For  a  destination  the  most  exalted,  we  behold,  in  every  arrange- 
ment, facilities  the  most  adequate. 


190  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Sliall  the  dispensations  of  Providence  be  contravened,  tlirougli 
tlie  timorous  inactivity  of  man  ?  In  a  sluggish  acquiescence  to 
the  sword  of  conquest  and  the  law  of  rapine,  are  we  to  witness  the 
profane  rejection  of  that  charter,  which,  through  these  dispensa- 
tions, instructs  us  to  be  free,  and  empowers  us  to  be  great  ? 

A  right  noble  philosophy  has  taught  us,  that  God  has  divided 
the  world  into  those  beautiful  systems,  called  nations,  each  of 
which,  fulfilling  its  separate  mission,  becomes  an  essential  benefit 
to  the  rest.  To  this  Divine  arrangement  will  you  alone  refuse  to 
conform,  surrendering  the  position,  renouncing  the  responsibility, 
■which  you  have  been  assigned  ?  Other  nations,  with  abilities  far 
less  eminent  than  those  which  you  possess,  having  great  difiiculties 
to  encounter,  have  obeyed  with  heroism  the  commandment  from 
which  you  have  swerved,  maintaining  that  noble  order  of  existence, 
through  which  even  the  poorest  state  becomes  an  instructive 
chapter  in  the  great  history  of  the  world. 

Shame  upon  you  !  Switzerland — without  a  colony,  without  a 
gun  upon  the  seas,  without  a  helping  hand  from  any  court  in 
Europe — has  held,  for  centuries,  her  footing  on  the  Alps — spite  of 
the  avalanche,  has  bid  her  little  territory  sustain,  in  peace  and 
plenty,  the  children  to  whom  she  has  given  birth — has  trained 
those  children  up  in  the  arts  that  contribute  most  to  the  security, 
the  joy,  the  dignity  of  life — has  taught  them  to  depend  upon 
themselves,  and  for  their  fortune  to  be  thankful  to  no  officious 
stranger — and,  though  a  blood-red  cloud  is  breaking,  even  whilst 
I  speak,  over  one  of  her  brightest  lakes,  whatever  plague  it  may 
portend,  be  assured  of  this — the  cap  of  foreign  despotism  will  never 
gleam  again  in  the  market-place  of  Altorff"! 

Shame  upon  you  !  Norway — with  her  scanty  population,  scarce 
a  million  strong — has  kept  her  flag  upon  the  Categat — has  reared 
a  race  of  gallant  sailors  to  guard  her  frozen  soil — 3'ear  after  year, 
has  nursed  upon  that  soil  a  harvest  to  which  the  Swede  can  lay 
no  claim — has  saved  her  ancient  laws,  and,  to  the  spirit  of  her 


SPIRIT    OF    THE    NORTH EUROPEAN    EXAMPLES.  191 

frank  and  hardy  sons,  commits  the  freedom  which  she  rescued 
from  the  alHed  swords,  when  they  hacked  her  crown  at  Frederick- 
stadt ! 

Shame  upon  you  !  Greece — "  whom  the  Goth,  nor  Turk,  nor 
Time,  hath  spared  not " — has  flung  the  crescent  from  the  Acropo- 
hs — has  crowned  a  king  in  Athens,  whom  she  calls  her  own — has 
taught  you  that  a  nation  should  never  die — that  not  for  an  idle 
pageant  has  the  blood  of  heroes  flowed — that  not  to  vex  a  school- 
boy's brain,  nor  smoulder  in  a  heap  of  learned  dust,  has  the  fire 
of  heaven  issued  from  the  tribune's  tongue  ! 

Shame  upon  you  !  Holland — with  the  ocean  as  her  foe — from 
the  swamp,  in  which  you  would  have  sunk  your  graves,  has  bid 
the  palace,  and  the  warehouse,  costlier  than  the  palace,  rear  their 
ponderous  shapes  above  the  waves  that  battle  at  their  base — has 
outstripped  the  merchant  of  the  Rialto — has  threatened  England 
in  the  Thames — has  swept  the  channel  with  her  broom — and 
though,  for  a  day,  she  reeled  before  the  bayonets  of  Dumouriez, 
she  sprang  to  her  feet  again,  and  with  the  cry — "  up,  up  with  the 
House  of  Orange  !" — struck  the  Tri-color  from  her  dykes  ! 

And  you — you,  who  are  eight  millions  strong — you,  who  boast 
at  every  meeting,  that  this  island  is  the  finest  which  the  sun  looks 
down  upon — you,  who  have  no  threatening  sea  to  stem,  no 
avalanche  to  dread — you,  who  say  that  you  could  shield  along 
your  coast  a  thousand  sail,  and  be  the  princes  of  a  mighty  com- 
merce— you,  who  by  the  magic  of  an  honest  hand,  beneath  each 
summer  sky,  might  cull  a  plenteous  harvest  from  your  soil,  and 
with  the  sickle  strike  away  the  scythe  of  death — you,  who  have 
no  vulgar  history  to  read — you,  who  can  trace,  from  field  to  field, 
the  evidences  of  a  civilization  older  than  the  conquest,  the  relics 
of  a  religion  more  ancient  than  the  gospel — you,  who  have  thus 
been  blessed,  thus  been  gifted,  thus  been  prompted  to  what  is 
wise,  and  generous,  and  great — you  will  make  no  effort — you  will 
whine,  and  beg,  and  skulk,  in  sores  and  rags,  upon  this  favored 


192  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

land — you  will  congregate  in  dro^Ysy  councils,  and,  when  tlie  very 
earth  is  loosening  beneath  your  feet,  respectfully  suggest  new 
clauses  and  amendments  to  some  blundering  bill — you  will  strike  the 
poor-rate — ay,  fifteen  shillings  in  the  pound  ! — you  will  mortgage 
the  last  acre  of  your  estates — you  will  bid  a  prosperous  voyage  to 
your  last  grain  of  corn — you  will  be  beggared  by  the  million — you 
will  perish  by  the  thousand — and  the  finest  island  which  the  sun 
looks  down  upon,  amid  the  jeers  and  hootings  of  the  world,  will 
blacken  into  a  plague-spot,  a  wilderness,  a  sepulchre  ! 

God  of  Heaven  !  shall  these  things  come  to  pass  ?  What  say 
you,  yeomen  of  the  North  ?  Has  the  Red  Hand  withered  ? 
Shall  the  question  be  always^  asked  at  Ihnishowen — "  has  the  time 
come  ?" — and  shall  no  heroic  voice  reply — "  it  has,  arise  ?" 

Swear  it,  that  the  time  has  come  !  Swear  it,  that  the  rule  of 
England  is  unjust,  illegal,  and  a  grievance  !  Swear  it,  that,  hence- 
forth, you  shall  have  no  lawgivers,  save  the  Queen,  the  Lords,  and 
Commons  of  the  kingdom !  Swear  it,  that,  as  you  have  been  the 
garrison  of  England  for  years,  from  this  out  you  will  be  the 
garrison  of  Ireland!  Swear  it,  that  the  flag  which  floats  next 
summer  from  the  battlements  of  Deny  shall  bear  the  inscription 
of  Dungannon  !  Swear  it,  that  you  shall  have  another  anniversary 
to  celebrate — that  another  obelisk  shall  cast  its  shadow  on  the 
Boyne — that,  hereafter,  your  children,  descending  to  that  river, 
may  say — "  this  is  to  the  memory  of  our  fathers ;  they  wei-e  proud 
of  the  victory  which  their  grandsires  won  upon  these  banks,  but 
they  ambitioned  to  achieve  a  victory  of  their  own — their  grand- 
sires  fought  and  conquered  for  a  king — our  fathers  fought  and 
conquered  for  a  nation — be  their  memories  pious,  glorious,  and 
immortal !" 


OPENING  OF  THE  GRATTAN  CLUB,  DUBLIN. 
Cluh-room,  Cumberland  st.,  Sd  November^  1847. 

Gentlemen — You  have  been  pleased  to  appoint  me  President  of 
your  Club,  and,  in  that  capacity,  I  have  now,  for  the  first  time,  the 
honor  to  address  you. 

I  will  not  say  that  I  am  grateful  for  the  distinction  you  have 
conferred  upon  me.  The  phrase  is  almost  worn  out,  and,  I  believe, 
that  with  its  true  meaning  it  has  long  since  lost  its  real  value.  A 
faithful  performance  of  the  duties  which  the  distinction  imposes 
will  prove,  much  more  effectually,  the  gratitude  I  feel. 

Whatever  be  the  issue,  I  shall,  at  least,  endeavor  to  discharge 
these  duties  well.  An  anxiety  to  promote  the  cause,  to  which  you 
have  been  so  long  devoted,  will  influence  me  no  less  strongly  than 
a  desire  to  repay  the  kindness  that  has  placed  me  in  this  very 
honorable  position. 

That  cause  is  useful,  generous,  and  great.  Prompted  by  those 
passions,  from  which  the  noblest  acts  have  sprung,  we  aspire  to  be 
citizens  of  a  free  state,  the  prosperity  of  which  shall  be  the  result 
of  its  inherent  strength,  awakened  by  a  sense  of  freedom.  Forced 
from  its  natural  position — driven  back  from  the  course  in  which  it 
was  inspired  to  move — compelled  to  work  within  the  narrow  sphere 
in  which  its  energies  have  been  cramped — crippled  beneath  the 
weight  of  a  formidable  power,  whose  will  it  must  obey,  and  for 
whose  service  alone  it  seems  privileged  to  exist — we  ambition  to 
restore  this  island  to  its  original  destination. 

To  succeed,  we  require  the  truth,  the  ictelligence,  the  heroism  of 
the  island.     These  are  the  elements  from  which  proceeds  the  moral 

9 


194  ENGLISH    LEGISLATIOX. 

power  of  a  people.  Linked  togetlier  by  one  great  thought,  tliey 
constitute  a  force  so  pure,  so  sacred,  so  divine,  that  despotism 
itself  becomes  its  worshipper — shrinking  from  the  decree  that  would 
compel  it  to  assume  another  shape — and  drive  it,  stung  and  fren- 
zied, throuo'h  the  currents  of  a  crimson  sea. 

That  the  freedom  of  our  country  is  worth  the  highest  price 
which  we  could  give — that  it  is  worth  the  blood  we  have  been 
taught  to  grudge — I  do  not  hesitate  to  say.  But,  whilst  we  have 
reason  to  believe  that,  without  this  sacrifice,  the  same  object  can 
be  attained,  it  would  not  be  just  to  spurn  these  newer  w^eapons,  in 
the  power  of  which,  by  the  wisest  reformers  of  our  day,  we  have 
been  instructed  to  confide. 

The  work,  in  which  we  are  now  engaged,  appears  to  me  a  serious 
experiment,  the  result  of  which  will  determine  the  precise  charac- 
ter of  the  P'overnment  under  which  we  live.  Such  beino-  the  nature 
of  the  experiment,  we  are  bound  to  conduct  it  with  patience,  indus- 
try, and  zeal,  that  we  may  not  have  to  blame  ourselves,  if  in  the 
perfect  realization  of  our  hopes  it  fails  to  terminate. 

If  you  have  faith  in  it,  patience  will  not  be  wanting,  l^^either 
shall  industry  nor  zeal  be  deficient.  If  you  have  no  faith  in  it — 
drop  the  experiment  at  once  !  It  will  be  an  idle  pastime,  for  which 
a  score  or  two  of  dupes  will  pay  their  gold,  and,  in  the  end,  behold 
a  bubble. 

Il^ow,  I  do  not  know  how  this  experiment  can  be  fairly  tried,  if 
you  do  not  carry  out  the  system  that  has  been  laid  down  in  the 
report  on  Organization,  adopted  by  the  Council.  I  allude,  of  course, 
to  the  system  of  the  Clubs. 

With  what  view  do  we  propose  the  formation  of  these  Clubs  ? 
Simply  this,  that  we  may  originate,  in  Ireland,  a  public  opinion  in 
favor  of  national  independence. 

Create  that  opinion — let  that  opinion  act — the  English  province 
dies — the  Irish  kingdom  reappears  !  Foreign  laws,  foreign  insti- 
tutions, may,  for  a  time,  survive.     They  cannot  last.     The  soul  has 


OPENING  OF  THE  GRATTAN  CLUB.  195 

vanished.  The  opinion  tliat  sustained  them  here — of  which  they 
were  the  evidences — of  whicli  they  were  the  agents — has  expired. 
It  has  been  succeeded  by  another,  that  demands  native  laws,  native 
institutions,  through  which  to  act.  They  must  come.  In  no  coun- 
try will  laws  prevail,  will  institutions  flourish,  that  conflict  with  the 
opinion  of  the  country. 

The  question  then  suggests  itself — does  such  an  opinion  act  in 
Ireland  ?     Yes,  my  friends,  it  has  begun  to  act. 

A  winter  whose  snow  was  purpled  with  a  tide  of  fevered  blood 
— a  spring  whose  flowers  and  blossoms  were  tainted  with  the 
vapors  of  that  tide — a  summer  whose  sun  beheld  the  putrid  tide 
subside,  and  along  its  channels  nursed  a  wondrous  harvest  into 
bloom — these  three  seasons  have  passed  away  since,  in  this  city,  a 
voice,  that  issued  from  the  people,  was  heard  to  say — "  not  by 
slaves  can  the  work  of  tyranny  be  undone — the  arm  that  strikes 
for  freedom  must  wear  no  chain  !" 

The  day  that  witnessed  the  rejection  of  your  remonstrance  will 
be  solemnized  as  a  festival  by  the  future.  To  the  birth  of  a  fi-ee 
mind  it  will  be  for  ever  sacred. 

The  creed  of  liberty  is  seldom  preached  from  the  high  places  of 
the  land.  The  apostle,  commissioned  to  announce  it,  descends  not 
from  the  palace  steps,  in  velvet  vestments,  fragrant  with  mvrrh 
and  frankincense,  glittering  with  gold  and  precious  stones.  Issuing 
from  the  workshop,  the  hut,  the  field — he  goes  forth,  arrayed  in  the 
rough  garb  of  labor,  speaking,  not  from  books  and  parchment,  but 
uttering  the  thoughts  that  stir  his  soul  within — uttering  them  with 
the  tongue  which  the  hand  of  God  has  loosened. 

The  tame  society  he  comes  to  waken  into  heroism,  for  a  day 
will  scout  him  as  an  idiot — in  dismal  synagogues  will  curse  him  as 
a  fiend — from  rude  tribunals  will  call  him  "  murderer."  The  sneer, 
the  curse,  the  lie,  are  all  in  vain.  The  fire  which  the  idiot,  in  his 
ravings,  flung  across  the  island,  has  lit  a  thousand  fires — his  mad- 
ness has  been  contagious — and  they  who  would  check  the  desperate 


196  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

insanity,  must  have  tlie  power  whicli  the  crowned  blasphemer  con- 
fessed he  had  not.  when  he  smote  the  waters  of  the  Hellespont. 

Such  has  been,  in  every  land,  the  history  of  freedom,  and  in 
ours  it  will  not  be  written  otherwise. 

Men  will  exclaim,  wdiat !  has  freedom  been  withheld  from  you 
so  long  ?  Do  twelve  moons  only  mark  its  progress  here  ?  What 
of  him  who  died  in  Genoa  ?  What  say  you  of  that  stormy  year 
in  which  the  citizen  of  Paris  foretold  a  July  brighter  than  his  own  ? 

This  we  say,  that  until  now  the  people  moved  not  from  convic- 
tion, but  from  credulity.  Blind  and  dumb,  they  saw  not,  neither 
did  they  speak.  Freedom  was  to  them  a  mystery.  They  wor- 
shipped— but  they  did  not  understand.  They  were  ready  for 
everything — anything — nothing.  Hurl  the  defiance — they  bounded 
to  the  brink  of  destruction !  Court  the  alliance  of  the  Whigs — ^*' 
they  shrunk  back  to  Federalism  ! 

Such  a  people  have  no  true  power,  and  whatever  spell-word  glit- 
ters on  their  banner — be  it  Justice — be  it  Freedom — they  are 
slaves — their  toil  is  drudgery — their  destiny  ignoble.  Mind  alone 
gives  power.  Mind  alone  ennobles  toil.  Mind  alone  can  free  a 
nation,  and  give  it  greatness. 

"  Thought  makes  man  to  dust  superior, 
And  he,  alone,  is  thoughtful  souled, 
Who  ponders,  in  his  heart's  interior, 
Whatever  shape  his  hand  maj  mould."  / 

/ 
Faith  should  be  reserved  for  God.  Should  a  mortal  seek  it,:  say 
to  him — "  when  you  stay  the  torrent  with  a  threat — when  you 
drive  the  lightning  back  to  its  prison  in  the  cloud — when  you  set 
another  star  in  Heaven — you  shall  have  our  faith,  but  not  till  then 
— no  man  shall  have  the  tribute  which  God  alone  can  claim." 

Had  this  been  our  language  long  since,  we  would  not  now 
reveal  the  weakness  that  compels  us  to  starve  and  shiver  in  thp 
face  of  Europe. 


OPENING  OF  THE  GRATTAN  CLUB.  197 

See  the  cause  of  it. 

We  believed  one  man  omnipotent.  The  belief  seduced  us  into 
indolence,  ignorance,  cowardice.  We  left  that  one  strong  man  to 
think,  to  act,  to  dare.  We  folded  our  arms — indulged  in  gossip — 
waited  for  the  issue.  Thus  the  country  lost  its  vitality,  and  became, 
what  we  now  behold  it,  an  unresisting  prey  to  famine.  A  people 
whose  trust  is  in  the  labors  of  a  single  life,  will  not  survive  that 
life.     The  same  tomb  chronicles  the  decease  of  both. 

"  Mr.  Pitt,  the  only  man  to  save  the  country  " — this  was  the 
exclamation  of  Sheridan  in  the  debate  upon  the  French  war — "  Mr. 
Pitt,  the  only  man  to  save  the  country !  No  one  man  can  save 
the  country.  The  nation  that  depends  for  its  safety  upon  one  man, 
cannot,  and,  I  will  add,  ought,  not  to  be  saved." 

This  is  the  doctrine  to  which  we  cling,  and,  knowing  it  to  be  the 
truth,  we  are  opposed  to  the  centralization  of  political  power.  No 
leadership,  by  inheritance  or  otherwise.  No  tribunitian  dynasty. 
No  despotism  by  committee.  Equality  in  the  Forum !  That  is 
our  (decree.  It  condemns  the  old  system  of  Irish  politics — a  sys- 
tem of  monopoly  and  dictatorship. 

What  say  we  ? 

This  we  say — D'Olier  street  shall  have  no  absolute  command — 
D'Olier  street  shall  not  rule  Dublin.  Every  vote,  act,  project  of 
the  Council,  must  be  canvassed  by  the  people.  Organized  into 
sections,  sitting  in  your  respective  Clubs,  it  will  be  easy  for  you  to 
do  so.  Hence  the  Council  will  be  held  responsible  to  the  people. 
Hence,  while  the  Council  advise,  the  people  will  ratify.  Hence 
the  Council  will  become,  what  the  head  department  of  every 
political  association  should  be,  the  exponent  of  the  public  mind — 
the  executor  of  the  public  will.  When  the  Corn  Exchange  was 
the  Tuilleries  of  Ireland,  we  had  the  old  French  system  here  which 
Lamartine  describes — "  nothing  mounted  from  the  people,  every 
thing  descended  from  the  king."     This  system  must  be  completely 


198  ENaLISH    LEGISLATION. 

upset.  "  The  source  of  all  legitimate  power  "  must  be  something 
more  than  a  toast  at  five-shilHng  banquets,  for  the  future. 

In  speaking  thus,  of  course,  you  do  not  imagine  that  I  confine 
my  view  to  Dublin.  As  D'Olier  street  must  not  rule  Dublin,  so 
Dublin  must  not  rule  Ireland.  By.this  I  mean,  that  the  opinion 
of  Cork,  of  Limerick,  of  Belfast — the  opinion  of  every  town  where 
a  Confederate  Club  has  been  established — must  have  the  same 
weight  with  the  Council  as  that  of  Dublin. 

What  will  be  the  result  ?  Each  locality  will  then  feel  that  it 
has  an  equal  interest  in  the  movement — proudly  feel  that  it  is  not 
the  mere  tributary  of  a  central  power,  but  an  independent  ally, 
acting  of  its  own  free  will,  and  acting  with  authority. 

Accomplish  this — see  the  force  you  bring  to  bear  against  the 
Union.  In  every  division  of  the  kingdom,  municipal,  parochial, 
or  otherwise,  you  plant  a  garrison  sw^orn  to  its  destruction.  Dis- 
cij^lined  in  those  schools,  the  young  mind  of  the  kingdom  will 
become  an  active  enemy  to  foreign  rule — be  taught  the  rights  of 
citizernship,  its  duties,  its  capacities — be  taught  those  arts,  those 
virtues,  those  ideas,  from  the  cultivation  of  which  an  inferior  peo- 
ple become  great,  and  a  great  people  become  supreme. 

Thus,  at  last,  will  the  country  recover  its  vitality.  "  Instead  of 
a  determination  of  political  power  to  the  head  " — as  the  editor  of 
the  Limei'ick  Re^porter  w^ell  and  eloquently  remarks — "  the  circu- 
lation W'ill  be  distributed,  and  the  vital  action,  thus  equalized  and 
balanced,  will  diffuse  health  and  vigor  through  every  limb."  This 
city  will  cease  to  be  the  solitary  index  of  the  national  spirit.  Not 
one,  but  a  thousand  flags,  will  indicate  its  progress  and  its  power. 

The  national  cause  will  then,  indeed,  be  safe.  The  Secession 
will  have  become  a  Victory.  The  independence  of  the  country 
will  be  guaranteed  by  the  independence  of  its  mind. 

The  names  of  those  who  have  done  most  to  serve  our  country 
have  been  given  to  the   Confederate  Clubs.     When  every  artifice 


OPENING  OF  THE  GRATTAN  CLUB.  199 

has  been  in  play  to  reconcile  us  to  debasement,  it  is  well  to  recall, 
by  these  vivid  outlines  of  our  history,  the  memories  that  bid  us,  in 
spite  of  all  its  errors  and  disasters,  be  proud  of  Ireland. 

Whilst  these  English  uniforms  glitter  in  our  streets,  our  concert- 
rooms,  our  theatre — vt^hilst  the  Irish  green  is  banned,  and  every 
slave  that  sculls  a  boat  for  English  pay  may  call  it  a  seditious  rag 
— whilst,  in  this  city,  a  class  of  scented  idlers  exist,  who  have  been 
taught  at  Castle-balls,  in  barrack  mess-rooms,  and  elsewhere,  to 
sneer  at  Irish  liberty,  and  say  good  things  about  our  beggary — it 
is  wise  and  virtuous  to  revive,  as  we  do  by  the  title  of  this  Club, 
the  recollection  of  that  period  when  a  more  accomplished,  a 
wealthier,  a  prouder  society  than  that  which  now  sips  its  sweets 
and  flaunts  its  fashions  in  the  Irish  Capital,  disdained  to  play  the 
sycophant  to  English  power — the  period  when,  in  the  highest,  the 
very  highest  circles,  to  be  an  Irish  gentleman  was  to  be  an  Irish 
patriot. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Grattan  Club,  I  congratulate  you  upon  the 
name  you  bear.  In  our  changeful  sky — where  so  many  glories,  at 
sudden  intervals,  succeed  the  eclipse  and  the  storm — where  crim- 
son clouds,  for  years  and  years,  float  over  a  wilderness  of  martyrs' 
graves,  and  from  the  red  grass  catch  their  fearful  hue — where  sun- 
shine comes,  by  fits  and  starts,  chasing  those  clouds  away,  and,  for 
a  season,  warms  the  shivering  soil  below  into  fruitfulness  and  joy 
— in  this,  our  changeful  sky,  we  call  that  name  "  our  brightest 
star." 

In  the  morning  of  that  day,  when  our  cathedral  bells,  amid 
the  roar  of  cannon,  proclaimed  the  birth  of  Irish  Freedom,  that 
jstar  was  burning  high  above  the  Senate  house.  A  nation  in  arms 
halted,  looked  up,  and  blessed  the  beautiful  prediction  of  a  glo- 
rious day. 

It  was  a  glorious  day ! — a  day  in  which  centuries  of  shame  and 
ruin  were  blotted  out — a  day  in  which,  with  a  rapid  energy,  a 
wretched  colony  sprung  into  the  proportions  of  a  nation — becoming, 


200  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

in  the  lano-uaofe  of  its  orator,  the  rival  of  the  ancient  common 
wealths. 

A  day  of  a  few  hours  only  ! 

A  night — darker  than  that  which  fell  upon  the  land  of  Egypt, 
when  the  Israelite  stretched  forth  his  hand  to  heaven,  and  no  man 
knew  his  brother — came  quickly  down.  Yet  high  above  the 
Senate  house,  the  star  still  shone — keeping  there  its  appointed 
watch — looking  down  upon  the  island  of  whose  deliverance  it  had 
been  the  herald — "  faithful  to  her  freedom,  faithful  to  her  fall." 

In  that  Hall — where,  in  the  presence  of  the  students  of  our 
ancient  University — in  the  presence  of  the  peers  and  peeresses  of 
the  Kingdom — the  Irish  Commoners,  with  swords  upon  their 
thighs,  had  pledged  their  fortunes  and  their  lives  that  no  English 
law  should  be  obeyed  in  Ireland — the  solemn  oath,  the  splendid 
ceremony,  the  faith,  the  chivalry,  the  genius  of  the  Revolution, 
were  that  night  forsworn. 

Noble  and  learned  highwaymen,  called  ministers — right-honor- 
able and  learned  slaves,  barristers  and  red-coats  by  profession — 
perjurers  by  trade — these,  with  a  retinue  of  "  ayes," — amongst 
whom,  when  the  Senate  House  was  sacked,  a  heap  of  coronets  and 
borough  prices  would  be  parcelled  out — these  criminals  entered 
there  that  night,  to  do  the  work  of  conquest,  and  they  did  it  with 
impunity.  An  English  regiment  lined  the  colonnade — Napper 
Tandy  was  in  exile — the  guns  of  the  Leinster  Volunteers  were 
spiked — Wolfe  Tone  had  bled  to  death  in  shackles — in  vain  did 
Curran,  leaning  against  one  of  the  stately  pillars  of  the  portico, 
ask  the  "  rebel"  who  stood  beside  him — "  where  are  now  your 
300,000  men?" 

The  brilliant  pen  that  traced  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Irish  na- 
tion, has  left  us  the  following  description  of  that  niglit : — 

"  At  length  the  expected  moment  arrived  ;  the  order  of  the  day 
for  the  third  reading  of  the  bill  for  a  Legislative  Union  between 
Great   Britain    and    Ireland,  was   moved   by   Lord  Castlereagh ; 


OrENING  or  THE  GRATTAN  CLUB.  201 

unvaried,  tame,  cold-blooded,  the  words  seemed  broken  as  tliey 
issued  from  his  lips ;  and,  as  if  a  simple  citizen  of  the  world,  he 
seemed  to  have  no  sensation  on  the  subject. 

"  At  that  moment,  he  had  no  country  ;  no  god  but  his  ambition  ; 
he  made  his  motion,  and  resumed  his  seat,  with  the  utmost  com- 
posure and  indifference. 

"  The  speaker  rose  slowly  from  that  chair  which  had  been  the 
proud  source  of  his  honors  and  of  his  high  character ;  for  a  mo- 
ment he  resumed  his  seat,  but  the  strength  of  his  mind  sustained 
him  in  his  duty,  though  his  struggle  was  apparent.  With  that 
dignity  which  never  failed  to  signalize  his  official  actions,  he  held  up 
the  bill  for  a  moment  in  silence,  and  looked  steadily  around  him  on 
the  last  agony  of  the  expiring  parliament.  He  at  length  repeated, 
in  an  emphatic  tone,  '  as  many  as  are  of  opinion  that  this  bill  do 
pass,  say  Aye.'  The  affirmative  was  languid,  but  indisputable ; 
another  momentary  pause  ensued,  again  his  lips  seemed  to  decline 
their  office ;  at  length,  with  an  eye  averted  from  the  object  he 
hated,  he  proclaimed  with  a  subdued  voice , — '  the  Ayes  have  it  P 
The  fatal  sentence  was  now  pronounced — for  an  instant  he  stood 
statue-like ;  then  indignant,  and  with  disgust,  flung  the  bill  upon 
the  table,  and  sunk  into  the  chair,  with  an  exhausted  spirit.  An 
independent  country  was  thus  degraded  into  a  province.  Ireland 
as  a  nation  was  thus  extinguished !" 

Extinguished — not  for  ever  ! 

To  the  Abbey  of  Westminster,  on  the  Yth  June,  1820,  the  sena- 
tors and  statesmen  of  England  bore  the  remains  of  Henry  Grattan, 
and  there — amidst  the  princes,  the  poets,  the  warriors  of  the 
empire,  of  w^hich,  in  the  prime  of  manhood,  he  had  been  the  con- 
queror— they  solemnly  repose. 

Not  so  with  the  truths  of  which  he  had  been  the  mighty  oracle. 
Handed  down  from  generation  to  generation — coming  to  us 
through  a  crowd  of  perils — the  war  of  creeds,  the  intrigues  of 
party,  the  pangs  of  famine — they  have  become  the  testament,  the 
instruction,  the  inspiration  of  the  Present. 

AVho  have  sworn  to  defend  these  truths,  and  build  for  them  a 

9* 


202  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

tabernacle,  round  which  all  creeds  may  worship  ?  Citizens  whose 
greatest  crime  is  youth,  who,  scorning  the  vulgarities  and  vices  of 
a  jDolitical  system  that  is  based  upon  ignorance  and  submission, 
would  have  the  nation  resume  the  prerogative  of  free  will,  and 
advance  to  greatness  by  the  power  of  intellect. 

I  stand  here  amongst  the  boldest  of  them,  and  I  say — be  bolder 
still !  Keep  the  name  of  "  infidels."  Keep  the  name  of  "  anar- 
chists." Keep  the  name  of  "  murderers."  Exult  in  the  infamy 
your  love  of  truth  has  won.  Scorn  to  explain  away  the  guilt 
your  fidelity  to  freedom  has  incurred.  Disdain  to  crave  security 
from  the  vengeance  which  your  disloyalty  to  despotism  has 
provoked.  Go  out  amongst  people,  and  say  to  them — "  now 
our  day  has  come — now  will  we  live — live  for  ourselves — not 
as  the  pall-bearers  of  a  funeral,  but  as  the  upholders  of  our  age 
— now  are  we  come,  and  w^e  shall  put  our  own  interpretation 
upon  acts,  and,  moreover,  our  own  acts  for  interpretation." 


POLICY  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION. 

Pillar  Room^  Rotunda,  Dublin,  ith  February,  1848. 

[On  the  ^th  January,  1848,  Mr.  John  Mitchel  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  the  Editor  of  the  Nation, 

**  8  Ontario  Terrace,  Eathmines,  'Zth  Jan.  1848. 

"Dear  Duffy, — If  the  public  has  any  curiosity  (of  which  I  have  seen  no 
syraptom)  to  know  why  I  renounced  connexion  with  the  Nation — or  if  you 
desire,  on  your  own  account,  that  a  statement  of  my  reasons  and  motives 
should  appear — I  will  make  the  statement  shortly,  and  you  can  do  as  you 
please  with  it. 

"  Our  differences  of  opinion,  as  you  well  know,  are  not  a  matter  of 
yesterday.  For  some  months  past,  I  have  found  myself  preelvided  from 
speaking  to  the  public  through  the  Nation,  with  that  full  freedom  and 
boldness  which  I  had  formerly  used,  by  objections  and  remonstrances  from 
you,  to  the  effect,  that  what  I  wrote  was  '  seditious '  or  '  impolitic'  This 
kind  of  restriction,  slight  and  casual  at  first,  became  gradually  more  con- 
stant and  annoying ;  and  that,  while  the  times  demanded,  in  my  opinion, 
more  and  more  unmitigated  plain  speaking,  as  to  the  actual  relation  of 
Ireland  towards  the  English  government,  and  the  real  designs  of  that 
Government  against  the  lives  and  properties  of  Irishmen. 

"The  failure  of  the  'Irish  Council,'  the  hurried  calling  together  of  the 
English  Parliament,  the  bill  for  disarming  the  Irish  people,  and  the  horrid 
delight  with  which  that  bill  was  hailed  by  the  landlords  of  this  country — 
these  things  rapidly  brought  our  differences  to  an  issue.  The  effect 
wrought  upon  me  by  all  the  events  I  saw  passing,  was  a  thorough  convic- 
tion that  Irish  landlords  had  finally  taken  their  side  against  the  people, 
and /or  the  foreign  enemy — that  all  the  symptoms  of  landlord  'nationality,' 
which  had  deluded  us  into  the  'Irish  Council,'  and  had  kept  us  so  long 
vainly  wooing  the  aristocracy  into  the  ranks  of  their  countrymen,  were  a 
deliberate  fraud — were,  in  fact,  a  demonstration  intended  to  act  iipon  the 


204  "  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

English — and  that  the  disarming  bill  was  the  first  fruit  of  a  new  and  more 
strict  alliance  between  traitors  at  home  and  foes  abroad. 

"I  desired  to  saj  all  this  to  the  people  plainly.  I  desired  to  point  out 
to  them  that  this  infamous  bill,  falsely  entitled — '  for  the  Prevention  of 
Crime,'  was  merely  an  engine  to  crush  Tenant  Eight,  and  all  other  popular 
right,  and  to  enable  the  landlords  to  eject,  distrain,  and  exterminate  in 
peace  and  security.  I  desired  to  preach  to  them,  that  every  farmer  in 
Ireland  has  a  right  to  his  land  in  perpetuity  (let  'Law'  say  as  it  will) — that 
no  landlord  who  denies  that  right  ought  to  receive  any  rent — that  Tenant- 
Right,  however,  though  the  universal  right  of  all  Irish  farmers,  never  had 
been,  and  never  would  be  recognised  or  secured  by  English  law — that 
there  was  and  will  be  no  other  way  of  establishing  and  securing  that  right, 
except,  as  in  Ulster,  by  successful  intimidation,  that  is  to  say,  by  the  deter- 
mined public  opinion  of  armed  men — that,  therefore,  the  power  calling  itself 
a  '  Government,'  which  called  on  the  people  of  Ireland  to  dehver  up  their 
arms,  under  any  pretext,  must  be  the  mortal  enemy  of  that  people,  their 
rights,  their  liberties,  and  their  lives.  I  desired  to  warn  my  countrymen 
accordingly,  that  if  they  should  carry  their  guns  to  the  police  stations, 
T/hen  ordered  by  Lord  Clarendon,  they  would  be  putting  weapons  into  the 
hands  of  their  deadly  foes,  and  committing  virtual  suicide.  I  desired  to 
preach  to  them  that  the  country  is  actually  in  a  state  of  war — a  war  of 
'  property '  against  poverty — a  war  of  '  law '  against  life  ;  and  that  their 
safety  l&y,  not  in  trusting  to  any  laws  or  legislation  of  the  enemies'  Par- 
liament, but  solely  in  their  determination  to  stand  upon  their  own  indi- 
vidual rights,  defend  those  to  the  last,  and  sell  their  lives  and  lands  as  dear 
as  they  could. 

'"I  desired  also  to  show  that  the  neWPoor  Law,  enacted  under  pretence 
of  relieving  the  destitute,  was  really  intended,  and  is  calculated  to  increase 
and  deepen  the  pauperism  of  the  country — to  break  down  the  farmers,  as 
well  as  the  landlords,  by  degrees,  and  uproot  them  gradually  from  the  soil, 
so  as  to  make  the  lands  of  Ireland  pass  (unencumbered  by  excessive  popu- 
lation) into  the  hands  of  English  capitalists,  and  under  the  more  absolute 
sway  of  English  government.  In  short,  I  wished  to  make  them  recognise 
in  the  Poor  Law,  what  it  really  is — an  elaborate  machinery  for  making 
final  conquest  of  Ireland  by  '  laAV.'  I  therefore  urged,  from  the  first,  that 
this  law  ought  to  be  resisted  and  defeated — that  Guardians  ought  not  to 
act  under  it,  but  in  defiance  of  it — that  Pv.ate  payers  ought  to  offer  steady 
and  deliberate  passive  resistance  to  it — and  that  every  district  ought  to 


POLICY    OF    THE    CONFEDERATION.  205 

organize  some  voluntary  mode  of  relieving  its  own  poor ;  and  for  this  pur- 
pose, as  well  as  to  stop  the  traffic  with  England,  that  the  people  should 
determine  to  suffer  no  grain  or  cattle  to  leave  the  country. 

**  With  reference  to  the  future  direction  which  should  be  given  to  the 
energies  of  the  country,  and  of  the  Irish  Confederation,  I  desired,  in  the 
first  place,  once  for  all,  to  turn  men's  minds  away  from  the  English  Parlia- 
ment, and  from  parliamentary  and  constitutional  agitation  of  all  kinds.  I 
have  made  up  my  mind  that,  inasmuch  as  the  mass  of  the  people  have  no 
franchises,  and  are  not  likely  to  get  any ;  and  inasmuch  as  the  constituen- 
cies, being  very  small,  very  poor,  and  growing  smaller  and  poorer  continu- 
ally, are  so  easily  gained  over  by  corruption  and  bribery ;  and  inasmuch  as 
any  combination  of  the  'gentry'  with  the  people  is  now  and  henceforth 
impossible — that,  for  all  these  reasons,  any  organization  for  parliamentary 
or  constitutional  action,  v/ould  be  merely  throwing  away  time  and  strength, 
and  ensuring  our  own  perpetual  defeat.  Therefore,  I  desired  that  the 
Nation  and  the  Confederation  should  rather  employ  themselves  in  promul- 
gating sound  instruction  upon  military  affairs — upon  the  natural  lines  of 
defence  which  make  the  island  so  strong,  and  the  method  of  making  those 
available — upon  the  construction  and  defence  of  field-works,  and  especially 
upon  the  use  of  proper  arms — not  with  a  view  to  any  immediate  insurrec- 
tion, but  in  order  that  the  stupid  'legal  and  constitutional '  shouting,  voticsr, 
and  '  agitating '  that  have  made  our  country  an  abomination  to  the  whole 
earth,  should  be  changed  into  a  deliberate  study  of  the  theory  and 
practice  of  guerilla  warfare ;  and  that  the  true  and  only  method  of 
regenerating  Ireland,  might,  in  course  of  time,  recommend  itself  to  a 
nation  so  long  abused  and  deluded  by  '  legal '  humbug. 

"  These  are  my  doctrines — and  these  are  what  I  wished  to  enforce  in  the 
Nation.  I  knew  that  it  would  be  '  illegal '  to  do  so.  I  knew  that  it  would 
subject  you,  as  proprietor  of  that  paper,  to  prosecutions  for  'sedition,'  &q. 
I  knew,  besides,  that  your  own  views  did  not  at  all  agree  with  mine ;  and 
I  could  not  assuredly  expect  you  to  incur  legal  risks  for  the  sake  of  pro- 
mulgating another  man's  opinions.  Therefore,  when  I  found — wliich  I  did 
during  the  progress  of  the  Coercion  bill — that  no  one  journal  could  possibly 
represent  two  sets  of  opinions  so  very  incompatible  as  yours  and  mine ; 
and  when  you  informed  me  that  the  columns  of  the  Nation  should  no 
longer  be  open  even  to  such  a  modified  and  subdued  exposition  of  my 
doctrines  as  they  had  heretofore  been,  I  at  once  removed  all  difficulty, 


206  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

hj  ending  the  connexion  which  had  subsisted  between  us  more  than  two 
years. 

"  I  have  not  entered  into  any  details  of  the  difficulties  and  disagreements 
that  preceded  this  final  step ;  but  I  cannot  avoid  mentioning  the  circum- 
stance that,  during  the  last  week  of  my  connexion  with  the  Nation,  you 
felt  it  necessary  to  suppress  a  portion  of  a  speech  delivered  by  me  in  the 
Irish  Confederation,  which  you  considered  seditious  and  impolitic.  I  do 
not  impugn  your  motives  for  this ;  but,  if  there  had  been  no  oLlier  I'eason 
urging  me  to  the  course  I  have  taken,  this  alone  would  have  been  enough 
to  make  me  resolve  on  never  writing  another  line  in  the  Nation.  I  am 
bound  to  add,  that  I  did  not  discover  the  fact  of  this  suppression  until  the 
next  morning  after  I  had  closed  my  connexion  with  the  Nation ;  so  that  it 
did  not  actually  influence  me,  though  it  fvilly  justifies  me  in  what  I  have 
done. 

"  In  this  letter,  you  will  obseiwe  that  I  have  not  attempted  to  describe 
or  characterize  your  opinions.  I  leave  that  to  yourself.  You  have  the 
Nation  at  your  command,  and  have  had  five  opportunities  of  expounding 
your  own  policy  since  I  had  one.  It  is  enough  to  say,  that  the  present 
policy  of  the  Nation  does  not  suit  me.  If  you  pubHsh  this,  I  hope  there 
will  be  no  possibility  of  any  future  misrepresentations  and  vague  rumors 
about  the  causes  of  our  differences,  such  as  you  say  are  current. 
"  I  remain,  faithfully  yours, 

"John  Mitchel." 

As  will  be  seen  from  this  letter,  Mr.  Mitchel  had  for  some  time  been 
strongly  impressed  with  the  inutility  of  the  endeavors  of  the  Confederation, 
to  effect  a  combination  of  classes ;  that  is,  a  union  of  the  landlords  with 
the  tenants,  the  aristocracy  with  the  trading  class  ;  and  had  become  con- 
vinced that,  such  being  the  case,  it  was  worse  than  useless  to  seek  for 
the  establishment  of  a  native  Legislature  by  means  understood  to  be 
purely  legal.  He  was  one  of  those  who  had  generously  and  confidingly 
anticipated  great  things  from  the  meeting  held  in  January,  1847,  by  the 
nobility  and  landlords  of  Ireland.  The  Irish  Council,  which,  after  an 
interval  of  a  few  months,  succeeded  this  meeting,  and  might  be  considered 
its  permanent  representative,  received  from  Mr.  Mitchel  the  heartiest 
support.  The  first  meeting  of  the  Irish  Council  was  held  on  the  1st  of 
June,    ISi*?.       The   leading    persons    attending    represented    all   shades 


POLICY  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.  207 

of  politics.  Sir  Colman  O'Loghlen  brought  tip  a  report  of  the  com- 
mittee, which,  nftev-  alluding  to  the  meeting  of  "Peers,  Commoners, 
and  landed  proprietors,"  in  January,  and  the  confident  hope  that 
the  Irish  representatives  in  Parliament  would  take  advantage  of 
that  authoritative  exposition  of  the  sense  of  the  nation,  and  by  their 
zeal,  ability,  and  unanimity,  force  upon  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  the 
calamity  under  which  the  country  suffered,  said — "  That  hope  has  been 
totally  disappointed."  The  Irish  Council  was  formed  on  a  more  extensive 
plan  than  the  Reproductive  Employment  Committee,  "  to  combine  Irish- 
men of  every  grade  and  section  of  opinion — to  watch  over  and  assert  the 
rights  and  interests  of  our  common  country — to  mirror  its  wants  and 
wishes — to  create,  foster  and  develope,  a  sound  Irish  public  opinion." 
They  recognised  the  ''fullest  freedom  of  discussion" — no  member  being 
compromised  by  the  expressions  of  another.  The  condition  and  ameliora- 
tion of  the  laboring  classes,  Native  Industry,  and  the  encouragement  of 
Irish  Manufacture,  the  Relief  Measures,  Tenant-right,  and  other  topics  of 
national  interest  were  considered  by  the  Irish  Council — in  the  discussion  of 
all  of  which,  Mr.  Mitehel  entered  warmly,  and  on  the  last  named  was 
especially  prominent.  He  condemned,  as  useless,  the  system  of  "  report- 
ing "  incessantly  to  the  British  parliament.  "Let  those  who  have  great 
faith,"  said  Mr.  Mitehel,  (Irish  Council,  June  15th)  "go  on  making  these 
demands,  and  urging  these  claims,  session  after  session,  realizing  nothing  by 
their  urgency  except  insult  and  gross  vituperation.  To  any  one  who  has 
read  the  debates  in  parliament,  and  read  any  English  newspapers  for  some 
months  back,  it  must  appear  almost  ridiculous  to  find  an  assembly  of 
Irishmen  now,  in  the  summer  of  1847,  once  more  submitting  to  parliament 
its  views  about  making  the  famine  an  imperial  question — about  voting 
more  grants  and  loans  of  what  is  called  in  England  British  money.  *  *  * 
Does  any  human  being  suppose  that  if  you  made  the  justice  of  Ireland's 
claim  as  clear  as  the  sun,  that  parliament  would  acknowledge  it?  *  *  *  If 
the  maxim  that  the  property  of  Ireland  must  support  the  poverty  of  Ire- 
land is  indeed  to  be  acted  on  for  the  future,  as  assuredly  it  wiU  be,  as  I 
think  it  ought  to  be,  why  then  it  is  high  time  for  us  to  see  what  property 
we  have,  to  take  account  of  our  national  resources,  to  consider  well  how 
they  may  be  made  available,  economised,  and  distributed."  In  a  disciission 
arising  out  of  the  Poor  Law,  29th  of  June,  Mr.  Mitehel  expressed  himself 
as  convinced,  that  in  order  to  feed  a  people — all  the  people — and  that  well, 
they  need  not  develope  any  new  resources — they  had  only  to  use  those 


208  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

already  developed,  instead  of  suffering  others  to  e  them.  *'A  member 
of  the  Council,  Mr.  Butt,  in  his  lectures  at  Trinity  College,  said  that 
Ireland  sends  every  year  to  England  a  subsidy — that  was  the  word — 
a  subsidy  of  certain  millions  of  money  in  the  shape  of  food,  *  *  *  and 
surely  before  we  discuss  measures  to  develope  our  resources  of  wealth  still 
further,  it  was  reasonable  to  begin  considering  how  we  were  to  use  the 
wealth  we  had  already."  On  the  Tenant-right  question,  Mr.  Mitchel  took 
a  deep  interest  and  prominent  position.  He  expounded  that  measure 
clearly  and  ably  in  the  Irish  Council  (Nov.  6th),  but  the  resolution  he 
introduced  relative  to  the  establishment  of  that  system,  was  defeated 
by  a  majority  of  two.  In  all  the  proceedings  of  this  body  he  took 
a  most  active  and  earnest  part,  but  to  no  purpose.  He  found  they 
would  not  go  beyond  a  certain  distance,  and,  in  fact,  hardly  do  anything 
except  comment  on  the  bills  passing  through  Parliament.  More  than 
this,  here  they  were,  as  a  body,  opposed  to  the  only  measure  which  would 
confer  on  the  Irish  people  stability  of  happiness  and  prosperity — the 
Tenant-right.  All  this  time,  the  effect  of  a  two  years  famine — the 
callous  demeanor  of  the  government  during  its  progress,  and  the  threaten- 
ing horror  of  affairs  close  at  hand,  forced  upon  Mr.  Mitchel  the  strong 
conviction,  that  whatever  was  to  be  done  to  save  the  people  should  be 
speedily  done.  Any  further  attempts  .  at  "  conciliation  "  he  considered  a 
criminal  waste  of  time.  To  confirm  these  convictions,  came  the  coercion 
bill.  On  the  29th  November,  Sir  George  Grey's'motion  in  the  House  of 
Commons  for  leave  to  bring  in  this  bill  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  224  ayes, 
against  18  noes.  In  making  this  motion.  Sir  George  Grey  said  "it  was 
not  enough  to  eradicate  the  disease  (Agrarian  crime),  they  should 
apply  themselves  to  the  symptoms.  The  disorders  of  Ireland  were 
deep-rooted,  and  required  the  application  of  measures  to  meet  the  exigency 
to  which  they  gave  rise.  In  applying  the  remedies  called  for,  he  never 
could  consent  to  transfer,  as  some  proposed,  the  rights  of  the  landlord  to 
the  tenant."  Lord  Barnard  would  have  preferred  a  stronger  measure, 
believing  that  it  would  be  better  temporarily  to  outrage  the  constitution, 
should  that  be  necessary,  than  to  permit  the  present  state  of  things  in 
Ireland  to  continue.  Mr.  "Wakley  proposing  an  amendment  to  the  effect — 
"That  it  was  not  just  to  the  people  of  Ireland  to  enact  any  coercive  law, 
without  at  the  same  time  enacting  measures  for  their  permanent  relief;" 
Mr.  M.  J,  O'Connell  desired  that  Mr.  Wakley  should  withdraw  his  amend- 
ment,  and  voted  for  Sir  G.  Grey's  motion.     In  the  Lords,   the  Duke  of 


rOLICY    OF    THE    CONFEDERATION.  209 

Riclimond  "hoped  that  the  government,  if  they  found  their  powers  not 
strong  enough,  would,  without  hesitation,  ask  for  roore."  On  the  second 
reading,  Mr.  Grattan  gave  it  his  "  strongest  support."  Mr.  R.  Dillon  Browne 
"supported  it  because  it  did  not  go  too  far."  On  the  13th  of  December 
the  bill  passed.  It  was  notoriously  brought  in  on  the  strongest  recommenda- 
tion of,  as  it  was  notoriously  supported  by,  the  Irish  landlords.  Mr.  Mitchel, 
ill  the  Confederation  (Dec.  1st),  speaking  on  this  bill,  reminded  the 
"sham-Repeal  orators"  of  their  faith  in  the  Whigs,  who  promised  on 
coming  into  power  their  "  twelve  beneficial  measures — extended  franchise — 
reformed  corporations — ^generous  landlord  and  tenant-right,  <fec.,  for  Ire- 
land, &c."  "There  has  been  nothing,"  said  Mr.  Mitchel,  "to  prevent  or 
delay  all  that  beneficial  legislation  we  heard  so  much  of.  There  has  been 
DO  lack  of  patience  and  quietness — far  too  much  patience  and  quietness — 
unmanly,  unchristian,  inhuman  patience  and  quietness.  *  *  *  From  one 
end  of  the  island  to  the  other  they  (tlie  Whig  Ministers),  have  dug  the 
public  highways  into  trenches  and  pit-falls.  They  have  looked  on  at 
landlord  exterminations,  far  more  sweeping  than  which  scandalised  them 
while  in  opposition — they  have  helped  the  extermination  themselves  by 
their  mode  of  administering  relief  in  the  famine — they  have  swept  the 
small  farmers  by  tens  of  thousands  off  their  farms  to  the  public  works ; 
and  then,  upon  a  signal  from  London,  those  said  public  worlds  have 
^isgorged  in  one  day  seventy  thousand,  in  another  day  a  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  famishing  and  homeless  men,  and  cast  them  forth  upon 
the  wide  world  to  beg,  or  rob,  or  perish,  as  they  might.  And  now  men 
are  amazed  that  the  land  is  stained  with  crime.  But  that  was  not  all :  for 
all  this  time  landlords  were  enforcing  what  are  called  in  parliament  their 
legal  rights — that  is  to  say,  making  the  land,  notwithstanding  the  blight 
upon  its  produce,  pay  them  their  rents  as  usual,  ay,  though  the  tenant 
should  go  home  that  night  to  his  family  with  no  provision  between  him 
and  death  but  a  stamped  receipt — and  the  liberal  ministers,  the  enlightened, 
well-intentioned  ministers,  looked  on  at  all  this  for  eighteen  weary  mouths, 
pretending  they  were  governing  the  country;  until  now,  when  one-eighth  of 
our  people  have  perished  by  the  most  hideous  of  deaths,  and  most  of  the 
survivors  are  in  a  life-and-death  struggle  for  the  residue  of  the  food  that 
English  greediness  has  spared  them — when  tlie  poor  rates  and  tlfc  land- 
lords together  are  engaged  in  clearing,  as  Ireland  was  never  cleared  before; 
and  there  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  wretched  paupers  who  have  not 
where  to  lay  their  heads;    it  seems  there  is  crime,  and  outrage,  and  blood-. 


210  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

sL.ed ;  some  few  of  the  able-bodied  paupers  have  turned  out  able-bodied 
robbers — red-handed  murderers,  as  might  have  been  expected;  and  these 
amiable  Whig  statesmen,  in  this  age  of  what  they  call  enlightenment  and 
human  progress ;  these  men,  so  profound  in  sanitary  condition  of  towns, 
so  far  before  the  rest  of  the  world  in  political  economy,  and  general 
benevolism,  have  jiothing  to  propose  for  the  good  government  of  Ireland 
but  the  old  and  well-known  remedies  of  the  bayonet,  the  jail,  and  the 
gibbet."  On  the  15th  of  December,  a  resolution  denunciatory  of  the 
coercion  bill  was  passed  in  the  Irish  Confederation.  Mr.  Mitchel's  letter 
of  January  'Zth,  as  well  might  be  imagined,  excited  the  strongest 
interest.  In  the  views  expressed  in  that  letter,  Mr.  Devin  Reilly,  who  had 
been  one  of  the  principal  writers  of  the  Nation,  concurred,  and  in  a  letter 
to  the  Freeman^ s  Journal,  put  his  sentiments  on  record.  Mr.  Reilly,  in  two 
letters  to  the  Irish  Council,  had  expressed  himself  boldly  on  the  effects  of 
inaction  during  the  crisis,  and  pointed  out  the  necessity  which  these 
results  entailed.  In  one  of  those  letters  (Sept.  29th),  he  says — "  xind  while 
the  landlords  make  their  first  attempts  on  life  and  property,  see  you  not 
even  now  the  tenantry  and  laboring  classes  gathering  themselves*  up  for 
defence  ?  These  disjointed  and  spasmodic  movements  in  the  Iforth,  South, 
and  centre — in  Cork,  Derry,  Monaghan,  and  Ti2:)perary — have  other  things 
in  them  than  senseless  jabber,  or  'legal'  and  'constitutional'  resolutions. 
That  is  not  their  meaning  or  their  purpose.  You  know  it  is  not,  though 
they  cannot  rightly  tell  what  is.  It  is  «,nything  but  their  meaning.  Some 
thought  is  in  them,  swaying  them,  tossing  them,  which  as  yet  they  cannot 
utter.  Indistinct  notions  of  rights,  duties,  powers,  are  agitating  the  tenantry 
of  Ireland.  For  a  time  they  may  be  foiled,  as  at  Holycross — they  may 
again  essay  to  speak  what  is  in  them,  to  give  their  thoughts  shape,  to  give 
their  purpose  action,  and  may  fail  again.  But  if  these  seizures  and 
evictions  continue  much  longer,  they,  the  persecuted,  the  exacted,  the 
robbed,  loill  find  a  mouthpiece.  Some  man  will  lift  the  curtain  from  their 
souls,  and  show  them  there  what  they  really  think  and  mean.  And  the 
thought  and  purpose  will  find  an  utterance  there  which  will  make  you 
and  the  very  island  tremble."  Pointing  out  the  iindetermined  position,  or 
want  of  position,  rather,  of  the  Irish  Council,  he  said — "  If  the  landlords 
of  Irelaiid  make  their  existence  incomj)atible  with  the  lives  of  the  people, 
every  one  of  us  must  choose  either  to  fall  with  the  landlords  or  live  with 
the  people.  When  it  comes  to  that  you  can  take  no  medium  course — you 
cannot  continue  silent  and  inactive — you  cannot  stand  between  parties. 


POLICY    OF    THE    CONFEDERATIOX.  211 

Thej  will  crush  jou  in  the  collision — ay !  crush  you  into  dust,  -were  you 
a  bulwarli  of  adamant."  Recapitulating  his  belief,  he  came  to  this  con- 
clusion, that — "  Unless  you  (the  Irish  Council),  or  some  body  or  man  in 
your  stead,  or  this  people  itself,  make  some  great  self-exertion  for  its  own 
protection,  during  the  coming  year,  another  famine  is  inevitable."  Mr. 
Reilly,  for  the  same  reasons  as  Mr.  Mitchel,  also  withdrew  from  the  Nation. 
Upon  the  publication .  of  their  letters,  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  deemed  it 
advisable  that  it  should  be  clearly  ascertained  and  made  known,  whether 
the  Confederation,  as  a  body,  adopted  their  sentiments  or  not ;  for  one,  he 
(Mr.  O'Brien)  had  not  abandoned  the  hope  of  seeing  all  classes  united,  and 
under  these  circumstances  he  submitted  the  following  resolution  which 
had  already  been  sanctioned  by  a  majority  of  the  Council  of  Confedera- 
tion: — "That  inasmuch  as  letters  published  by  two  members  of  this 
Council  have  brought  into  question  the  principles  of  the  Irish  Confedera- 
tion, and  have  given  rise  to  an  imputation  that  we  are  desirous  to  produce 
a  general  disorganization  of  society  in  this  country  and  to  overthrow  social 
order,  we  deem  it  right  again  to  place  before  the  public  the  following 
fundamental  rule  as  that  which  constitutes  the  basis  of  action  proposed  to 
our  fellow-countrymen  by  the  Irish  Confederation : — Rule,  That  a  society 
be  now  formed  under  the  title  of  "  The  Irish  Confederation,"  for  the 
purpose  of  protecting  our  national  interests,  and  obtaining  the  legislative 
independence  of  Ireland,  by  the  force  of  opinion,  by  the  combination  of  all 
classes  of  Irishmen,  and  the  exercise  of  all  the  political,  social,  and  moral 
influences  within  our  reach."  A  debate  ensued  which  lasted  three  nights, 
and  terminated  in  the  adoption  of  the  resolution,] 

Sir,  I  beg  leave  to  say  a  few  words  upon  the  question  before  the 
chair. 

They  shall  be  very  few,  for  I  find  myself  engaged  in  this  debate 
•quite  unexpectedly.  I  arrived  from  England  at  a  late  hour  this 
morning,  and  it  was  not  until  my  arrival  here  that  I  was  made 
acquainted  with  the  proceedings  of  the  last  two  evenings.  Such 
being  the  case,  I  now  speak  under  very  unfavorable  circumstances, 
for  I  speak  without  that  preparation  which  the  importance  of  the 
question  requires. 

Previous  to  my  going  into  the  question  at  issue,  however,  I  beo- 


212  '  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

to  express — and  I  do  so  sincerely — the  same  sentiment  as  that  to 
whicli  Mr.  Eeilly,  in  the  commencement  of  bis  speech,  gave  utter- 
ance. I  trust  that  we  who  are  about  to  conclude  this  discussion, 
may  not,  by  any  mishap,  disturb  the  good  feelings  that  have  pre- 
vailed all  through  it ;  and  I  fervently  pray,  that,  in  this  conflict  of 
opinions,  we  shall  preserve  those  feelings  which  have  so  long 
united  us  in  a  sincere  and  devoted  companionship. 

Now,  as  to  the  question  before  us,  I  think  that  Mr.  Mitch  el  has 
brought  it,  most  conveniently  for  me,  into  the  smallest  possible 
space.  The  real  question,  he  says,  we  have  to  decide  is,  whether 
we  are  to  keep  to  the  old  system  of  agitation  or  not. 

Precisely  so.  We  have  to  decide  nothing  less,  and  nothing 
more  than  this — whether  "  constitutional  agitation"  is  to  be  given 
up,  or  to  be  sustained.  This  is  the  one,  simple  point  that  we  are  to 
determine ;  for,  upon  all  other  points,  connected  with  the  policy 
and  action  of  the  Confederation,  there  appears  to  be,  amongst  us 
all,  the  most  perfect  concurrence  of  opinion. 

At  all  events — whatever  decision  you  may  come  to — with  regard 
to  the  utility  of  our  pursuing,  any  further,  what  is  commonly 
understood  to  be  a  constitutional  course  of  action — I  believe  that, 
by  this  time,  we  have  become  quite  agreed,  that  all  this  vague 
talk  about  a  "  crisis  is  at  hand" — "  shouts  of  defiance" — "  Louis 
Philippe  is  upwards  of  seventy" — "  France  remembers  Waterloo" 
— "  the  first  gun  fired  in  Europe" — all  this  obscure  babble — all  this 
meaningless  mysticism — must  be  swept  away.  Ten  thousand 
guns  fired  in  Europe,  would  announce  no  glad  tidings  to  you,  if 
their  lightning  flashed  upon  you  in  a  state  of  disorganization  and 
incertitude. 

Sir,  I  knaw  of  no  nation  that  has  won  its  independence  by 
an  accident. 

Trust  blindly  to  the  future — wait  for  the  tide  in  the  afl^airs  of 
men,  which,  taken  at  the  flood,  may  lead  to  fortune — envelope 
yourselves  in  mist — leave  everything  to  chance — and  be  assured 


POLICY    OF    THE    CONFEDERATION".  213 

of  this,  tlie  most  propitious  opportunities  will  rise  and  pass  away, 
leaving  you  still  to  chance — masters  of  no  weapons — scholars  of 
no  science — incompetent  to  decide — irresolute  to  act — powerless 
to  achieve. 

This  was  the  great  error  of  the  Repeal  Association.  From  a 
labyrinth,  of  difficulties,  there  was  no  avenue  opened  to  success. 
The  people  were  kept  within  this  labyrinth — tliey  moved  round 
and  round — backward  and  forward — there  was  perpetual  motion, 
but  no  advance. 

In  the  like  bewilderment  are  you  content  to  wander,  until  a  sign 
appears  in  heaven,  and  the  mystery  is  disentangled  by  a  miracle  ? 
Have  you  no  clear  intelligence  to  direct  you  to  the  right  path,  and 
do  you  fear  to  trust  your  footsteps  to  the  guidance  of  that  mind 
with,  which  you  have  been  gifted  ?  Do  you  prefer  to  substitute  a 
driftless  superstition,  instead  of  a  determined  system — groping  and 
fumbling  after  possibilities,  in  place  of  seizing  the  positive  agencies 
within  your  reach  ?  This,  indeed,  would  be  a  blind  renunciation 
of  your  powers,  and  thus,  indeed,  the  virtue  you  prize  so  justly — 
the  virtue  of  self-reliance — would  be  extinguished  in  you. 

To  this  you  will  not  consent.  You  have  too  sure  a  confidence 
in  the  resources  you  possess,  to  leave  to  cliance  what  you  can 
accomplish  by  design. 

A  deliberate  plan  of  action  is,  then,  essential — something  posi- 
tive— something  definite. 

Now,  there  are  but  two  plans  for  our  consideration — the  one, 
within  the  law — the  other,  without  the  law. 

Let  us  take  the  latter.  I  will,  then,  ask  you — is  an  insurrection 
practicable  ?  Prove  to  me  that  it  is,  and  I,  for  one,  will  vote  for 
it  this  very  night. 

You  know  well,  my  friends,  tliat  I  am  not  one  of  those  tame 
moralists  who  say  that  liberty  is  not  worth  a  drop  of  blood.  Men 
who  subscribe  to  such  a  maxim  are  fit  for  out-door  relief,  and  for 
nothing  better.     Against  this  miserable  maxim,  the  noblest  virtue, 


214  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

that  has  served  and  sanctified  humanity,  appears  in  judgment. 
From  the  blue  waters  of  the  bay  of  Salamis — from  the  valley,  over 
which  the  sun  stood  still,  and  lit  the  Israelite  to  victory — from  the 
cathedral,  in  which  the  sword  of  Poland  has  been  sheathed  in  the 
shroud  of  Kosciusko — from  the  convent  of  St.  Isidore,  where  the 
fiery  hand,  that  rent  the  ensign  of  St.  George  upon  the  plains  of 
Ulster,  has  crumbled  into  dust — from  the  sands  of  the  desert, 
where  the  wild  genius  of  the  Algerine  so  long  has  scared  the 
eagle  of  the  Pryenees- — from  the  ducal  palace  in  this  kingdom, 
where  the  memory  of  the  gallant  Geraldine  enhances,  more  than 
royal  favor,  the  nobility  of  his  race — from  the  solitary  grave 
which,  within  this  mute^  city,  a  dying  request  has  left  without  an 
epitaph — oh !  from  every  spot  where  heroism  has  had  a  sacrifice 
or  a  triumph,  a  voice  breaks  in  upon  the  cringing  crowd  that 
cheers  this  wretched  maxim,  crying  out — "  away  with  it,  away 
with  it !" 

Would  to  God  that  we  could  take  every  barrack  in  the  island 
this  night,  and  with  our  blood  purchase  back  the  independence  of 
our  country ! 

It  is  not,  then,  a  pedantic  reverence  for  common  law — it  is  not 
a  senseless  devotion  to  a  diadem  and  sceptre — it  is  not  a  whining 
solicitude  for  the  ^^reservation  of  the  species — that  dictates  the  vote 
I  give  this  night  in  favor  of  a  strictly  legal  movement.  I  do  so, 
not  from  choice,  but  from  necessit}^ 

I  support  this  policy,  not  from  choice,  but  from  necessity.  My 
strongest  feelings  are  in  favor  of  the  policy  advised  by  Mr.  Mitchel. 
It  is  a  policy  which  calls  forth  the  noblest  passions — kindles 
genius,  generosity,  heroism — is  far  removed  from  the  tricks  and 
crimes  of  politics — for  the  young,  the  gallant,  and  the  good,  it  has 
the  most  powerful  attractions. 

In  the  history  of  this  kingdom,  the  names  that  burn  above  the 
dust  and  desolation  of  the  past — like  the  lamps  in  the  old  sepul- 
chres of  Rome — shed  their  glory  round  the  principles,  of  which  a 


POLICY    OF   THE    CONFEDERATION,  215 

deep  conviction  of  our  weakness  compels  me  this  night  to  he  the 
Opponent.  And  in  being  their  opponent,  I  almost  blush  to  think, 
that  the  voice  of  one  whose  influence  is  felt  through  this  struggle 
more  powerfully  than  any  other,  and  whose  noble  lyrics  will  bid 
our  cause  to  live  for  ever — I  almost  blush  to  think,  that  this  voice, 
which  speaks  to  us  in  these  glorious  lines — 

"And  the  beckoning  angels  win  you  on,  with  many  a  radiant  vision, 
Up  the  thorny  path  to  glory,  where  man  receives  his  crown — " 

should  be  disobeyed,  and  that,  for  a  time  at  least,  we  must  plod 
on  in  the  old  course,  until  we  acquire  strength,  and  discipline,  and 
skill — discipline  to  steady,  skill  to  direct,  strength  to  enforce  the 
will  of  a  united  nation. 

Just  look,  for  a  moment,  to  our  position.  To  an  insurrectionary 
movement,  the  priesthood  are  opposed.  To  an  insurrectionary 
movement,  the  middle  classes  are  opposed.  To  an  insurrectionary 
movement,  the  aristocracy  are  opposed.  To  give  eflect  to  this 
opposition,  50,000  men,  equipped  and  paid  by  England,  occupy 
the  country  at  this  moment. 

Who,  then,  are  for  it  ? 

The  mechanic  and  the  peasant  classes,  we  are  told.  These 
classes,  you  tell  us,  have  lost  all  faith  in  legal  agencies,  and, 
through  suck  agencies,  despair  of  the  slightest  exemption  from 
their  suflering.  Stung  to  madness — day  from  day  gazing  upon 
the  wreck  and  devastation  that  surround  them,  until  the  brain 
whirls  like  a  ball  of  fire — they  see  but  one  red  pathway,  lined 
with  gibbets  and  hedged  with  bayonets,  leading  to  deliverance. 

But  will  that  pathway  lead  them  to  deliverance  ?  Have  these 
classes,  upon  whom  alone  you  now  rely,  the  power  to  sweep,  like 
a  torrent,  through  that  pathway,  dashing  aside  the  tremendous 
obstacles  which  confront  them  ? 

You  know  they  have  not.  Without  discipline,  without  arms, 
without  food — beggared  by  the  law,  starved  by  the  law,  diseased 


216  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

by  the  law,  demoralized  by.  the  law — opposed  to   tbe  migbt  of 
England,  they  would  have  the  weakness  of  a  vapor. 

This  you  admit.  For  what  do  you  maintain  ?  You  maintain 
that  an  immediate  insurrection  is  not  designed.  Well,  then,  you 
confess  your  weakness  ;  and,  then,  let  me  ask  you,  what  becomes 
of  the  objection  you  urge  against  the  policy  we  propose  ? 

The  country  cannot  afford  to  wait  until  legal  means  have  been 
fully  tested — that  is  your  objection.  And  yet,  you  yourselves  will 
not  urge  an  immediate  movement — you  will  not  deal  with  the 
disease  upon  the  spot — you  will  permit  it  to  take  its  course — your 
remedy  is  remote.  Thus,  it  appears,  there  is  delay  in  both  cases— 
so,  upon  this  question  of  time,  we  are  entitled  to  pair  off. 

But,  at  no  time,  you  assert,  will  legal  means  prevail — public 
opinion  is  nonsense — constitutional  agitation  is  a  downright 
delusion. 

Tell  me,  then,  was  it  an  understanding,  when  we  founded  the 
Irish  Confederation  this  time  twelvemonth,  that  if  public  opinion 
failed  to  Repeal  the  Act  of  Union  in  a  year,  at  the  end  of  the  year 
"  public  opinion  "  should  be  scouted  as  a  "  humbug  ?"  "When 
you  established  this  Confederation  in  January,  1847 — when  you 
set  up  for  yourselves — did  you  agree  with  "  public  opinion  "  for  a 
year  only  ?  Was  that  the  agreement,  and  will  you  now  serve  it 
with  a  notice  to  quit  ? 

If  so,  take  my  advice  and  break  up  your  establishment  at  once. 
You  have  no  other  alternative,  for  the  house  will  fall  to  pieces  with 
a  servant  of  more  unruly  propensities. 

After  all,  look  to  your  great  argument  against  the  continuance 
of  a  parliamentary  or  constitutional  movement.  The  constituencies 
are  corrupt — they  will  not  return  virtuous  representatives — the 
tree  shall  be  known  by  its  fruits  !  The  constituencies  are  knaves, 
perjurers,  cowards,  on  the  hustings — they  will  be  chevaliers,  sans 
jyeur  et  sans  rei^roclie^  within  the  trenches.  The  Thersites  of  the 
polling-booth,  will  be  the  Achilles  of  the  bivouac ! 


POLICY    OF    THE.  CONFEDERATION-.  2l7 

Your  argument  comes  to  tliis,  that  the  constituencies  of  Ireland 
will  be  saved  "  so  as  by  fire  " — tliey  will  acquire  morality  in  the 
shooting  gallery — and  in  the  art  of  fortification,  they  will  learn 
the  path  to  paradise. 

These  constituencies  constitute  the  elite  of  the  aemocracy  ;  and 
is  it  3^ou,  who  stand  up  for  the  democracy,  that  urge  this  argu- 
ment ?  To  be  purified  and  saved,  do  you  decree  that  the  nation 
must  writhe  in  the  agonies  of  a  desperate  circumcision  ?  Has  it 
not  felt  the  knife  long  since  ?  And  if  its  salvation  depended  upon 
the  flow  of  blood,  has  it  not  poured  out  torrents,  deep  enough 
and  swift  enough,  to  earn  the  blessing  long  before  our  day  ? 
Spend  no  more  until  you  are  certain  of  the  purchase. 

Nor  do  I  w^ish  that  this  movement  should  be  a  mere  democratic 
movement.  I  desire  that  it  should  continue  to  be,  what  it  has 
been,  a  national  movement — a  movement  not  of  any  one  class, 
but  of  all  classes.  Narrow  it  to  one  class — decide  that  it  shall  be 
a  democratic  movement,  and  nothing  else — what  then  ?  You 
augment  the  power  that  is  opposed  to  you — the  revolution  will 
provoke  a  counter-revolution. — Paris  will  be  attacked  by  the 
Emigrants,  as  well  as  by  the  Austrians. 

You  attach  little  importance  to  the  instance  cited  by  Mr.  Ross — 
Poland  is  no  warning  to  you.  The  Polish  peasants  cut  the  throats 
of  the  Polish  nobles,  and  before  the  Vistula  had  washed  away  the 
blood,  the  free  city  of  Cracow  was  proclaimed  a  dungeon.  So 
much  for  the  war  of  classes. 

But,  there  is  the  French  revolution — the  revolution  of  Mirabeau, 
of  La  Fayette,  of  Vergniaud.  There,  you  say,  is  democracy,  tri- 
umphant against  the  aristocracy,  winning  the  libei-ty  of  the  nation. 

How  long  did  that  triumph  last  ? 

Madame  de  Genlis  took  the  present  King  of  France,  when  he 
was  only  eighteen  years  of  age,  to  see  the  ruins  of  the  Bastile. 
Did  the  son  of  Philippe  Egalite  learn  the  law  of  liberty  from 
those  great  fragments,  upon  which  the  fierce  hand  of  the  French 

10 


218  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

democracy  had  left  its  curse  ?  He  learnt  a  very  different  lesson — 
lie  learnt  to  rebuild  tlie  prison — be  learnt  to  plant  bis  throne 
within  the  circle  of  a  hundred  bastiles — and  it  is  thus  that  the 
democracy  of  the  revolution  has  triumphed. 

No  ;  I  am  not  for  a  democratic,  I  am  for  a  national  movement — 
not  for  a  movement  like  that  of  Paris  in  17 93,  but  for  a  move- 
ment like  that  of  Brussels  in  1830 — like  that  of  Palermo  in  1848. 

Should  you  think  differently,  say  so. 

If  you  are  weary  of  this  "  constitutional  movement " — if  you 
despair  of  this  "  combination  of  classes  " — declare  so  boldh^,  and 
let  this  night  terminate  the  career  of  the  Irish  Confederation. 

Do  not  spare  the  Confederation,  if  you  have  lost  all  hope  in 
constitutional  exertion.  If  you  despair  of  the  middle  classes  and 
the  aristocracy,  vote  its  extinction — renounce  the  principles  you 
have  so  long  maintained — precipitate  yourselves  into  an  abyss,  the 
depth  of  which  you  know  not — and  let  the  world  witness  the 
spectacle  of  your  death — a  death  which  shall  be  ignominious,  for 
it  shall  have  been  self-designed  and  self-inflicted. 

Yet,  upon  the  brink  of  this  abyss,  listen,  for  a  moment,  to  the 
voice  which  speaks  to  you  from  the  vaults  of  Mount  Saint  Jerome ; 
and  if  you  distrust  the  advice  of  the  friend  who  now  addresses 
you — one  who  has  done  something  to  assist  you,  and  who,  I 
believe,  has  not  been  unfaithful  to  you  in  some  moments  of  diffi- 
culty, and,  perhaps,  of  danger — if  you  distrust  him,  listen,  at  least, 
to  the  voice  of  one  who  has  been  carried  to  his  grave  amid  the 
tears  and  prayers  of  all  classes  of  his  countrymen,  and  of  whose 
courage  and  whose  truth  there  has  never  yet  been  uttered  the 
slightest  doubt : — 

"Be  bold,  but  wise — be  brave,  but  sober — patient,  earnest, 
striving,  and  untiring.  You  have  sworn  to  be  temperate  for  your 
comfort  here  and  your  well-being  hereafter.  Be  temperate  now 
for  the  honor,  the  hap]  iness,  the  immortality  of  your  country — 
act  trustfully  and  truthfully  one  to  another — watch,  wait,  and 
leave  the  rest  to  God." 


WATERFORD  ELECTION. 

Court  House ^  Waterford^  2^th  February^  1848. 

[A  vacanej  occurred  in  the  representation  of  Waterford — Mr.  Daniel 
O'Connell,  junior,  one  of  the  members  returned  at  the  last  general  election, 
having  resigned  his  seat,  "  Three  candidates  appeared.  Mr.  Patrick 
Costello,  as  the  nominee  of  Conciliation  Hall,  was  supported  by  the  priests, 
the  great  majority  of  the  Corporation,  and  their  numerous  dependents  and 
admirers.  Sir  Henry  Winston  Barron,  Bart.,  a  Whig-Liberal,  was 
supported  by  the  Whigs,  the  Conservatives,  and  a  miscellaneous  collection 
of  neutrals.     Mr.  Meagher  published  the  following  Address  : — 

"to  the  electors  of  the  city  of  wateeford. 

"Fellow-Citizens: — I  ask  you  to  select  me  as  the  representative  of  your 
opinions,  in  the  British  Parliament. 

"The  grounds  upon  which  I  seek  the  trust  are  these  :  I  shall  not  meddle 
with  English  affairs — I  shall  take  no  part  in  the  strife  of  parties — all 
factions  are  alike  to  me.  I  shall  go  to  the  English  House  of  Commons,  to 
insist  upon  the  right  of  this  country  to  be  held,  governed,  and  defended  by 
its  own  citizens,  and  by  them  alone. 

"Whilst  I  live,  1  shall  never  rest  satisfied  until  the  kingdom  of  Ireland 
has  won  a  Parliament,  an  Army,  and  a  Navy  of  her  own.  These  institu- 
tions are  the  surest  sources  of  prosperity,  as  they  are  the  sole  guarantees 
of  freedom.  At  all  times,  and  at  all  risks,  I  shall  be  prepared  to  assert 
this  right. 

"I  shall  strive  to  command  respect  for  my  country,  not  more  by  my 
votes  and  services,  than  by  my  independence.  I  shall  neither  be  the  slave 
nor  the  partisan  of  any  English  government.  If  any  one  expect  through 
me  a  personal  favor  from  such  a  Government,  let  him  not  vote  for  me.  I 
never  shall  have  to  blush  for  an  obligation  to  the  enemies  of  my  country. 

"As  I  maintain  that  the  chief  end  of  our  struggle  should  be  the  perfect 
independence  of  our  country,  so  I  feel  that  Irish  liberty  must  be  for  all  the 


220  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Irish  people,  undistinguished  from  one  another,  each  sect  and  class  unfet- 
tered, and  all  equal.  I  shall  mahe  no  pledge  for  equality  hereafter.  I 
insist  upon  it  now.  Let  us  be  brothers  in  the  struggle,  as  we  hope  to  be 
brothers  in  the  triumph.  Let  us  practise  toleration,  instead  of  preach- 
ing it. 

"  Of  other  things,  I  shall  not  speak — petty  ameliorations — instalments 
of  justice — scraps  of  government  patronage.  If  these  things  mingle  in  the 
burnino-  hopes  of  the  nation,  the  day  for  Ireland  has  not  yet  arrived,  and 
I  shall  wait  for  other  men  and  other  times. 

"But  if  your  thirst  be,  what  I  hope  it  is,  for  the  pure  and  living  waters, 
and  if  you  think  that  my  youth  and  strength,  my  glory  here  and  hope 
hereafter,  would  inspire  my  efforts  to  realize  your  wishes,  every  personal 
objection  to  me  will  disappear.  You  will  pledge  your  trust  to  my  truth, 
and  that  obligation  will,  by  its  own  holiness,  compel  me  to  fulfil  it. 
"  I  remain  your  devoted  servant  and  fellow-citizen, 

"  Thomas  Francis  Meagher." 

Mr.  Meagher  was  supported  by  a  minority  of  the  electors,  but  had  tlie 
enthusiastic  sympathy  and  co-operation  of  the  great  unfranchised  body  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  The  contest  terminated  in  the  return  of  Sir  Henry 
Winston  Barron.J 

Mr.  Sheriff  and  Gentlemen,  electors  of  the  city  of  Waterford — 
I  stand  before  you  convicted  of  a  most  serious  crime.  I  have 
claimed  the  representation  of  my  native  city;  and,  my  opponents 
tell  me,  I  have  claimed  it  with  an  effrontery  which  can  never  be 
forgiven. 

I,  who  have  stretched  out  my  hand  to  the  Orangemen  of  Ulster, 
and  from  that  spot,  where  the  banner  of  King  James  was  rent  by 
the  sword  of  William,  have  passionately  prayed  for  the  extinction 
of  those  feuds  which  have  been  transmitted  to  us  throuc^h  the  ran- 
corous  blood  of  five  generations — I,  who  have  presumed  to  say, 
that  the  God,  by  w^hose  will  I  breathe,  has  given  to  me  a  mind 
that  should  not  cringe  and  crawl  along  the  earth,  but  should  expand 
and  soar,  and,  in  the  rapture  of  its  free  will,  exultingly  pursue  its 
own  career — I,  who  have  dared  to  assert  the  sovereignty  of  this 


WATERFORD    ELECTION.  221 

mind,  and,  ambitious  to  preserve  in  it  the  inheritance  I  had  from 
Heaven,  disdained  to  be  the  slave  of  one,  whom,  were  it  not  an 
impious  perversion  of  the  noblest  gift  of  God,  it  might  have  been 
no  ignominy  to  serve — I,  who  have  been  spurned  from  the  hearse 
of  the  Catholic  Emancipator,  and  am  stained  with  the  blood  which 
his  retinue,  with  such  a  decent  resentment,  have  filched  from  his 
coffin,  and  dashed  in  my  face — I,  who  have  rushed  through  this 
career  of  infamy,  and  have  thus  been  soiled  and  branded,  dare 
to  stand  here  this  day,  and  claim,  through  your  suffrages,  an 
admission  to  the  senate  of  Empire  ! 

This  act  of  mine  is  without  a  parallel  in  the  records  of  the  most 
intemperate  presumption — has  been  so  described  by  those  eminent 
politicians  of  our  city,  who  so  long  have  swayed  its  destinies  to 
their  own  account. 

Should  their  censure  fail  to  extinguish  me,  is  there  not,  in  other 
quarters,  an  envious  ability  at  work  with  which  I  have  not  strength 
sufficient  to  compete  ?  Has  not  the  Loyal,  National,  Repeal  Asso- 
ciation declared  against  me  ?  And  is  it  possible — possible  ! — that 
you  will  be  so  seditious  as  to  spurn  this  attempt  to  tamper  with 
your  votes  ? 

What,  then,  inspires  me  to  proceed  ? 

Against  this  .sea  of  troubles,  what  strength  have  I  to  beat  my 
way  towards  that  bold  headland,  upon  which  I  have  sworn  to 
plant  the  flag  I  have  rescued  from  the  wreck  ? 

Weak,  reckless,  bewildered  youth  ! — with  those  clouds  breaking 
above  my  head — with  those  cries  of  vengeance  ringing  in  my  ears 
— what  sign  of  hope  glitters  along  the  waters  ? 

There  is  a  sign  of  hope — the  people  are  standing  on  that  head- 
land, and  they  beckon  me  to  advance  ! 

Yes,  the  people  are  with  me  in  this  struggle,  and  it  is  this  that 
gives  nerve  to  my  arm,  and  passion  to  my  heart.  Whilst  they  are 
with  me,  I  will  face  the  worst — I  can  defy  the  boldest — I  may 
despise  the  proudest. 


222  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

You  who  oppose  me,  look  to  the  generous  and  impetuous  crowd, 
in  the  heart  of  which  I  w^as  borne  to  the  steps  of  this  hall ;  and 
tell  me — in  that  crowd,  do  you  not  find  something  more  than  an 
apology  for  the  crime  of  which,  in  your  impartial  judgments,  I 
stand  convicted  ?  Does  not  that  honest  thrift,  that  bold  integrity, 
that  precipitate  enthusiasm,  plead  in  my  defence,  and  by  the  decree 
of  the  people  has  not  ray  crime  become  a  virtue  ?  By  this  decree, 
has  not  the  sentence  against  the  anarchist,  the  infidel,  the  mur- 
derer, been  reversed  ?  By  this  decree,  I  say,  have  not  these  infa- 
mous designations  been  sw^ept  aw^ay  ;  and  here,  asserting  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  island,  shall  I  not  recognise,  in  the  justice  of  the 
people,  their  title  to  accept  an  eminent  responsibility — their  ability 
to  attain  an  exalted  destination  ? 

You  say  "  no  "  to  all  this — you  gentlemen  of  the  Corporation 
and  the  Repeal  news-room.  You  are  driving  the  old  coach  still. 
Your  cry  is  still  the  hacknied  cry — "  you  have  diff'ered  with 
O'Connell — you  have  maligned  O'Connell." 

You  meet  me,  gentlemen,  with  these  two  accusations,  and  to 
these  accusations  you  require  an  answer.  The  answer  shall  be 
concise  and  blunt. 

The  first  accusation,  that  I  have  differed  with  O'Connell,  is  honor- 
ably true.  The  second  accusation,  that  I  have  maligned  O'Connell, 
is  maliofnantlv  false. 

It  is  true  that  I  diff'ered  with  Mr.  O'Connell,  and  I  glory  in  the 
act  by  which  I  forfeited  the  confidence  of  slaves,  and  won  the 
sanction  of  honest  citizens.  I  diff'ered  with  him,  for  I  was  con- 
scious of  a  free  soul,  and  felt  that  it  would  be  an  abdication  of 
existence  to  consign  it  to  captivity. 

Was  this  a  crime  ?  Do  you  curse  the  man  who  will  not  barter 
the  priceless  jewel  of  his  soul  ?  To  be  your  fiworite — to  win  your 
honors — must  I  be  a  slave  ? 

What!  was  it  for  this  you  were  called  forth  from  the  dust 
upon  which  you  trample  ?     What !  was  it  for  this  you  were  gifted 


WATERFORD    ELECTION.  223 

"witli  that  eternal  strengtli,  by  wliicli  3^ou  can  triumph  over  the 
obscurity  of  a  plebeian  birth — by  which  you  can  break  through 
the  conceits  and  laws  of  fashion — by  which  you  can  cope  with  the 
craft  of  the  thief  and  the  genius  of  the  tyrant — by  which  you  can 
defy  the  exactions  of  penury,  and  rear  a  golden  prosperity  amid 
the  gloom  of  the  garret,  and  the  pestilence  of  the  poorhouse— by 
which  you  can  step  from  height  to  height,  and  shine  far  above  the 
calamities  with  which  you  struggled,  and  from  which  you  sprung 
— by  which  you  can  traverse  the  giddy  seas,  and  be  a  light  and 
glory  to  the  tribes  that  sit  in  darkness,  and  the  shadow  of  death — • 
by  which  you  can  mount  beyond  the  clouds,  and  sweep  the  silver 
fields,  where  the  stars  fulfil  their  mysterious  missions — by  which 
you  can  serenely  gaze  upon  the  scythe  and  shroud  of  death,  and, 
seeing  the  grave  opened  at  your  feet,  can  look  exultingly  beyond  it, 
and  feel  that  it  is  but  the  narrow  passage  to  a  luminous  immortality 
— what !  was  it  to  cramp,  to  sell,  to  play  the  trickster  or  the 
trifler  with  this  eternal  strength,  you  were  called  forth  to  walk  this 
sphere — to  be,  for  a  time,  the  guest  of  its  bounty,  and  the  idolater 
of  its  glory  ? 

Gentlemen,  from  this  ground  I  shall  not  descend,  to  seek,  in  lit- 
tle details,  the  vindication  of  my  difference  with  Mr.  O'Connell.  It 
was  my  right  to  differ  with  him,  if  I  thought  him  wrong  ;  and 
upon  that  right,  in  the  name  of  truth  and  freedom,  I  take  my 
stand.  Let  no  man  gainsay  that  right.  It  is  stamped  upon  the 
throne  of  the  everlasting  hills,  and  the  hand  that  strives  to  blot  it 
out  conspires  against  the  dignity  of  man  and  the  goodness  of  God. 

And  yet,  were  it  my  desire  to  play  a  petty  part  upon  this  day — 
my  desire  to  vindicate  the  conduct,  in  which  I  glor}-,  upon  low  and 
shifting  grounds — I  might  tell  you,  gentlemen  of  the  .old  school, 
that  in  the  career  of  Mr.  O'Connell  himself  it  is  easy  for  me  to 
find  a  justification  of  the  "  insubordination  "  you  impugn. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  O'Shea — who  I  am  very  happy  to  perceive  in  the 
"  omnibus  box  "  on  my  right — insisted  at  the  meeting  in  the  Town 


224  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Hall,  on  last  Monday  week,  that  I  liad  just  as  mncli  riglit  to  differ 
with  Mr.  O'Connell,  as  Mr.  O'Connell  had  to  differ  with  Mr.  Grattan. 

The  difference  between  Mr.  O'Connell  and  Mr.  Grattan  occurred 
in  July,  1813. 

What  was  Mr.  O'Connell  at  that  time  ?  He  was  a  young  man 
— a  man  who  had  done  little  or  no  service  for  his  country,  and 
had  certainly  advanced  a  very  short  way  towards  that  command- 
ing position,  in  which  we  beheld  him  a  few  months  since. 

But  what  of  Henry  Grattan  ?  Henry  Grattan,  at  that  time,  was 
venerable  for  his  years  and  services.  His  gray  hairs  were  circled 
with  a  crown  of  glory,  and,  as  he  sat  in  the  Senate  Hall  of 
England,  men  gazed  upon  him  with  a  noble  pity  ;  for  in  his  weak, 
and  pale,  and  shrivelled  form,  they  beheld  the  shadow  of  that 
power  by  which,  in  1782,  the  dead  came  forth  and  the  sepulchre 
was  filled  with  hght — by  which  the  province  became  a  kingdom, 
and,  stirred  by  his  rushing  genius,  rose  from  her  bed  in  the  ocean, 
and  got  nearer  to  the  sun  ! 

And  did  the  young  O'Connell  blast  his  prospects  by  his  differ- 
ence with  the  great  Irish  citizen  ?  On  this  account  did  vulgar 
tongues — did  poisoned  pens  assail  the  daring  Catholic  ?  For  this, 
was  he  scoffed  at  as  an  infidel — hooted  as  a  traitor  to  his  country 
— outlawed  as  the  murderer  of  her  deliverer  ? 

I  tell  you,  gentlemen — you,  who  are  in  that  inconvenient  corner 
there,  and  think  you  represent  the  city — I  tell  you  this,  that  public 
men  were  more  just  and  chivalrous  in  the  days  of  Grattan  than 
they  are  in  yours  ;  and  if  in  the  war  of  parties  there  might  have 
been  a  keener  enmity,  there  was  assuredly  less  falsehood,  and  less 
cant. 

I  am  now  done  with  this  accusation,  and  being  done  with  it,  I 
beg  leave  to  tell  you,  that  this  is  the  last  time  I  shall  apologize  for 
having  refused  to  be  a  slave.  Call  it  vanity — call  it  ingratitude — 
call  it  treachery — call  it,  as  your  prototype.  Justice  Dogberry, 
would  have  called  it — call  it  house-breaking  or  flat  perjury — call 


WATERFORD    ELECTION.  225 

it  by  any  name  you  please — from  liencefortli  I  sliall  but  smile  at 
the  intolerant  dictation  that  will  utter,  and  the  mischievous  credu- 
lity that  will  cheer,  an  accusation  so  fictitious. 

JSTor  is  it  my  intention  to  touch,  in  the  slightest  degree,  upon  the 
other  counts  in  the  indictment  that  has  been  preferred  against  me. 
The  first  count  is  the  only  one  for  which  I  entertain  the  least 
respect,  so  that  I  deeply  sympathize  with  the  reverend  gentleman 
who  has  taken  such  profane  and  profitless  trouble  to  provoke  me. 
However,  if  he  really  desires  that  I  should  satisfy  him  upon  those 
points  to  which,  with  such  priestly  decorum,  he  has  so  vehemently 
referred — I  may,  perhaps,  console  him  by  the  assurance,  that,  in 
the  statement  of  the  grounds  upon  which  I  seek  the  representation 
of  this  city,  that  satisfaction  may  be  gained. 

This  statement  wil'l  be  very  brief. 

I  am  an  enemy  of  the  Legislative  Union — an  enemy  of  that 
Union  in  every  shape  and  form  that  it  may  assume — an  enemy  of 
that  Union  whatever  blessing  it  may  bring — an  enemy  of  that 
Union  whatever  sacrifice  its  extinction  may  require. 

Maintain  the  Union,  gentlemen,  and  maintain  your  beggary. 
Maintain  the  Union,  and  maintain  your  bankruptcy.  Maintain 
the  Union,  and  maintain  your  famine.  Tolerate  the  usurpation 
which  the  English  parliament  has  achieved,  and  you  tolerate  the 
power  ia  which  your  resources,  your  energies,  your  institutions  are 
absorbed.  Tolerate  the  rigor  of  the  English  Conservatives — their 
proclamations  and  state  prosecutions — tolerate  the  English  Whigs 
— their  smiles  and  compliments — their  liberal  appointments  and 
modified  coercion  bills — and  you  tolerate  the  two  policies  through 
which  the  statesmen  of  England  have  alternately  managed,  ruled, 
and  robbed  this  country. 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  October,  in  the  year  11*72,  upon 
the  broad  waters  of  our  native  Suir,  the  spears  and  banners  of  a 
royal  pirate  were  glittering  in  the  sun.  Did  the  city  of  the  Ost- 
men  send  forth  a  shout  of  defiance  as  the  pageant  moved  up  the 

10* 


226  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

stream,  and  flung  its  radiance  on  our  walls  ?  No  ;  from  tliose 
walls  no  challenge  was  hurled  at  the  foe  ;  but,  from  the  tower  of 
Reginald,  the  gray  eye  of  a  stately  soldier  glistened  as  they  came, 
and  whilst  he  waved  his  hand,  and  showed  them  the  keys  of  the 
city  he  had  won,  the  name  of  Strongbow  was  heard  amid  the 
storm  of  shouts  that  rocked  the  galleys  to  and  fro.  He  was  the 
first  adventurer  that  set  his  heel  on  Irish  soil  in  the  name  of 
England  ;  and  he — the  sleek,  the  cautious,  and  the  gallant  Strong- 
bow — was  the  type  and  herald  of  that  plague  with  which  this 
island  has  been  cursed  for  seven  desol°ating  centuries. 

The  historian  Holinshed  has  said  of  him,  that  "  what  he  could 
not  compass  by  deeds,  he  won  by  good  works  and  gentle  speeches." 

Do  you  not  find  in  this  short  sentence  an  exact  description  of 
the  power  which  has  held  this  island  from  the  days  of  Strongbow 
to  the  days  of  Clarendon  ? 

By  force  or  fraud — by  steel  or  gold — by  threat  or  smile — by 
liberal  appointments  or  speedy  executions — by  general  jail  deliveries 
or  special  commissions — by  dinners  in  the  Park  or  projected 
massacres  at  Clontarf — by  the  craft  of  the  thief  or  the  genius  of 
the  tyrant — they  have  held  this  island  ever  since  that  morning  in 
October,  1172 — seducing  those  whom  they  could  not  terrify — 
slaying  those  whom  they  could  neither  allure  nor  intimidate. 

Thus  may  the  history  of  the  English  connexion  be  told — a 
black,  a  boisterous  night,  in  which  there  shone  but  one  brief 
interval  of  peace  and  lustre. 

Friends  and  foes  ! — you  who  cheer,  and  you  who  curse  me — sons 
of  the  one  soil — inheritors  of  the  one  destiny — look  back  to  that 
interval,  and,  for  an  instant,  contemplate  its  glory. 

An  accomplished  scholar  has  left  us,'  in  the  passage  I  will  read 
to  you  from  the  book  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  a  vivid  descrip- 
tion of  the  one  "  great  day" — the  only  one — which  Ireland  has 
had : — 


WATERFORD    ELECTION-.  227 

"  It  was  on  Tuesday  the  16tli  day  of  x\pril,  1782,  that  the  august 
spectacle  of  a  nation  throwing  off  her  chains  was  presented  to  the 
assembled  senate  of  Ireland,  and  thence  to  the  world.  Early  on 
the  morning  of  that  day,  the  great  spaces  in  front  of  the  House  of 
Parliament — its  classic  colonnades  and  pillared  porticoes,  and  the 
open  entrance  of  the  University  adjoining — were  thronged  by 
thousands,  who  had  hurried  from  all  parts  of  the  country  to  wit- 
ness the  restoration  of  her  rights,  and  the  proclamation  of  her 
freedom.  The  streets  of  the  metropolis  were  paraded  by  armed 
regiments  of  the  Volunteers  in  uniform — scarlet,  and  blue,  and 
green,  with  silver  facings — marshalled  by  men,  the  noblest  and 
bravest  in  the  land,  and  bearing  on  their  glittering  bannere  of 
azure,  white,  and  purple,  mottoes  and  exhortations  that  might  have 
breathed  on  the  field  of  Marathon,  or  amid  the  mountain  passes 
of  Thermopylae.  No  man  stood  there  who  had  not  pledged  him- 
self to  risk  life  and  fortune  in  the  cause  of  Ireland,  and  who  did 
not  feel  that  upon  the  issue  of  that  day  depended  her  eternal  des- 
tiny. She  was  about  irrevocably  to  commit  herself  with  England. 
The  question  agitated  between  the  two  countries  was  liberty  or 
revolution — there  was  no  alternative.  Had  the  former  been 
refused — had  the  demand  for  it  been  even  coldly  received, 
the  sun  would  have  gone  down  that  evening  for  the  last  time  on 
an  enslaved  people,  and  the  morrow's  dawn  would  have  beheld 
them  rising  up  with  giant  force,  rushing  out  upon  the  plains  and 
hills  with  fire  and  sword,  and  rending,  as  if  they  had  been  withes 
of  straw,  the  ties  that  had  so  long  connected  them  with  England. 
The  example  of  America  encouraged  and  inspired  all ;  they  were 
irresistible ;  and  England  knew  that  they  were  determined. 

"  Nor  was  the  sio-ht  exhibited  in  the  interior  of  the  House  of 
Commons  less  imposing  than  that  which  was  seen  outside  its  walls. 
A  rotunda  of  magnificent  proportions  and  great  architectural  ele- 
gance, lighted  from  a  lofty  dome,  on  which  sculpture  had  lavished 
many  an  ornament — a  capacious  gallery,  supported  by  Tuscan  pil- 
lars, surrounding  the  entire  apartment,  and  filled  with  four  hun- 
dred ladies,  radiant  with  beauty  and  jewelled  robes ;  the  greatest 
body  of  the  peerage  in  stars,  and  orders,  and  swords — all  filled 
with  anxiety  about  the  approaching  scene ;  here  and  there  some 


228  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

gay  officers  of  the  Volunteers  conversing  with  the  students  of  the 
University  in  their  gowns  of  black  silk  and  velvet ;  on  the  marble 
floors  the  representatives  of  the  2:>eople,  several  of  whom  appeared 
in  military  dress,  talking  together  in  little  groups,  and  venturing 
many  a  surmise  on  the  course  which  government  might  take  on 
this  momentous  question — such  was  the  scene  which  a  spectator  of 
that  day  would  have  beheld  as  he  entered  the  Irish  House  of  Com- 
mons through  one  of  the  many  tesselated  corridors  by  which  it  is 
approached." 

Now,  you  who  quake  and  quiver  when  I  insist  upon  the  right 
of  this  country  to  be  held,  governed,  and  defended  by  its  own  citi- 
zens, and  by  them  alone — you  who  are  so  exclusively  industrial 
in  your  projects  and  so  constitutional  in  your  efforts — what  do  you 
say  to  your  fathers,  the  actors  in  that  scene  ? 

Conservatives  of  Waterford ! — who  were  the  officers  in  the 
Irish  army  that  occupied  our  island  on  the  16th  of  April,  1*782  ? 
Call  the  muster-roll,  and  at  the  head  of  the  regiments  levied  in 
Waterford,  the  Alcocks,  the  Carews,  the  Boltons^  the  Eeresfords, 
will  appear. 

And  will  you,  gentlemen — the  grand  jurors  of  the  city  and  the 
county — forswear  the  right  of  which  they  were  the  champions  ? 
Will  that  which  was  loyalty  in  the  fathers  be  sedition  in  the  sons  ? 

Time  does  not  change  virtue  into  vice.  Do  not  scruple,  then, 
to  revive  the  sentiments  of  those  whose  names  you  bear,  and  to 
w^hose  principles — if  you  have  any  pride  of  ancestry — you  should 
ambitiously  adhere.  You  have  stood  aloof  too  long  from  the 
people,  of  whose  integrity  in  this  contest  you  hare  had  so  startling 
an  attestation  ;  and  deterred  by  vague  fears  and  vaguer  prejudices, 
you  have  leant  most  cringingly  upon  England,  instead  of  trusting 
manfully  to  yourselves.  Identify  yourselves  with  the  hopes,  the 
ideas,  the  labors  of  your  country ;  make  the  country  your  own, 
and  make  it  worthy  of  your  pride.     Form  for  the  future  no  mean. 


WATERFORD    ELECTION.  229 

estimate  of  its  powers ;  assign  to  it  no  narrow  space  for  its  career ; 
open  to  it  the  widest  field — conceive  for  it  the  highest  destiny. 

The  enmity  I  bear  the  Legislative  Union  is  not  more  bitter 
than  the  enmity  I  bear  those  practices  and  passions,  from  which 
that  Union  derives  its  ruinous  vitality.  Impatient  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  my  country — intolerant  of  every  evil  that  averts  the 
blessing — I  detest  the  bigot,  and  despise  the  place-beggar. 

Who  stands  here  to  bless  the  bigot  or  to  cheer  the  place-beggar  ? 

They  are  the  worst  enemies  of  Ireland.  The  rancor  of  the  one, 
and  the  venality  of  the  other,  constitute  the  strongest  forces  by 
which  the  island  is  held  in  subjection. 

Down  with  the  bigot !  He  would  sacrifice  the  nation  to  the 
supremacy  of  his  sect.  Down  with  the  bigot !  He  would  perse- 
cute the  courage  which  had  truth  for  its  inspiration,  and  hu- 
manity for  its  cause.  Down  with  the  bigot !  He  would  banish 
the  genius  which,  in  the  distribution  of  its  fruits,  was  generous  to 
all  creeds  ;  and  in  the  circle  of  its  light,  would  embrace  every  altar 
in  the  land. 

Down  with  the  place-beggar !  He  would  traiBc  on  a  noble 
cause,  and  beg  a  bribe  in  the  name  of  liberty.  Down  with  the 
place-beggar  !  He  would  fawn  in  private  on  the  men  whom  he 
scourged  in  public,  and  with  his  services  sustain  the  usurpation  his 
invectives  had  assailed.  Down  with  the  place-beggar  !  He  would 
thrive  by  traitorism,  and,  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  salary,  would 
spurn  the  people  upon  whose  shoulders  he  had  mounted  to  that 
eminence,  from  whence  he  had  beckoned  to  the  minister,  and  said 
— "  look  here — a  slave  for  hire — a  slave  of  consequence — a  valu- 
able slave — the  people  have  confided  in  me  !" 

You  have  now  some  notion  of  the  principles  upon  which  I  stand. 
Do  you  reject  those  principles  ?  Do  you  think  them  intolerant, 
profane,  impure  ? 

*  Declare   your   opinion,  and    decide    my  fate.     If  you  declare 
against  my  principles,  you  declare  ngainst  the  claim  I  have  this 


230  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

day  urged.  I  can  borrow  no  great  name  to  hide  ray  own  insigni- 
ficance. I  have  been  the  servant  of  no  government — the  follower 
of  no  great  house.  Without  any  of  those  influences  to  assist  me 
upon  which  public  men  usually  depend,  I  flung  myself  into  this 
struo-gle,  trusting  to  the  power  of  truth  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
people. 

It  was  a  daring  act,  yet  there  is  wisdom  sometimes  in  audacity. 
There  was  a  bold  spirit  slumbering  amongst  you — it  required  but 
one  bold  act  to  startle  it  into  a  resolute  activity. 

I  am  guilty  of  that  act,  and  await  the  penalty. 

Punish  me,  if  you  desire  to  retain  your  past  character!  Preserve 
the  famous  motto  of  your  ancient  municipality  free  from  stain. 
As  it  was  won  by  a  slavish  loyalty,  so  maintain  it  by  a  sordid 
patriotism. 

Spurn  me  !  I  have  been  jealous  of  my  freedom,  and,  in  the 
pursuit  of  Hberty,  have  scorned  to  work  in  shackles.  Spurn  me  ! 
I  have  fought  my  own  way  through  the  storm  of  politics,  and  have 
played,  I  think,  no  coward's  part  upon  the  way.  Spurn  me  !  I 
loathe  the  gold  of  England,  and  deem  them  slaves  who  would 
accept  it.  Spurn  me  !  I  will  not  beg  a  bribe  for  any  of  you — I 
will  strike  no  pedlar's  bargain  between  the  minister  and  the  people. 
Spurn  me  !  I  have  raised  my  voice  against  the  tricks  and  vices 
of  Irish  politics,  and  have  preached  the  attainment  of  a  noble  end 
by  noble  means.  Spurn  me  !  I  have  claimed  for  my  country  the 
position  and  the  powers  which  none  amongst  you,  save  the  tame 
and  venal,  will  refuse  to  claim,  and,  in  doing  this,  I  have  acted 
as  became  a  free,  unpensioned  citizen. 


LETTER 
TO  THE  COUNCIL  OF  THE  IRISH  CONFEDERATION. 

Waterford,  March  *lth,  1848. 

Gentlemen  : — I  deeply  regret  my  inability  to  attend  the 
meeting  on  tlie  evening  of  tlie  9tli  instant. 

Having  learned  from  your  Secretary,  that  an  address  to  the 
citizens  of  Paris  will  be  moved  at  the  meeting,  I  feel  much 
annoyed,  that  it  will  not  be  in  my  power  to  join  in  the  congratula- 
tions you  will  offer  to  these  brave  men. 

Your  congratulations,  I  trust,  will  be  worthy  of  the  revolution 
which  the  citizens  of  Paris  have  won  and  dignified.  Commemo- 
rate it  in  no  lame  and  stinted  language.  The  panegyric  of  such 
a  triumph  should  be  written  in  letters  of  fire,  and  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  you  celebrate  it,  should  be  as  generous  as  the  heroism 
that  achieved  it. 

Nor  should  that  revolution  be  a  mere  spectacle  at  which  we 
should  gaze  with  wonder,  and  clap  our  hands  with  joy.  Let  us 
derive  some  instruction  from  it.  By  the  flames  in  which  the 
throne  is  consumed  at  the  foot  of  the  column  of  July,  let  us  read 
the  lessons  of  freedom — the  way  to  win  the  blessing,  and  the  way 
to  keep  it. 

The  Tricolor  is  once  more  seen  above  the  red  horizon  !  In  its 
blended  glories,  may  we,  the  citizens  of  Ireland,  behold  the  type 
and  picture  of  that  national  unanimity,  upon  which  the  event  of 
our  independence  absolutely  depends. 

If  we  have  differences  to  settle,  let  us  settle  them  when  we  have 


232  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

settled  the  common  foe.  And  if  we,  gentlemen,  are  to  make  the 
first  advance — let  us  make  it — and  let  it  be  generously  and 
promptly  made. 

"  You  and  I,"  said  Aristides  to  Themistocles,  before  the  battle 
of  Salamis,  "  if  we  are  wise,  shall  now  bid  adieu  to  our  vain  and 
childish  disputes,  and  enter  upon  a  nobler  and  more  salutary 
contention,  striving  which  of  us  shall  contribute  most  to  the 
preservation  of  Greece." 

More  than  this — the  present  crisis,  as  it  is  called,  dictates  some- 
thing beyond  the  adjustment  of  our  differences.  It  dictates  bold 
steps,  and  the  boldest  that  can  be  taken.  As  to  the  old  routine 
of  petitions,  reports,  getting  men  into  Parliament,  and  all  that  sort 
of  work — I  am  heartily  sick  of  it  since  my  defeat. 

The  contest,  in  which  I  was  recently  engaged,  has  clearly  proved 
to  me  that  the  will  of  the  people  has  no  effect,  whilst  we  appeal  to 
the  weapons  of  the  franchise.  Besides,  I  think  it  would  be  a 
crime  in  me  to  waste,  any  further,  in  obscure  election  squabbles, 
that  fine  enthusiasm  by  which  I  was  sustained,  and  which,  surging 
and  swaying  round  me  to  the  last  moment — strong  and  pas- 
sionate even  when  the  cloud  had  lowered  upon  it — convinced  me 
it  was  an  element  destined  to  give  life  to  a  nobler  struggle,  upon 
a  wider  field. 

The  moment  I  can  stir — that  moment  I  shall  be  with  you.  In 
my  absence,  however,  you  may  assign  me  any  place,  any  duty, 
you  think  fit.  I  shall  proudly  obey  the  orders  of  the  Irish  Con- 
federation. 

Whatever  be  the  consequences,  I  shall  attend  the  meeting  of  the 
iVth  instant.  The  Citizens  of  Dublin  do  well  to  dedicate  the 
national  holiday  to  the  honor  of  France.  I  do  not  wish  to  urge 
any  suggestion,  but  I  think  that  a  proclamation  should  be  issued 
on  that  morning,  calling  upon  the  people  to  give  over  their 
slavish  custom  of  dancing  attendance  in  the  Castle  Yard   to  the 


LETTER  TO  THE  COUIn^CIL  OF  THE  IRISH  CONFEDERATION.       233 

fifes  and  drums  of  some  English  regiment,  and  the  nods   and 
smiles  of  his  Excellency  in  the  balcony. 

From  this  out,  the  deepest  and  blackest  line  should  be  drawn 
between  the  people  of  Ireland  and  the  ministers  of  England — 
their  soldiers  and  their  lawyers — their  bullies  and  their  beggars. 
God  grant  it !  that  in  a  few  months,  at  furthest,  the  Irish  Sea  may 
flow  between  them,  and  for  ever  ! 
*  I  am,  Gentlemen, 

Your  sincere  friend, 

Thomas  Francis  Meagher. 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION— APPEAL  TO  ARMS. 

Music  Hall,  Dublm,  15tk  March,  1848. 

[In  France,  at  the  close  of  1847,  the  Ministerialists,  led  by  M.  Guizot,  and 
the  Reform  party,  headed  by  M.  Odillon  Barrot,  were  drawn  up  in  hostile 
attitudes.  The  banquets  of  the  latter,  held  in  various  parts  of  France, 
were  objects  of  anxiety,  suspicion,  and  condemnation  on  the  part  of  the 
former.  At  Paris,  Chdlons  sur  Saone,  Grenoble,  Roanne,  Vienne,  Lille, 
Dijon,  Autun,  Ma9on,  and  other  places,  those  banquets  were  generously 
subscribed  for — in  some  places  the  reform  and  dynastic  agitators  uniting. 
They  grew  formidable.  The  King's  address  to  the  new  Chamber — in  con- 
sequence of  some  phrases  insulting  to  the  managers  of  those  reform  ban- 
quets— led  to  a  long  and  angry  debate,  and  the  great  majority  of  the 
Chamber  demanded  the  presentation  of  a  law  on  the  right  of  meeting. 
Even  the  Conservatives,  moved  by  the  prolonged  defiance  of  the  Ministers  to 
the  Representatives,  joined  in  the  demand,  M.  Guizot,  in  opposition  to 
MM,  Barrot  and  Duvergier  de  Hauranne,  maintained  the  right  of  govern- 
ment. M.  Hebert,  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  advocated  the  revival  of  the  laws 
of  1791 — the  legal  repression  of  those  dangerous  meetings — and  by  his 
arbitrary  notions  on  the  question,  gave  rise  to  much  heated  and  violent 
feeling.  "M.  Ledru  Rollin,"  says  Lamartine,  "replied  with  a  fire  and 
vigor  which  placed  him  in  the  front  rank  of  the  opposition  orators."  On 
the  2nd  February,  a  number  of  students  of  the  Paris  colleges  presented  a 
petition  for  the  liberty  of  speech  in  the  University,  and  that  the  courses  of 
MM.  Quinet  and  Michelet  should  be  resumed.  The  12th  arrondissement 
of  Paris  had  arranged  to  hold  a  banquet  on  the  20th  February,  1848,  and 
the  Reformers  signified  their  intention  of  being  present,  to  ratify  their 
opinion  of  the  right  of  assembly.  They  could  muster  no  inconsiderable  force 
— consisting,  as  they  did,  of  more  than  two  hundred  deputies,  two  hundred 
and  fifty  officers  of  the  National  Guard,  nearly  all  the  municipal  officers,  and 
the  great  mass  of  the  citizens.  This  circumstance,  concurring  with  the  exciting 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       235 

intelligence  of  the  movement  in  Italy,  hurried  Louis  Philippe  and  his  ministers 
to  the  adoption  of  "  precautionary  "  measures.  The  Ministry  did  not  intend 
to  oppose  the  banquet  by  force,  but  subject  the  issue  between  them  and  the 
popular  party  to  the  decision  of  the  courts  of  law,  to  which  decision  the 
Opposition  were  satisfied  to  submit.  But  on  the  19th — the  Reformers  having 
invited  the  N'ational  Guard — the  Ministry  revoked  their  intention,  and 
declared  they  would  disperse  the  meeting  by  force.  The  banquet  was  coun- 
termanded. On  Monday  the  21st,  proclamations  were  issued,  forbidding  the 
banquet — all  assemblages  of  the  people — and  prohibiting  the  National  Guard 
from  appearing  in  uniform,  unless  ordered  by  their  chiefs.  In  the  meantime, 
an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men  was  concentrated  upon  Paris.  A  numerous 
garrison  were  already  on  the  road  to  St.  Cloud,  for  the  fort  of  Mont 
Valerien.  Thirty-seven  battalions  of  infantry,  a  battalion  of  Chasseicrs 
(T Orleans,  three  companies  of  sappers  and  miners,  four  thousand  men 
of  the  Municipal  guard  and  veterans,  and  five  batteries  of  artillery, 
garrisoned  the  capital.  All  the  points  of  poj)ular  strength  were  covered 
by  the  military.  The  night  of  Monday  was  silent.  On  Tuesday,  crowds 
moved — gathering  force  and  passion  as  they  moved — along  the  Boulevards, 
and  from  the  upper  Faubourgs  of  Paris.  Anxiety  sat  on  every  face,  and 
each  seemed  to  ask  his  neighbor  why  he  came,  knowing  well  what  brought 
himself.  The  students,  with  the  fearless  animation  of  yoath,  appeared  upon 
the  Place  de  la  Madeleine,  singing  the  Marseillaise.  Still  swelling,  the 
column  measured  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  crossed  the  Port  Royal,  and,  by' 
noon,  thirty  thousand  men  knocked  at  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  The 
railings  and  walls  were  surmounted,  the  gates  forced— but  thousands  of 
cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery,  rapidly  converging  upon  the  Chambers, 
dispersed  the  populace.  The  Boulevard  Italien  and  the  Rue  Lepelletier 
swarmed  with  students,  who  brought  to  the  ofiice  of  the  National — "  the 
touchstone  of  the  Revolution,"  as  M.  de  Lamartine  called  that  journal — a 
copy  of  their  petition  to  the  Chambers,  praying  for  the  impeachment  of  the 
ministry.  An  apparently  harmless  crowd  followed  them  ;  but  the  Mourir 
pour  la  Patrie  mingling  with  the  Marseillaise,  had  the  effect  of  closing 
up  the  shops  on  the  Boulevard.  Throughout  the  day,  the  collisions 
between  the  people  and  the  soldiers  were  frequent.  On  the  quays,  and 
in  the  streets,  single  regiments  dispersed  whole  multitudes.  This, 
however,  had  no  bad  effect.  Towards  evening,  barricades  grejv 
suddenly  from  the  paved  ways.  The  people — no  doubt  remembering  the 
surrender  of  Switzerland  and  Italy,  and  the  counter-revolutionary  and  anti- 


236  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

national  policy  of  the  government — attacked,  but  in  vain,  the  hotel  of  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  It  was  filled  with  troops.  Nevertheless,  the 
determination  was  evident,  for,  in  every  direction,  voice  answered  voice — 
"  Down  with  Guizot !"— "The  head  of  Guizot!"  The  position  of  the  Hotel 
des  Affaires  Estrangeres  reminds  old  revolutionists  of  July,  1830,  and  this 
does  not  at  all  make  them  fear  the  soldiers.  For  instance,  near  the  gate, 
a  horse-soldier  ordered  a  man  to  move  on,  or  he  would  cut  him  down. 
Folding  his  arms,  and  looking  sternly  at  the  soldier,  the  man  replied, 
"Would  you,  coward  ?"  The  trooper  rode  off.  Around  the  Madeleine  and 
the  Port  Royale,  the  dense  crowds,  to  the  order  of  "disperse  !"  give  a 
reply  more  ominous  than  blows — "  Vive  la  Reforme  I  Vive  la  Ligne  /" — 
and  burst  into  the  Girondins'  chant — "3Iou7-ir  j^our  la  Patrie  .'"  In 
the  afternoon,  the  aspect  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  was  gloomy.  M. 
Guizot,  pale  but  confident,  awaited  the  storm  that  was  gathering.  The 
appearance  of  M.  0.  Barrot,  accompanied  by  De  Hauranne,  Marie, 
Thiers,  Garnier  Pages,  and  others,  produced  some  sensation — the  more 
visible,  because  of  the  thinly  filled  benches.  M.  Barrot  laid  on  the  table  an 
act  signed  by  fifty-three  Deputies,  impeaching  the  Ministry  as  guilty  of 
having  betrayed  the  honor  of  France  abroad — attacked  the  rights  of  the 
people  at  home — falsified  the  Constitution — violated  the  guarantees  of 
liberty — of  systematic  corruption  and  perversion  of  the  representative 
government — traffic  in  public  offices — waste  of  the  state  finances — of 
violent  despoliation  of  tlie  right  of  citizenship  under  a  free  Constitution — 
and  of  placing  in  question  all  the  conquests  of  two  revolutions,  by  a  policy 
that  was  openly  and  absolutely  counter-revolutionary.  M.  Genoude,  in 
his  own  name  impeached  the  "  President  of  the  Council  and  his 
colleagues."  M.  Guizot,  "  whose  soul  loved  its  grand  dramas,"  took  up 
M.  Barrot's  impeachment,  perused  it,  and  "  laughed  immoderately."  A 
division  took  place  in  the  Opposition,  seventeen — including  Count  Dalton 
Shee,  Due  D'Hareourt,  and  de  Boissy,  of  the  Chamber  of  Peers — being  in 
favor  of  holding  the  banquet  on  that  evening  (22d),  and  the  majority 
against  it.  The  revolutionary  organs  violently  attacked  M.  Barrot  and  his 
colleagues  for  retreating  before  the  ministry.  News  of  the  movement 
spread  rapidly  through  the  provinces,  and  from  Chartres  and  Amiens, 
addresses,  signed  by  all  classes  of  society,  reached  the  deputies, 
encouraging  resistance.  Similar  addresses  were  despatched  from  Blois, 
Tours,  Rouen,  Havre,  Arras,  Lille,  and  deputations  were  travelling  to 
the  banquet.     The  excitement  increased  on  Wednesday.     The  people  with 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       237 

a  noble  perseverance  continued  to  maintain  their  attitude  of  passive 
resistance,  and  addressed  the  soldiers  with  every  phrase  of  fraternity,  at 
the  same  time  that  they  took  every  "precautionary"  means  of  self-defence. 
Dispersed  from  one  street,  they  gather  in  another,  covering  their  retreat 
with  broken  bottles,  and  demolishing  railings  for  weapons — overthrowing 
vehicles,  tearing  up  the  pavements,  and  erecting  barricades.  At  the 
Filles  du  Cabraires,  however,  there  was  more  serious  opposition.  Cannon 
was  fired,  and  the  slaughter  becoming  general,  thii'ty  or  forty  persons  were 
killed.  General  Peyronnet  Sebastian!  fell  here.  As  the  day  advanced, 
it  became  evident  that  the  National  Guards  acted  unwillingly  against  the 
"insurgents."  At  the  Mairie  of  the  third  Arrondissement,  the  third  legion, 
taking  the  initiative,  declared  for  Reform.  The  Municipal  Guard,  with 
fixed  bayonets,  advanced  on  them.  The  National  Guard  received  them 
firmly — their  bayonets  crossed — "Respect  the  people!"  exclaimed  M. 
Tetorix — and  raising  their  arms  in  token  of  respect,  the  Municipals  marched 
off.  The  effect  was  electric.  Presently,  the  rest  of  the  legion  declared  for 
the  people,  and  by  noon  they  numbered  three  thousand  men.  In  the 
rue  Lepelletier,  the  N'ationals  of  the  second  legion  followed  the  example. 
"  Long  live  the  National  Guard  !" — "  Down  with  Guizot !" — frantically  rose 
from  the  delighted  people ;  and  in  their  ebullition  of  joy,  they  attacked  a 
guard-house,  overpowered  the  soldiers,  fired  off  their  muskets,  freed  the 
prisoners,  and  capturing  the  colors,  presented  them,  amid  thundering  viva!!, 
as  a  trophy  to  the  third  legion  of  the  JSTationals.  The  officers  of  the 
third  legion  demanded  the  dismissal  of  ministers,  and  deputed  their 
colonel  to  wait  on  the  King.  The  city  continued  in  a  tremulous  fever 
during  the  afternoon.  At  tliree  o'clock,  Louis  Philippe  was  informed  of  the 
decision  of  the  Municipal  Council — the  dismissal  of  ministers.  The  King 
hastily  calls  a  council,  and  the  ministers  resign.  So  far  the  people 
triumphed,  and  here  Louis  Philippe,  imagining  he  had  appeased  the 
people,  concluded  that  the  "riot"  would  have  an  end.  Tlie  conflict  recom- 
menced with  the  night.  In  a  fit  of  satiric  exultation,  the  people  resolved 
on  making  M.  Guizot  illuminate  for  his  own  downfall.  On  some  slight 
pretence — or  rather,  from  a  very  urgent  necessity,  as  the  better  informed 
have  confidently  assured  us — the  soldiers  on  guard  replied  to  the  proposal 
by  a  volley,  killing  fifty-two  persons.  This  discharge  was  the  tocsin  of 
war.  Presently  the  hum  of  an  approaching  multitude — a  hum,  in  which 
the  rumbUng  noise  of  wheels  broke  through  the  solemn  swell  of  the  death 


238  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

cliant — fell  lieavilj  upon  the  ear.  The  crowd  slowly  advanced  from  the 
Boulevard  des  Capucineo.  In  the  light  of  the  flaring  torches,  which 
the  foremost  carried,  the  dark  mass  moved  like  the  sea  before  the 
coming  storm.  As  the  head  of  the  column  reached  the  Rue  Lepelletier, 
the  chant  gave  way  to  a  burst  of  fury,  and,  at  the  office  of  the  National, 
changed  into  a  tumultuous  shriek  of  "  Vengeance."  Round  the  bier — for 
it  was  the  funeral  procession  of  those  who  fell  at  the  Hotel  of  Foreign 
Affairs — the  sensation  was  terrible,  as  the  people  showed  the  bloody 
bodies  to  the  journalists,  that  they  might  be  recorded.  "They  are 
assassins  Y:ho  have  slain  them — give  us  arms !  we  will  avenge  them  I 
Arms — arms !"  The  torches,  casting  their  light  upon  the  sweltering 
corses  and  upon  the  frenzied  faces  of  the  multitude,  disclosed  an  apj^alling 
scene.  M.  Garnier  Pages  addressed  them  in  words  of  promise,  and 
they  moved  on  with  the  bodies.  Aux  armes !  a  has  les  assasshm ! 
a  has  Louis  Philippe !  aux  Barricades ! — and  they  wildly  went  to  the 
barricades  again.  Everything  was  sacrificed  to  the  barricade.  All  through 
the  nigbt,  rich  men  and  poor  men,  shopkeepers,  clerks,  and  workmen, 
labored  with  an  earnestness  beyond  description.  In  the  Boulevard  des 
Italiens,  three  regiments  of  the  line,  armed  to  the  teeth,  and  a  regiment 
of  Cuirassiers,  having  three  field-pieces  and  three  caissons  of  ammunition 
yfWh.  them,  fraternized  with  the  National  guards  and  the  people,  amid  the 
greatest  enthusiasm.  Paris  bivouacked  in  the  streets,  and  welcomed  liberty 
by  the  watch-fires.  There  were  no  outrages.  Women  were  politely  conducted 
to  their  homes.  Armed  parties  went  their  rounds.  "  Have  you  arras  ?"  ask 
the  people.  "  Yes."  "  Then  give  them  ;"  and  receiving  them  they  mark  the 
door,  with  a  scrap  of  chalk,  thus — "  On  a  donne  les  armes."  Late  this  night, 
Thiers,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  King,  promised  to  submit  a  new  ministry, 
on  the  proviso  that  M.  Odillon  Barrot  should  be  included.  Such  was  tlie 
disposition  of  the  characters  on  the  revolutionary  stage  on  the  night  of 
"Wednesday,  the  23d  of  February.  Early  on  the  morning  of  Thursday,  it 
was  announced  the  ministry  was  formed.  Vive  la  reforme  !  shout  the 
people — "you  shall  have  it,"  answered  M.  Thiers,  who  with  several  oppo- 
sition members  were  traversing  the  streets.  "Yes — yes,"  was  the  ans\^er 
to  every  demand  of  the  people,  and  shortly  afterwards,  this  proclamation 
was  posted  on  the  walls : — 

"  Orders  have  been  given  to  cease  firing  everywhere.     We  have  just 
been  charged  by  the  King  to  form  a  ministry.     The  Chamber  will  be 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       239 

dissoivod,  and  an  appeal  made  to  the  country.     General  Lamoriciere  has 

been  apj)ointed  Commandant  of  the  National  Guards. 

"  Thiers, 
"  OoiLLON  Barrot, 

"DUVERGIER  DE  HaURAXNE, 

"  Lamoricieke." 

Bitter  disappointment  aiid  indignation  followed.  The  placards  were  torn 
down.  The  JSTational  Guard  refused  to  fire  on  the  people.  Before  11  o'clock 
— at  which  time  Marshal  Bugeaud  threw  down  his  baton  and  disappeared — 
two  regiments  of  the  line,  and  the  five  companies  of  the  Pompeurs  of  Paris 
fraternized  with,  and  gave  up  their  arms  and  ammunition,  to  the  people. 
The  excitement  grew  violent,  and  the  *' insui-gents  "  multiplied  enormously. 
The  troops,  tired  of  street-fighting,  had  been  drawn  off  to  the  Tuilleries.  Tri- 
color flags  became  visible,  with  the  word  "Republique"  displayed  thereon. 
The  Abbaye  and  Conseils  de  Guerre  prisons  were  unbarred,  and  the  iumates 
unchained.  "  Aux  Tuilleries — a  potence  Louis  Philippe —  Vengeance .'" — and 
springing  over  their  barricades,  the  people  sweep  on  to  the  Palais  Royal. 
OjDposite  the  latter  was  a  guard-house,  which  being  summoned  to  surrender 
poured  out  volley  after  volley.  Up  flew  a  barricade  on  either  side  of  it, 
as  if  by  magic,  and  the  citizens  returned  the  fire,  which  was  kept  uj)  for 
hours.  General  Lamoriciere  attempted  to  restore  order — it  was  useless. 
A  couple  of  coaches  were  overturned  and  fired  opposite  the  port.  Amid 
the  yell  of  "vengeance" — the  guard-house  yielded  to  the  flames,  and  buried 
its  defenders  in  its  ruins.  M.  Etienne  Arago  led  the  insurgents  in  this 
desperate  encounter.  The  Palais  Royal  was  then  attacked,  and  after  much 
slaughter,  taken  by  the  people.  The  Tuilleries  was  next  visited,  the  clamo- 
rous voices  of  outraged  citizens,  disturbing  the  privacy  of  Louis  Philippe  with 
a  fore-knowledge  of  his  doom.  He  immediately  abdicated  in  favor  of  his 
grand-son,  the  Count  de  Paris.  It  was  noon,  and  by  one  o'clock,  the  palace 
was  the  property  of  the  citizens.  It  was  gutted.  The  furniture  of  royalty 
was  flung  into  an  immense  bon-fire.  The  throne  was  cari'ied  about  the 
streets  in  triumph,  amid  the  loud  choruses  of  the  Marseillaise.  On  cap- 
turing the  palace,  the  people  found  a  magnificent  image  of  our  Saviour  in 
white  marble.  "  My  friends,"  cried  a  student  of  the  Ecole  Polytechnique, 
"this  is  the  master  of  us  all!"  They  took  the  figure  and  bore  it  solemnly 
to  the  church  of  St.  Roch.  "  Citizens,  off  with  your  hats !  Salute  Christ !" 
said  the  people,  and  all  bowed  low  in  reverence.  The  King  escaped  in 
disguise,  his  flight  from  the  city  being  materially  precipitated  by  the  cries 


240  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

of  Vive  la  Repuhliqiic,  whicli  haunted  his  ears.  At  half-past  one,  there 
were  three  hundred  Dei3uties  in  the  Chnmber.  The  Duchess  of  Orleans 
and.  her  sons  were  announced.  The  Count  de  Paris,  led  bj  a  Deputy 
and  the  Duchess  and  her  other  son,  accompanied  by  the  Dukes  de 
Nemours  and  Montpensier,  entered.  The  National  Guards  and  the 
people  forcibly  intruded,  and  took  possession  of  the  seats  under  the 
tribune.  The  uproar  subsiding,  M.  Dupin  announced,  that  the  King, 
on  abdicating  in  favor  of  the  young  Count  of  Paris,  appointed  tho 
Duchess  of  Orleans  regent.  Cries  of  "  it  is  too  late,"  interrupted  the 
speaker.  M.  Marie  and  Cremieux  urged  the  necessity  of  establishing  a 
provisional  government.  M.  Barrot  proposed,  as  most  fitting  for  the 
occasion — "  the  regency  of  the  Duchess,  a  ministry  chosen  from  the  most 
tried  opinions,  and  an  appeal  to  the  country."  Great  agitation  followed, 
and  the  speaker  was  cut  short  by  the  descent  of  a  greater  crowd. 
Dressed  in  the  most  heterogeneous  manner — men  in  blouses,  transformed 
into  soldiers,  with  helmets  and  cross-belts — they  presented  a  most  exciting 
spectacle.  All  were  armed  with  swords,  lances,  spears,  muskets,  and 
several  carried  tri-color  flags.  They  threw  themselves  into  the  empty 
seats  of  the  deputies,  and  some  even  took  possession  of  the  tribune. 
The  president,  as  a  mark  of  disapprobation  at  the  disorder,  put  on  his 
hat.  In  a  moment  several  muhkets  were  levelled  at  him,  and  loud 
cries  of  "  off  with  your  hat,  president,"  angrily  proceeded  from  the  new- 
comers. Tlie  Duchess  of  Orleans  and  her  sons  became  the  objects  of  the 
deepest  anxiety  on  the  part  of  the  deputies.  She  sat  calm  amid  the  storm. 
In  the  uproar,  M.  Ledni  Eollin  sprang  to  his  feet,  and,  after  strenuous 
exertions,  produced  a  comparative  silence.  "  In  the  name  of  the  people  I 
protest  against  the  kind  of  government  which  has  just  been  proposed.  I 
protest  against  it  in  the  name  of  the  citizens  whom  I  see  before  me — who 
for  the  last  two  days  have  been  fighting,  and  who  will,  if  necessary,  combat 
again  this  evening."  Deafening  cries  of  "yes — yes,"  accompanied  with  the 
brandishing  of  weapons,  interrupted  him.  He  proposed  a  provisional 
government.  M.  Lamartine  was  also  in  favor  of  a  provisional  govern- 
ment. At  the  close  of  his  remarks,  a  third  crowd  of  citizens,  fresh 
from  the  combat — bandaged,  bleeding,  and  ferocious — rushed  into  the 
upper  tribune,  and  forcing  their  way  to  the  front  seats,  levelled  their 
guns  on  the  deputies  below.  Yielding  to  the  energetic  persuasions 
of  some  persons  near  her,  the  Duchess  of  Orleans  and  her  party  with^ 
drew.     At  the  same  moment,  M.  Sauvet  left  the  president's  chair,  and 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       241 

nearly  all  the  deputies  quitted  their  places.  The  disorder  and  excitement 
had  now  risen  to  its  greatest  height.  Ledru  Rollin  rose  again  and  proposed 
the  provisional  government — MM.  Dupont  (de  I'Eure),  Arago,  de  Lamar- 
tine,  Ledru  Rollin,  Garnier  Pages,  Marie,  and  Cremieux — all  of  which  were 
received  with  acclamations.  After  which,  cries  of  "To  the  Hotel  de  Ville — 
no  civil  list — no  king — Vive  la  Rcpublique !"  arose.  The  provisional 
government  was  installed  at  four  o'clock  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  This  was 
Thursday,  the  24th.  The  first  act  was  to  proclaim  a  Republic.  Early  on 
Friday  morning,  the  following  proclamation  was  issued  : 

"proclamation    of   the   FRENCH    GOVERNMENT    TO    TH?    FRENCH   PEOPLE. 

"  A  retrograde  government  has  been  overturned  by  the  heroism  of  the 
people  of  Paris. 

"  This  government  has  fled,  leaving  behind  it  traces  of  blood,  which  will 
for  ever  forbid  its  return. 

"  The  blood  of  the  people  has  flowed  as  in  July ;  but,  happily,  it  has  not 
been  shed  in  vain.  It  has  secured  a  national  and  popular  government,  in 
accordance  with  the  rights,  the  progress,  and  the  will  of  this  great  and 
generous  people. 

"A  provisional  government,  at  the  call  of  the  people  and  some  deputies, 
in  the  sitting  of  the  24th  of  February,  is  for  the  moment  invested  with  the 
care  of  organizing  and  securing  the  National  victcry.  It  is  composed  of 
MM.  Dupont  (de  I'Eure),  Lamartine,  Cremieux,  Arago,  Ledru  Rollin,  and 
Garnier  Pages.  The  secretaries  to  this  government,  are  IVIM.  Armand 
Marrast,  Louis  Blanc,  and  Ferdinand  Flocon. 

"  These  citizens  have  not  hesitated  for  an  instant,  to  accept  the  patriotic 
mission  which  has  been  imposed  upon  them  by  the  urgency  of  the 
occasion. 

"  Frenchmen,  give  to  the  world  the  example  Paris  has  given  to  France. 
Prepare  yourselves,  by  order  and  confidence  in  yourselves,  for  the  institu- 
tions which  are  about  to  be  given  you. 

"  The  provisional  government  desires  a  Republic,  pending  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  French  people,  who  are  immediately  to  be  consulted. 

"  Neither  the  people  of  Paris  nor  the  provisional  government  desire  to 
substitute  their  opinion  for  the  opinions  of  the  citizens  at  large,  upon  the 
definite  form  of  government  which  the  National  sovereignty  shall  proclaim. 

"  The  unity  of  the  Nation,  formed  henceforth  of  all  classes  of  the  people 
which  compose  it. 

"  The  government  of  the  Nation  by  itself. 

"  Liberty,  Equality,  Fraternity,  for  its  principles. 

"The  people  to  devise,  and  to  maintain  order. 

11 


242  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

"Such  is  the  Democratic  government  which  France  owes  to  herself,  and 
which  our  efforts  will  ensure  to  her. 

"  Such  are  the  first  acts  of  the  provisional  government." 

(Signed) 

The  departments  "  followed  in  the  sublime  movement  at  Paris."  Rouen 
and  Havre  especially,  which  sent  3,000  men,  with  arms  and  provisions  to 
the  Parisians.  The  Castle  of  Vincennes  surrendered  after  a  slight  resist- 
ance. All  the  other  forts  round  Paris  also  surrendered  to  the  Republic. 
Paris  was  tranquil,  but  the  English  were  flying  from  the  city.  A  procla- 
mation which  appeared  on  Saturday,  declared  the  Chamber  of  Peers, 
"which  only  represented  the  interests  of  the  aristocracy,"  suppressed; 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  "the  mere  representative  of  privileges,  monopoly, 
and  corruption,"  dissolved,  and  says  : — 

"  The  K"atlon,  from  the  present  moment,  is  constituted  a  Republic. 

"All  citizens  should  remain  in  arms,  and  defend  the  barricades,  until 
they  have  acquired  the  enjoyment  of  all  their  rights,  as  citizens  and  as 
operatives. 

"  Every  citizen  who  has  attained  his  majority  is  a  national  guard. 

"  Every  citizen  is  an  elector. 

"  Absolute  freedom  of  thought  and  liberty  of  the  press,  right  of  political 
and  industrial  association,  is  sacred  to  all. 

"  As  the  government  of  the  future  can  only  respect  the  wishes  and  the 
interests  of  all  classes,  all  Frenchmen  should  assemble  together  in  the 
respective  communes,  in  deliberative  assemblies,  in  order  to  elect  new  and 
real  representatives  of  the  country. 

"Until  the  nation  has  formally  declared  its  will  on  this  head,  every 
attempt  to  restore  obsolete  powers  must  be  deemed  an  usurpation ;  and  it 
is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  resist  any  such  attempt  by  force." 

The  French  Admirals  gave  in  their  adhesion-  to  the  Republic. 
Political  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty  on  Saturday.  Paris  presented 
the  appearance  of  a  festival.  A  proclamation  was  extensively  placarded 
by  the  editors  of  the  Democratie  Pacifique  which  professed  to  give  authori- 
tatively the  ideas  of  M.  de  Lamar  tine ;  it  says : — ■ 

"  Union  and  fraternal  association  between  the  heads  of  trading  estab- 
lishments and  the  operatives.  Equality  of  rights,  by  education  given  to 
all ;  asylums,  places  of  refuge,  rural  schools,  and  civic  (or  urban)  schools. 
No  more  oppression  or  working  of  children.     Absolute  freedom  of  religion. 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUIIOX APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       243 

Absolute  independence  of  conscience.  The  church  to  be  independent  of 
the  state. 

"  Protection  to  all  the  weak,  and  to  women  and  children.  Peace  and 
holy  alliance  amongst  all  nations.  Abolition  of  war,  in  which  the  people 
serve  as  a  gun  carriage. 

"  Independence  of  all  nationalities. 

"  France  the  Protectress  of  the  Rights  of  Weak  Nations. 

"  Order  founded  on  liberty.     Universal  fraternity." 

To  this  there  is  added  a  postscript  thus : — 

"There  is  a  man  in  France  who  accepts  these  principles,  and  who  has 
already  proclaimed  them — namely  M.  de  Lamartine." 

On  Sunday,  Mr.  Rush,  the  Minister  of  the  United  States,  visited  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  and  recognised  the  Provisional  government  with  warm  con- 
gratulations.    The  Archbishop  of  Paris  ordered  a  solemn  service  for  the 

slain  in  all  the  churches  of  the  city. In  Sicily,  the  rigorous  measures  of 

the  govwnment  against  the  former  insurrectionists — the  wholesale  incarce- 
rations, and  the  numerous  and  indiscriminate  executions,  produced  their 
usual  consequences.  Early  in  December,  Sicily  rose  "as  one  man,  and 
the  soldiers  refused  to  act  against  the  exasperated  population."  The 
popular  demonstrations  continued.  On  the  14th  of  that  month,  a 
body  of  several  hundred  citizens  paraded  the  town,  shouting  in  favor 
of  the  Pope,  the  Italian  League,  and  Reform,  l^ear  the  Palace,  a  serious 
collision  took  place  with  the  military  and  police.  At  Messina,  Marshal 
Landi,  obnoxious  from  his  former  acts,  had  to  fly  his  residence,  and 
shut  himself  up  with  the  garrison  in  the  fortress.  On  the  9th  of 
January,  Prince  Fiorenza,  the  Chancellor  Amari,  Francis  Ferrari,  and 
twenty  others  were  arrested,  at  Palermo,  on  suspicion  of  being  popular, 
having  restored  order  during  the  warm  demonstrations  of  JNTovember, 
when  the  police  could  not.  Patriotic  manifestoes  were  privately  dis- 
patched throughout  the  island,  and  revolutionary  parties  organized  in 
silence.  On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  as  the  artillery  announced  the  anni« 
versary  of  the  king's  birthday,  the  population  spread  in  masses  through  the 
city.  Detachments  of  the  people  were  attended  by  armed  men,  who  pro- 
tected them  whilst  they  piled  the  barricades.  The  police  gave  way  before 
this  imposing  movement.  A  portion  of  the  army  left  the  town  and  took 
up  a  position  at  the  foot  of  Mont  Pellegrino.     About  noon,  some  of  the 


244  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

cavalrj  appearing  in  tlie  streets  to  disperse  the  people,  were  hailed  with 
cries  of  fraternity  and  friendship  ;  but  they  fired  on  the  citizens,  killing 
one  man  and  wounding  many.  Loud  cries  of  vengeance  rose  from  the 
crowd.  The  "  insurgents,"  now  numbering  thirty  thousand,  became  mas- 
ters of  the  city,  and  occupied  themselves  in  strengthening  their  position. 
The  clergy  mingled  with  the  people,  giving  utterance  to  sentiments  of  the 
loftiest  patriotism,  exhorting  them  not  to  desist,  and  encouraging  them 
at  the  barricades.  Tlie  women  hurled  boiling  water  and  furniture  on 
the  cavalry  as  they  charged.  The  greatest  unanimity  prevailed,  and  the 
infantry  again  refused  to  act  against  the  people.  At  Xaples,  placards  were 
posted,  calling  on  the  citizens  to  imitate  Palermo.  At  Trapani,  a  rising  took 
place  no  less  decisive  than  that  of  the  Palermians.  The  royal  troops  were 
repelled  and  the  castle  captured  by  the  people.  The  packet,  Giglio  delle 
Onde,  was  seized  by  the  insurgents  for  their  own  use,  and  at  Messina  the 
people  possessed  themselves  of  the  forts  surrounding  the  town.  Catania, 
Syracuse,  and  Melazza  followed  the  example,  and  everywhere  success 
crowned  the  "  insurgents."  At  Palermo,  the  citizens  formed  a  provisional 
government  of  the  first  men  in  Sicily.  The  town  was  bombarded  by 
eio"ht  royal  steamers  sent  by  the  king  from  Naples.  The  bombardment 
continued  for  two  days.  The  foreign  consuls  protested  against  the  bom- 
bardment. When  near  the  palace,  the  deputation  was  fired  on.  At  last, 
gaining  the  presence  of  the  Due  de  Majo,  Lieutenant  General  of  Sicily,  a 
long  discussion  ensued,  at  the  close  of  which  the  firing  was  ordered  to  be 
suspended  for  twenty-four  hours.  The  deputation  then  proceeded  through 
various  barricades  to  the  palace  of  the  senate,  in  the  centre  of  the  town, 
where  the  council  of  the  people  sat,  but  failed  to  induce  them  to  suspend 
hostilities.  From  this  moment  the  "  insurrection  "  took  greater  consistency 
and  strength.  The  people  made  incessant  attacks  on  the  troops.  On  the 
19th,  the  consuls  met  and  protested  against  the  renewal  of  the  bombard- 
ment, and  the  same  evening  a  despatch  was  sent  to  Naples  with  the 
demands  of  the  people  for  the  constitution  of  1812,  and  the  convoca- 
tion of  a  Sicilian  Parliament  at  Palermo.  On  the  20th,  decrees  of 
concession  were  brought  to  Palermo,  but  matters  had  gone  so  far 
that  the  Sicilians  would  not  accept  less  than  they  demanded.  A 
junta  of  two  sections — one  for  administration,  one  for  defence — was 
formed  at  Palermo.  The  strictest  discipline  was  observed.  Addresses  were 
issued  to  the  clergy,  in  which  they  say — "  Let  the  Evangelical  j^ulpit  again 
proclaim  the  words  of  truth,  to  make  known  to  our  citizens  that  the  love 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       245 

of  our  native  land  is  one  of  the  great  principles  of  our  religion.  Let  the 
people  be  taught  by  the  Holy  Word  to  respect  property,  persons,  and  the 
movements  which  have  for  aim  to  promote  civilization."  In  the  beginning 
of  February,  the  King  granted  a  new  Constitution — that  of  1812 — which 
was  accepted  on  condition  that  the  Prince  Royal  (twelve  years  old)  should 
reside  at  Palermo,  and  that  a  separate  parliament  should  be  established  at 
the  same  place.  Several  ladies  of  distinction  had  sympathised  in  thought 
and  action  with  the  people.  The  Princess  Scordia  and  the  Duchesses  de 
Monteleone  and  G-ualtieri  tended  the  wounded.  Special  mention  is  due  to 
Maria  Testa  di  Lana,  who,  disguising  her  noble  figure  in  man's  attire,  headed 

a  detachment,  and  fought  and  won  for  her  country. In  Ireland,  the 

terrible  condition  of  the  country,  together  with  the  examples  of  the  European 
revolutions,  entirely  changed  the  policy  of  the  Confederation.  To  such  a, 
pitch  of  excitement  were  the  Nationalists  wrought  by  the  revolutionary 
spirit,  that  an  outbreak  was  confidently  expected  by  the  Government  on 
the  iVth  of  March.  Acting  on  this  expectation,  they  made  formidable 
preparations  for  the  massacre  of  the  people.  The  Bank  of  Ireland, 
Custom  House,  Trinity  College,  the  Royal  Dublin  Society,  Royal  Hibernian 
Academy,  Linen  Hall,  Holmes's  Hotel,  the  Rotunda,  the  Veterinary  Stables, 
and,  in  fact,  all  the  Institutions,  literary,  artistic,  or  commercial,  in  and 
about  the  city  of  Dublin,  were  strongly  garrisoned.  Gun  boats  were 
hastily  built,  to  be  thrown  upon  the  Liffey.  The  barracks  were  pro- 
visioned, as  for  a  siege.  The  horses  of  the  cavalry  were  shod  with 
plates  of  steel,  to  prevent  their  being  injured  and  thrown  into  disorder  by 
broken  bottles,  and  any  other  missiles  which  might  be  flung  from  the 
parapets  and  windows.  The  horsemen  were  busily  engaged  sharpening 
their  sabres  on  grinding  stones  in  the  barrack  squares,  whilst  the  infantry 
were  occupied  in  familiarizing  themselves  with  the  art  of  fusilading  foot- 
paths and  thoroughfares.  The  Confederation,  convinced  that  the  people 
were  ill  prepared  to  eifect  a  rising  at  the  time,  and  determined,  so  far 
as  they  could  guide  the  popular  passions,  that  there  should  not  be  a 
fruitless  attempt,  anticipated  the  provocations  which  the  people  might 
receive  on  the  l7th,  and  issued  the  following  proclamation : — 

"  TO    THE    CITIZENS    OF    DUBLIN". 

"Fellow-Countrymen, — A  slander  has  gone  forth  against  you.  It  is 
rumored,  by  your  enemies,  that  the  blind  and  anarchical  riots,  which  have 
disgraced  the  great  towns  of  England  and  Scotland,  are  to  be  imitated 
amongst  us. 


246  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION". 

""Wilfully  confounding  your  passionate  ardor  for  the  deliverance  of  your 
country,  with  these  sordid  offences  against  property  and  order,  they  dare 
to  atErni  that  your  aggregate  meeting  puts  in  peril  the  safety  of  your 
fellow-citizens. 

"i^nd  the  English  Government,  which  rules  this  island,  ignorant  of  your 
character,  or  indifferent  to  it,  have  thronged  the  metropolis  with  troops, 
aud  sworn  in  their  English  soldiers  as  magistrates  of  the  city,  to  overawe 
and  dishonor  the  native  citizens. 

"Fellow-countrymen,  we  must  disappoint  the  malice  of  our  enemies. 
"We  must  guard  our  sacred  cause  against  surprise  or  stratagem. 

"The  Council  of  the  Irish  Confederation  appeal  to  you,  in  the  name  of 
our  coming  liberty,  to  watch  over  social  order.  They  admonish  you  to  be 
alive  to  the  designs  of  your  enemies,  and  to  permit  no  provocation  to 
tempt  you  into  the  most  trifling  disorder. 

"  Riot  and  rashness  are  the  vices  of  slaves ;  free  men,  or  men  worthy  of 
freedom,  are  calm,  orderly,  and  resolute.  Let  us  be  so.  Let  every  good 
citizen  regard  himself  as  one  of  a  future  National  Guard,  bound  to  watch 
over  the  order  and  tranquillity  of  the  metropolis. 

"  It  is  not  to  the  vicious  excesses  of  a  mob,  but  to  the  heroic  struggles 
which  illumine  the  Continent,  that  your  eyes  are  turned.  It  is  there  you 
look  for  examples  of  how  liberty  may  be  won,  without  outrage  upon 
religion,  property,  or  order. 

"A  majority  of  all  the  European  States  have  exacted  native  independ- 
ence, or  free  institutions,  from  their  rulers,  while  we  have  been  struggling 
in  the  agony  of  famine.  Many  of  thera  conquered  by  the  mere  aspect 
of  the  angry  people,  before  which  tyranny  trembled  and  gave  way  ;  some 
of  them  seized  their  rights  with  armed  hands;  but  all  have  attained  their 
demands.     It  is  beside  them,  we  ambition  to  take  our  place. 

"For  Ireland,  too,  has  a  great  part  to  play — if  she  do  not  prove 
unworthy  of  it.  Of  all  the  nations,  none  has  suffered  so  deeply — none 
has  made  out  so  clearly  her  charter  to  independence,  by  the  multitude  of 
her  wrongs,  and  the  hopelessness  of  all  other  remedies.  Fellow-country- 
men, it  will  be  some  criminal  blunder  of  our  own,  if  Ireland  is  not  free  as 
Sicily,  and  tranquil  as  France,  before  a  single  year  has  passed  away. 

"But  we  do  not  labor  for  the  elevation  of  class  or  creed,  but  for  all 
Irishmen  ;  and  our  countrymen  must  be  made  to  feel  universally  that  no 
just  interest  is  perilled  by  our  success.  This  is  all  that  remains  to  be  done. 
Death  has  raged  among  us  like  an  invading  army — emigration  has  drained 
our  land  of  wealth  and  strength;  we  are  justified  before  God  and  man  in 
refusing  to  endure  our  wrongs  any  longer.  Our  sole  duty  is  to  assure  and 
unite  all  our  own  people  who  desire  the  independence  of  our  country. 
That  done,  we  can  resume  our  ancient  constitution,  though  all  the  foreign 
nations  of  \^e  earth  forbid  it.     And  we  shall. 

"But  we  must  prove  we  are  worthy  of  liberty.     By  forbearance,   by 


THE  PREXCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       247 

Belf-control,  by  respect  for  property  and  order,  we  must  combine  witb  us 
all  the  good  men  of  Ireland,  who  desire  independence  unsullied  by  crimes 
or  excesses. 

*'  Riot  or  tumult  at  this  moment  would  disgrace  our  cause  and  deliver  it 
into  the  hands  of  our  enemies.  Be  peaceful,  then,  fellow-countrymen,  and 
patient.  Trust  to  the  Confederation  to  point  the  time  and  the  way  to 
liberty.  Day  by  day  we  shall  advance  toward  it,  and  step  by  step.  Give 
our  enemies  no  advantage  by  rashness,  and  there  shall  be  no  backward 
step  in  the  face  of  any  peril,  till  our  end  is  attained."] 

Citizens  of  Dublin,  I  move  tbe  adoption  of  that  address.  In 
doing  so,  I  will  follow  the  advice  of  my  friend,  Mr.  M'Gee.  This 
is  not  the  time  for  long  speeches.  Everything  we  say  here,  just 
now,  should  be  short,  sharp,  and  decisive. 

I  move  the  adoption  of  that  address,  for  this  reason — the 
instruction  it  gives  you,  if  obeyed,  will  keep  you  in  possession  of 
the  opportunity  which  the  revolution  of  Paris  has  created.  The 
game  is  in  your  hands,  at  last ;  and  you  have  a  partner  in  the 
play  upon  whom  you  may  depend. 

Look  towards  the  southern  wave,  and  do  you  not  find  it  crim- 
soned with  the  flame  in  which  the  throne  of  the  Tuileries  has  been 
consumed — and,  borne  upon  that  wave,  do  you  not  hail  the  rain- 
bow flag,  which,  a  few  years  since,  glittered  above  the  rocks  of  Ban- 
try  ?  Has  not  France  proclaimed  herself  the  protectress  of  weak 
nations,  and  is  not  the  sword  of  the  Republic  pledged  to  the 
oppressed  nationalities  which,  in  Europe,  and  elsewhere,  desire  to 
reconstruct  themselves  ?• 

The  feet  that  liave  trampled  upon  the  sceptre  of  July,  have 
trampled  upon  the  treaty  of  Vienna.  Henceforth  the  convenience 
of  kings  will  be  slightly  consulted  by  France,  where  the  necessi- 
ties of  a  people  manifest  themselves. 

But  do  not  wait  for  France.  Do  not  beg  the  blood  which,  on 
the  altar  of  the  Madeline,  she  consecrates  to  the  service  of 
humanity.  Do  not  purchase  your  independence  at  the  expense  of 
those  poor  workmen,  whose  heroism  has  been  so  impetuous,  so 


248  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION". 

generous,  so  tolerant.  It  is  sufficient  for  us,  tliat  tlie  Eepublic — to 
use  the  language  of  Lamartine — shines  from  its  j)lace  upon  the 
horizon  of  nations,  to  instruct  and  guide  them.  Listen  to  these 
instructions — accept  this  guidance — and  be  confident  of  success. 

Fraternize  ! — I  will  use  the  word,  though  the  critics  of  the  Castle 
reject  it  as  the  cant  of  the  day — I  will  use  it,  for  it  is  the  spell- 
word  of  weak  nations — fi-aternize  ! — as  the  citizens  of  Paris  have 
done — and  in  the  clasped  hands  which  arch  the  colossal  car  in  that 
great  funeral  procession  of  the  4th  of  March,  beliold  the  sign  in 
which  your  victory  shall  be  won  ! 

Do  you  not  redden  at  the  thought  of  jour  contemptible  factions 
— their  follies — and  their  crimes  ?  Do  you  not  see,  that  every 
nation  with  a  sensible  head  and  an  upright  heart,  laughs  at  the 
poor  profligate  passion  which  frets  and  fights  for  a  straw  in  this 
parish — a  feather  in  that  barony — a  bubble  on  that  river  ?  Have 
you  not  learned  by  this,  that,  whilst  you  have  been  fighting  for 
these  straws  and  bubbles,  the  country  has  been  wrenched  from 
beneath  your  feet,  and  made  over  to  the  brigands  of  the  Castle  ? 

And  what  enables  these  sleek  and  silken  brigands  to  hold  your 
country  ?  Have  you  fought  them  ?  Have  you  struck  blow  for 
blow,  and  been  worsted  in  the  fight  ? 

Think  of  it — you  marched  against  them  a  few  years  back,  and 
when  you  drew  up  before  the  Castle  gates,  you  cursed  and  cuffed 
each  other — and  then  withdrew. 

Withdrew  ! 

For  what  ?  To  repair  the  evil  ?  To  reunite  the  forces  ?  Ah,  I 
will  not  sting  you  with  these  questions.     I  will  not  sting  myself. 

Let  no  L'ishman  look  into  the  past.  He  will  be  scared  at  the 
evidences  of  his  guilt — evidences  which  spring  up,  like  weeds  and 
briars,  in  that  bleak  waste  of  ruins.  Between  us  and  the  past,  let 
a  wall  arise,  and,  as  if  this  day  was  the  first  of  our  existence,  let 
us  advance  together  towards  that  destiny,  in  the  light  of  which 
this  old  island  shall  renew  itself. 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       249 

Citizens — I  use  anotlier  of  tlie  "  cant  phrases  "  of  tlie  day,  for 
tMs,  too,  is  a  spell-word  with  weak  nations — I  speak  thus,  in  spite 
of  circumstances  which,  within  the  last  few  days — I  allude  to  the 
addresses  from  the  University  and  the  Orange  Lodges — have  dark- 
ened the  prospect  of  a  national  union.  I  speak  thus,  in  spite  of 
that  squeamish  morality  which  decries  the  inspiration  of  the  time, 
and  would  check  the  lofty  passion  which  desires  to  manifest  itself 
in  arms. 

But,  I  will  not  despair  of  this  union,  whoever  may  play  the  fac- 
tionist.  The  people  will  act  for  themselves,  and  in  their  hands,  the 
liberty  of  the  country  will  not  be  compromised. 

At  this  startling  moment — when  your  fortunes  are  swinging  in 
the  balance — let  no  man  dictate  to  you.  Trust  to  your  own  intelli- 
gence, sincerity,  and  power.  Do  not  place  your  prerogatives  in 
commission — the  sovereign  people  should  neither  lend  nor  abdicate 
the  sceptre. 

As  to  the  upper  classes— respectable  circles  of  society — genteel 
nobodies — nervous  aristocrats — friends  of  order  and  starvation — 
of  pestilence  and  peace — of  speedy  hangings  and  green-cropping 
— as  to  these  conspirators  against  the  life  and  dignity  of  the  island, 
they  must  be  no  longer  courted.  They  are  cowards,  and  when 
they  know  your  strength,  they  will  cling  to  you  for  protection. 

Do  I  tell  you  to  refuse  this  protection  ?  "Were  I  base  enough 
to  do  so,  you  would  remind  me  that  the  revolution  of  Paris  has 
been  immortalized  by  the  clemency  of  the  people. 

In  my  letter,  last  week,  to  the  Council  of  the  Confederation,  I 
stated  it  was  net  my  wish  to  urge  any  suggestion  as  to  the  course 
we  should  now  pursue.  Upon  reflection,  however,  I  think  I  am 
called  upon  to  declare  to  you  my  opinion  upon  this  question,  for  it 
would  not  be  honorable,  I  conceive,  for  any  prominent  member  of 
the  Confederation  to  shield  himself  at  this  crisis.  And  I  am  the 
more  anxious  to  declare  my  opinion  upon  this  question  of  ways 
and  means,  since  I  had  not  the  good  fortune  of  being  present  at 


250  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

your  two  previous  meetings,  and,  perhaps,  my  absence  may  have 
occasioned  some  suspicion. 

I  think,  then,  that  from  a  meeting — constituted,  as  the  Repeal- 
ers of  Kilkenny  have  suggested,  of  delegates  from  the  chief  towns 
and  parishes — a  deputation  should  proceed  to  London,  and,  in  the 
name  of  the  Irish  people,  demand  an  interview  with  the  Queen. 

Should  the  demand  be  refused,  let  the  Irish  deputies  pack  up 
their  court  dresses — as  Benjamin  Franklin  did,  when  repulsed  from 
the  court  of  George  III. — and  let  them,  then  and  there,  make 
solemn  oath,  that  when  they  next  demand  admission  to  the  throne- 
room  of  St.  James's,  it  shall  be  through  the  accredited  ambassador 
of  the  Irish  Republic. 

Should  the  demand  be  conceded,  let  the  deputies  approach  the 
throne,  and,  in  firm  and  respectful  terms,  call  upon  the  Queen  to 
exercise  the  royal  prerogative,  and  summon  her  Irish  parliament  to 
sit,  and  advise  her,  in  the  city  of  Dubhn. 

Should  the  call  be  obeyed — should  the  sceptre  touch  the  bier, 
and  she  "  who  is  not  dead,  but  sleepeth  "  start,  at  its  touch,  into  a 
fresh  and  luminous  existence — then,  indeed,  may  we  bless  the 
Constitution  we  have  been  taught  to  curse ;  and  Irish  loyalty, 
ceasing  to  be  a  mere  ceremonious  affectation,  become  with  us,  a 
sincere  devotion  to  the  just  ruler  of  an  independent  State. 

Should  the  claim  be  rejected — should  the  throne  stand  as  a 
barrier  between  the  Irish  people  and  their  supreme  right — then 
loyalty  will  be  a  crime,  and  obedience  to  the  executive  will  be 
treason  to  the  country.  I  say  it  calmly,  seriously,  and  deliberately 
— it  will  then  be  our  duty  to  fight,  and  desperately  fight. 

The  opinions  of  Whig  statesmen  have  been  quoted  here  to-night 
— I  beg  to  remind  you  of  Lord  Palmerston's  language  in  reference 
to  the  insurrection  at  Lisbon,  last  September — "  I  say  that  the 
people  were  justified  in  saying  to  the  government,  if  you  do  not 
give  us  a  parliament  in  which  to  state  our  wrongs  and  grievances, 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       251 

we  shall  state  them  by  arms  and  by  force."  I  adopt  those  words, 
and  call  upon  you  to  adopt  them  likewise. 

Citizens  of  Dublin,  I  know  well  what  I  may  incur  by  the 
expression  of  these  sentiments — I  know  it  well — therefore,  let  no 
man  indulgently  ascribe  them  to  ignorance,  or  to  idiotcy. 

Were  I  more  moderate — as  some  Whig  sympathizer  would  say 
— more  sensible,  as  he  might  add,  without  meaning  anything 
personal,  of  course — more  practical,  as  he  would  further  beg 
leave  to  remark,  without  at  all  meaning  to  deny  that  I  possessed 
some  excellent  points — in  fact,  and  in  truth,  were  I  a  temperate 
trifler,  a  polished  knave,  a  scientific  dodger — I  might  promise 
myself  a  pleasant  life,  many  gay  scenes,  perhaps  no  few  privileges. 

Moderate,  sensible,  practical  men,  are  sure  to  obtain  privileges 
just  now.  Paid  poor-law  guardianships  are  plentiful,  now-a-days, 
and  the  invitations  to  the  Castle  are  indiscriminate  and 
innumerable.  But,  I  desire  to  be  neither  moderate  nor  sensible, 
neither  sensible  nor  practical,  in  the  sense  attached  to  these 
words  by  the  polite  and  slavish  circle,  of  which  his  Excellency  is 
the  centre. 

It  is  the  renunciation  of  truth,  of  manhood,  and  of  country — 
the  renunciation  of  the  noblest  lessons  with  which  the  stately 
genius  of  antiquity  has  crowned  the  hills  of  Rome  and  sanctified 
the  dust  of  Greece — the  renunciation  of  all  that  is  frank,  and 
chivalrous,  and  inspiring — it  is  the  renunciation  of  all  this  which 
makes  you  acceptable  in  the  eyes  of  that  meagre,  spectral 
royalty,  which  keeps  "  open  house "  for  reduced  gentlemen  upon 
the  summit  of  Cork  hill. 

Better  to  swing  from  the  gibbet,  than  live  and  fatten  on  such 
terms  as  these.  Better  to  rot  within  the  precincts  of  the 
common  jail — when  the  law  has  curbed  your  haughty  neck, 
young  traitor ! — than  be  the  moderate,  sensible,  practical  villain, 
which  these  Chesterfields  of  the  Dublin  promenades  and  salaons 


EXGLISII    LEGISLATION. 


would  entreat  you  to  be,  for  the  sake  of  society,  and  tlie  success 
of  tlie  Whigs. 

But  the  hour  is  on  the  stroke,  when  these  conceits  and 
mockeries  shall  be  trampled  in  the  ^dust.  The  storm  which 
dashed  the  crown  of  Orleans  against  the  column  of  July,  has 
rocked  the  foundations  of  the  Castle.  They  have  no  longer  a 
safe  bedding:  in  the  Irish  soil.  To  the  first  breeze  which  shakes 
the  banners  of  the  European  rivals  they  must  give  way.  Be  upon 
the  watch,  and  catch  the  breeze ! 

When  the  world  is  in  arms — when  the  silence,  which,  for  two 
and  thirty  years,  has  reigned  upon  the  plain  of  Waterloo,  at  last 
is  broken — then  be  prepared  to  grasp  your  freedom  with  an 
armed  hand,  and  hold  it  with  the  same. 

In  the  meantime,  take  warning  from  this  address — "do  not 
suffer  your  sacred  cause  to  be  ruined  by  stratagem  or  surprise." 
Beware  of  the  ingenuity,  the  black  art,  of  those  who  hold  your 
country.  By  your  sagacious  conduct,  keep  them  prisoners  in 
their  barracks  on  the  l7th.  There  must  be  no  bloody  joke  at 
your  expense,  amongst  the  jesters  and  buftbons  in  St.  Patrick's 
Hall  upon  that  night. 

Citizens  of  Dublin,  you  have  heard  my  opinions.  These 
opinions  may  be  very  rash,  but  it  would  not  be  honest  to 
conceal  them. 

The  time  has  come  for  every  Irishman  to  speak  out.  The 
address  of  the  University  declares,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every 
man  in  the  kingdom  to  say,  whether  he  be  the  friend,  or  the  foe, 
of  the  government.  I  think  so,  too,  and  I  declare  myself  the 
enemy  of  the  government. 

But  if  I  am  rash — it  was  Rome,  it  was  Palermo,  it  was  Paris, 
that  made  me  rash.  Vexed  by  the  indiscretion — the  fanaticism 
— of  these  cities,  who  can  keep  his  temper — dole  out  placid  law — 
and  play  the  gentle  demagogue  ? 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION APPEAL  TO  ARMS.       253 

When  tlie  sections  of  Paris  were  thickening  round  the 
Tuilleries,  in  1793,  Louis  XVI.  put  on  his  court  dress,  and,  in 
his  ruffles  and  silk  stockings,  waited  for  the  thunderbolt.  Is  it 
thus  that  you  will  wait  for  the  storm  now  gathering  over 
Europe  ?  Shall  the  language  of  the  nation  be  the  language 
of  the  Four  Courts  ?  Will  the  revolution  be  made  with  rose- 
water  ? 

Look  up  ! — look  up  ! — behold  the  incentives  of  the  hour ! 

By  the  waves  of  the  Mediterranean,  the  Sicilian  noble  stands, 
and  presents  to  you  the  flag  of  freedom.  From  the  steps  of  the 
Capitol,  the  keeper  of  the  Sacred  Keys  unfurls  the  banner  that 
was  buried  in  the  grave  of  the  Bandieras,  and  invites  you  to 
accept  it.  From  the  tribune  of  the  French  Repubhc,  where  that 
gallant  workman  exclaims — "  respect  the  public  monuments — 
respect  the  rights  of  property — the  people  have  shown  that  they 
will  not  be  ill-governed — let  them  prove  they  know  how  to  use 
properly  the  victory  they  have  won  " — from  this  tribune,  where 
these  noble  words  are  uttered,  the  hand  of  labor — the  strong  hand 
of  God's  nobility — proffers  you  the  flag  of  liberty. 

Will  you  refuse  to  take  it  ?  Will  you  sneak  away  from  the 
noble,  the  pontiflP,  and  the  workman  ?  Will  you  shut  your  eyes 
to  the  splendors  that  surround  you,  and  grope  your  way  in 
darkness  to  the  grave  ? 

Ah,  pardon  me  this  language — it  is  not  the  language  which 
the  awakening  spirit  of  the  country  justifies. 

Taught  by  the  examples  of  Italy,  of  France,  of  Sicily,  the 
citizens  of  Ireland  shall,  at  last,  unite.  To  the  enmities  that  have 
snapped  the  ties  of  citizenship,  there  shall  be  a  wise  and  generous 
termination.  Henceforth,  the  power  of  the  island  shall  be  lodged 
in  one  head,  one  heart,  one  arm.  One  thought  shall  animate,  one 
passion  shall  inflame,  one  effort  concentrate,  the  genius,  the 
enthusiasm,  the  heroism  of  the  people. 

Thus    united^^to    repeat   vdiat   I   have   said   before — let    the 


254  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

demand  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  nationality  of  Ireland  be 
constitutionally  made.  Dej^ute  your  worthiest  citizens  to 
approach  the  throne,  and,  before  that  throne,  let  the  will  of  the 
Irish  people  be  uttered  with  dignity  and  decision. 

If  nothing  comes  of  this — if  the  constitution  opens  to  us  no 
path  to  freedom — if  the  Union  must  be  maintained  in  spite  of  the 
will  of  the  Irish  people — if  the  government  of  Ireland  insists  upon 
being  a  government  of  dragoons  and  bombardiers,  of  detectives 
and  light  infantry — then,  up  with  the  barricades,  and  invoke  the 
God  of  Battles ! 

Should  we  succeed — oh  !  think  of  the  joy,  the  ecstacy,  the  glory 
of  this  old  Irish  nation,  which,  in  that  hour,  will  grow  young  and 
strong  again. 

Should  we  fail — the  country  will  not  be  worse  than  it  is  now — 
the  sword  of  famine  is  less  sparing  than  the  bayonet  of  the 
soldier. 

And  if  we,  who  have  spoken  to  you  in  this  language,  should 
fall  with  you — or  if,  reserved  for  a  less  glorious  death,  we  be 
flung  to  the  vultures  of  the  law — then  shall  we  recollect  the 
words  of  France — recollect  the  promise  she  has  given  to  weak 
nations— and  standing  upon  the  scaffold,  within  one  heart's 
beat  of  eternity,  our  last  cry  upon  this  earth  shall  be — "  France  ! 
France  !  avenge  us  !" 


SYMPATHY  OF  FRANCE. 

Hotel  La  Milarie^  Paris^  3rd  A2ml,  1848. 

[March  15th,  the  following  Address  to  the  citizens  of  the  French  Republic 
was  adopted  hj  the  Confederation  : — 

"  Illustrious  Citizexs — Permit  us  to  offer  to  jou  such  congratulations, 
as  a  people,  still  suffering  under  servitude,  may  without  reproach  testify  to 
a  nation  which  has  nobly  vindicated  its  own  liberties. 

"We  congratulate  you  upon  the  downfall  of  a  tyranny  elaborately  con- 
structed with  consummate  art,  but  which  has  been  prostrated  in  a  moment 
by  your  chivalrous  enthusiasm. 

"  We  know  not  whether  most  to  admire  your  fiery  valor  in  the  hour  of 
trial,  or  your  sublime  forbearance  in  the  moment  of  success. 

"You  have  respected  religion,  and  God  has,  therefore,  blessed  your 
work. 

"  Your  heroism  has  taught  enslaved  nations  that  emancipation  ever 
awaits  those  who  dare  to  achieve  it  by  their  own  intrepidity. 

"By  your  firm  maintenance  of  public  order  you  have  proved  that  true 
liberty  claims  no  kindred  with  spoliation  and  anarchy. 

"We  hail  you  henceforth  as  arbiters  of  the  destinies  of  mankind,  as 
deliverers  of  the  oppressed  members  of  the  great  human  family. 

"We,  whose  nationality  was  extinguished  by  the  basest  arts — we,  who 
daily  experience  the  countless  evils  which  result  from  that  unspeakable 
loss — we,  the  inhabitants  of  Ireland,  now  claiai  your  sympathy. 

"  We  have  firmly  resolved  that  this  ancient  kingdom  shall  once  again  be 
free  and  independent. 

"In  imitation  of  your  example  we  propose  to  exhaust  all  the  resources 
of  constitutional  action  before  we  resort  to  other  efforts  for  redress. 

"  Time  will  unfold  our  projects,  but  we  hesitate  not  to  tell  you,  in  antici- 
pation of  the  future,  that  your  friendship  may  increase  their  efiicacy,  and 
accelerate  their  success. 

"Our  claims  to  fraternity  with  you  rest  upon  the  proudest  traditions  of 
your  history. 

"  In  other  times,  in  the  hour  of  Ireland's  extreraest  need,  your  forefathers 
tendered  shelter  and  hospitality  to  our  exiled  warriors ;  and  Fontenoy  can 


256  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

testify  how  well  tliat  hospitality  was  requited  by  the  cheerful  effusion  of 
Irish  blood  in  maintenance  of  the  glory  of  France. 

"  On  our  own  account  as  well  as  upon  yours,  we  shall  watch  with  intense 
interest  the  development  of  your  republican  constitution. 

"  We  augur  the  happiest  results  to  yourselves  and  to  mankind  from  your 
determination  to  found  your  institutions  upon  the  broadest  basis — to  place 
them  no  longer  upon  privileged  classes,  but  upon  the  whole  French 
nation. 

"  Consolidate  the  great  work  which  you  have  begun.  Guarantee  the 
rights  of  property,  by  securing  the  rights  of  industry.  Indulge  not  the 
lust  of  conquest,  but  be  ever  ready  to  succour  the  oppressed.  Kender 
France  the  <;entre  of  European  progress,  as  well  in  the  march  of  freedom 
as  in  the  advance  of  civilisation  and  of  the  arts.  Continue  to  present  to 
mankind  a  magnanimous  example  of  manly  virtue,  and  be  assured  that 
among  those  who  will  greet  you  with  applause  and  admiration,  you  will 
find  no  more  affectionate  ally  than  the  people  of  Ireland." 

Messrs.  O'Brien,  O'Gorman,  Meagher,  and  Hollywood,  were  deputed  to 
present  this  address  to  the  Provisional  Government,  on  the  3rd  of  April. 
It  was  formally  read  and  handed,  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  to  M.  de  Lamartine, 
as  principal  member  of  the  government.  His  reply  was  looked  for  with  the 
greatest  anxiety  in  England  and  Ireland.  For  several  days  it  had  been  the 
subject  of  considerable  gossip  and  conjecture  in  the  English  Papers. 
The  correspondent  of  the  London  Times,  writing  from  Paris,  stated  that 
"  The  Irish  deputation  seem  to  have  placed  the  Provisional  Government 
in  a  very  awkward  predicament.  The  Address  of  Lamartine  seemed 
to  invite  the  nations  of  the  earth  to  come  to  France  for  assistance 
against  real  or  supposed  oppressors.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
deputation  of  Irish  rebels  came  to  Paris,  and  were  to  have  been 
received  on  Saturday,  but  the  question  caused  a  division  in  the  Provisional 
government.  Ledru  Rollin  was  for  risking  all  consequences,  and  giving 
arms  and  aid  to  the  Irish ;  but  Lamartine  desired  to  give  the  same  answer 
as  was  given  to  the  Poles.  To  give  time  for  the  discussion  of  what  should 
be  the  answer,  the  deputation  was  put  oflf  to  Monday,  and  the  French 
government  are  to  sit  in  council  to  decide  what  is,  in  fact,  a  question  of 
peace  or  war  with  England.  There  cannot  be  a  doubt  about  the  answer. 
M.  de  Lamartine  will  either  resign,  or  give  a  reply  which  will  cool  the 
courage  of  the  Irish  Confederation.  As  the  majority  of  the  Provisional 
government  have  hitherto  always  been  with  Lamartine  against  Rollin,  I 
conceive  the  alternative  is  certain  to  be  the  continuance  of  Lamartine  in 
office.     Lamartine,  while  very  glad  to  see  the  mass  of  Irish,   Belgian, 


SYMPATHY    OF    FRAXCE.  25*7 

German,  and  Italian  workmen  leaving  Paris,  and  thus  removing  a  heavy 
difficulty  off  the  hands  of  the  executive,  is  determined  neither  to  assist  nor 
countenance  any  scheme  of  armed  propagandism.  Most  of  the  Ifish  in 
Paris  are  leaving  for  Ireland  in  the  hope  of.  an  insurrection,"  The  Times 
writer  was  not  wrongly  advised,  as  the  reply  to  the  deputation  proved. 
M.  de  Lamartine's  reply  was  not  an  answer  to  the  Irish  Confedera- 
tion, but  an  explanation  to  the  English  press.  It  was  not  meant  for  tlie 
Irish  people,  but  for  the  English  Ambassador,  the  Marquis  of  Normanby, 
under  whose  influence  it  was  dictated.  He  fabricated  a  case  for  the 
occasion,  the  more  fully  to  depart  from  the  one  presented,  and  the  more 
easily  to  hide  the  true  spirit  under  which  he  acted.  The  Irish  deputation 
went  to  Paris,  solely  to  convey  the  congratulations  of  the  Irish  Con- 
federation to  the  citizens  of  Paris,  on  the  achievement  of  their  liberty 
and  the  establishment  of  the  Republic.  The  press  of  England  accused 
them  of  going  to  solicit  military  aid,  and  on  this  accusation,  and  not  on 
the  address  presented,  did  M.  de  Lamartine  base  his  reply.  Sir  George 
Grey,  echoing  the  falsehoods  of  the  London  Press,  and  adapting  his 
speeching  to  M.  de  Lamartine's  views,  on  the  'Zth  April,  in  the  English 
Commons,  charged  the  deputation  with  soliciting  French  aid  for  the  Irish 
struggle.    On  the  10th,  Mr.  O'Brien  explained,  clearly  and  boldly,  the  exact 

nature  of  his  visit  to  France. "  It  has  been  stated,"  said  he,  "  that  I  went 

to  France  for  the  purpose  of  enlisting  Freacli  aid — that  is  to  say,  armed 
aid  and  succor  for  my  countrymen  in  the  struggle  in  which  they  are 
engaged.  Tliat  is  a  misapprehension.  If  I  had  gone  to  France  asking  for 
aid  of  an  armed  kind,  believe  me  I  should  have  come  back  accompanied 
by  a  toler|ibly  large  legion  of  troops.  You  may  believe  what  I  say,  I  only 
wish  you  had  been  in  France  during  the  last  fortnight.  The  language  I 
have  held  in  Ireland  and  in  France  to  my  countrymen  has  been  this — 
that  Irish  freedom  must  be  won  by  Irish  courage  and  by  Irish  firmness. 
I  have  no  desire  to  impose  upon  ray  country  one  description  of  servitude 
in  the  place  of  another — for  I  believe  that  if  the  liberty  of  Ireland,  and 
its  redemption  from  its  present  position  were  won  by  foreign  bayonets,  its 
permanent  position  could  be  retained  only  by  foreign  bayonets;  and, 
therefore,  it  is  not  my  desire  or  my  intention  to  place  my  country  under 
foreign  dominion.  What  I  did,  however,  I  will  boldly  avow  in  this  house. 
I  went  on  behalf  of  a  large  portion  of  my  countrymen  as  one  of  a  deputa- 
tion to  congratulate  the  French  nation,  upon  the  overthrow  of  a  dynasty 
which  had  forfeited  all  claim  to  continue  in  possession  of  the  throne  of 


258  ENGLISH    LKGISLATION. 

FrjiiK'c ;  u])oii  liaving  sliown  to  ilu>  n.-ilioiis  of  tlic  world  (and  tlieir  example 
Ims  (o  a  coriiiin  oxtoiitulroudy  luid  thai.  cfrect)]»ow  other  nations  wore  to  wini 
their  •]i))ortie3 ;  and  to  tliaiik  them  for  hnvinijj  given  an  impulse  to  tlio 
cause  of  freedom,  wiiieh  we  hope  will  reaet  benelieially  upon  our  own 
(X)uniry  ;  but  1  liave  no  hesitation  whatever  in  iiHiriuiug,  and  with  pleasure 
1  avow,  that,  1  did  tind  ou  the  part  of  the  Freueh  ])e()p!e  a  great  amount 
of  intense  sympathy  with  Ireland."  The  conduct  of  M.  de  Lamartine  did 
iiot,  however,  appear  so  very  discreditable  xintil  the  appearance  of  his 
"  //i.sfori/  of  the  FrcneJi.  lie  volution,  of  1818."  In  book  XII.  of  that  strange 
and  theatrical  j)ublication,  the  autlior  writes  as  follows —  'ICngland  did  not 
wait  willi  less  solicitude  for  the  reeei)tion  Lanuirtine  would  give  the  Irisli 
insurgents,  who  had  set  out  from  I)ul)lin  to  come  and  demand  encourage- 
mcut,  and  arms  of  the  French  llepublie.  The  old  national  hatred  between 
]*'ranee  and  j^jigland  favored  their  cause;  the  pai't.y  of  the  demagogues,  the 
militai-y  and  the  Catholic  party,  muted  in  France  in  considering  the  Irish 
insurrection  the  cause  of  liberty,  the  churcli,  and  France.  Lamartine  was 
^\o[,  blind  to  the  clamors  thes(^  three  j)arties  would  raise  against  him,  if  he 
dared  refuse  the  aid  of  the  republic  to  a  civil  war  in  England.  ITe  dared 
to  do  so  nevertheless,  resting  on  the  loyalty  of  the  republic,  lie  did  not 
consider  all  weapons  fair  to  fight  with  against  a  rival  but  friendly  power, 
with  which  he  wished  to  strengthen  the  ties  of  liberated  France."  In  the 
announcement  thus  made  of  the  "Irish  insurgents"  demanding  "encourage- 
ment and  arms,"  M.  de  Lamartine  ccmtradicted  himself,  and  his  written  state- 
ment,. And  his  "strengthening  the  ties  of  liberated  France"  with  England, 
is  an  explanation  of  the  treachery  of  which  he  was  guilty.  On  arriving 
at  Paris,  tlie  deputation,  after  the  usual  courtesy,  left  a  copy  of  their  address 
at  his  bvu-eau,  and  desired  an  audience.  A  distant  day  was  ai>j)ointed,  when, 
on  the  morning  of  that  very  day,  his  answer — refusing  what  was  not 
solicited — was  placarded  by  the  jioliee  through  Ireland  !  It  is  sufficiently 
obvious  that  Lord  Normanby  virtually  received  the  Irish  deputies  and 
answered  \h(^  Irish  Confederation.  Again  as  to  the  "aid."  During  the 
trial  of  Mr.  O'Brien  in  Clonmel  for  high  treason,  Mr.  John  Leonard,  of  the 
National  Guards,  wrote  to  M.  de  Lamartine,  respecting  the  visit  of  the 
Irish  deputation  to  Paris,  stating  that  his  testimony  might  be  useful  on  the 
trial.  M.  de  Lamartine  replied,  e^lphatieally  stating  that,  neither  directly 
nor  indirectly,  did  the  Irish  l)e|mties  demand  aid  for  the  Irish  insur- 
rection ;  and  further  stating,  thsit  he  was  ready  to  swear  before  the 
"tribunal  of  justice"  to  the  truth  of  the  statement  he  then  made  before 


SYMPATHY    OF    FRAKCE.  259 

God — "according  to  his  conscience  and  liis  memory."  Tliis  letter  was 
sent  to  Clonmel,  and  afterwards  printed  in  the  English  and  Irish 
Papers,  Yet,  as  if  still  owing  a  greater  debt  to  the  "rival  but  friendly 
power,"  he  wrote  the  following  words  in  his  Pamphlet  on  Emjlandin  1850 — 
"When  Ireland,  then  in  a  state  of  eruption,  came  after  February  to  demand 
arms  of  France  against  England." — And  in  his  History  of  the  Revolution, 
speaking  of  his  answer  to  the  deputation,  he  says  "Cries  of  'Long  live  the 
Republic!'  and  'Long  live  Lamartine!'  from  the  immense  multitude  that 
surrounded  the  Irish,  welcomed  these  words.  These  shouts  showed  them, 
that  the  refusal  of  the  minister  on  these  grounds  was  even  more  popular 
than  their  cause."  This  is  a  fine  piece  of  imagination,  brought  in 
chiefly  to  strengthen  his  position  by  falsifying  the  French  people,  in 
regard  to  their  sympathy  with  his  English  "  ties."  The  case  is  simply 
this — the  deputies  were  not  attended  by  a  crowd  at  the  delivery  of  the 
reply,  which  was  made  in  one  of  the  innermost  chambers  of  the  Hotel  de 
Ville — the  number  of  rooms  and  corridors  passed  in  reaching  it,  placing 
the  streets,  and  all  noise  therefrom,  completely  beyond  hearing.  It  was 
perfectly  still,  and  none  were  present  but  the  Deputies,  four  of  the  Council 
of  the  Confederation  then  sojourning  in  Paris,  and  two  or  three  corres- 
pondents of  the  London  Press.  The  subsequent  knowledge  of  these  facts 
accounts  for  the  discrepancy  between  the  tenor  of  this  note  and  certain 
passages  in  the  speech  which  follows.] 

I  feel  most  happy,  Mr.  President  and  citizens,  in  meeting  you 
this  evening.  We  meet  in  the  chief  city  of  France — the  centre  of 
European  freedom — the  source  from  which  the  oppressed  national- 
ities of  the  age  derive  their  hope,  their  passion,  their  vitality. 

The  pride  of  Ireland  is  not  insulted  here  by  the  flag  of  England. 
In  the  Hotel  des  Invalides  I  have  beheld  it  in  captivity — and,  as 
men  desiring  freedom,  we  recognize  no  flag  but  that  which  pro- 
claims the  liberty  of  nations. 

Beneath  the  shadow  with  which  it  beautifies  and  brightens 
every  spot  upon  which  it  waves,  we  may  for  a  time  forget  the 
mean  position  of  our  country — forget  our  patience,  our  humility, 
our  debasement — forget  that  we  are  behind  all  other  nations — the 
most  complaining  and  the  least  heroic.     In   the  splendor   that 


260  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

encircles  the  Tricolor  of  tlie  Republic,  we  lose  sight  of  the  dark 
images  that  crowd  the  shores  from  which  we  have  arrived,  and 
in  the  extasy  it  inspires,  we  forget  the  wrongs  of  which  we  are  the 
inheritors — and  the  enemies. 

Citizens,  you  have  met  to  do  honor  to  the  people  of  whom  we 
are  the  representatives  in  this  city.  We  have  fulfilled  our  mission. 
We  have  presented  our  congratulations  to  the  citizens  of  Paris 
upon  the  triumph  they  have  won — we  return  to  excite  another 
people  to  the  achievement  of  a  triumph  equally  virtuous  and 
essential. 

The  scenes  we  have  visited  encourage  us  to  the  task.  We 
leave  France  never  to  return  to  it,  but  as  the  citizens  of  a  free 
state — a  state  of  which  we  shall  not  be  ashamed — and  which 
France  shall  have  authority  officially  to  recognize. 

You  heard  the  sentiments  of  Mons.  de  Lamartine  this  morning. 
They  were  the  sentiments  of  a  great  intellect.  In  his  presence,  we 
felt  that  it  was  an  ignominy  to  be  alive,  and  without  a  country 
which  we  could  call  our  own. 

And  yet,  it  was  not  what  he  expressed,  but  what  he  conveyed — 
not  what  he  uttered,  but  what  he  signified — that  gave  us  hope. 
He  told  us  "  his  lips  were  sealed."  His  lips  were  sealed,  because 
his  heart  was  full. 

The  lips  of  France,  however,  are  not  sealed.  France  will  speak 
in  spite  of  diplomatists — in  spite  of  courts.  She  will  defend  the 
flag  of  freedom  against  every  sword  and  sceptre.  This  I  know, 
there  are  around  me  this  evening  many  gallant  men,  who  will  not 
permit  the  flag  they  have  placed  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville  to  remain 
there  as  an  idle  ornament,  emblematic  of  no  power. 

Gentlemen,  you  who  wear  the  uniform  of  the  National  Guard, 
you  have  fought  upon  the  barricades  for  the  liberty  of  France. 
The  throne  of  July  was  reared  upon  the  barricades — you  have 
upset  those  barricades,  and  made  them  the  foundations  not  of  a 
court,  but  of  a  people. 


SYMPATHY    OF    FRANCE.  261 

We,  too,  have  cauglit  the  fever  with  which  the  brain  and  arm 
of  every  nation  burns  at  this  hour.  There  must  be  a  "  crisis  "  in 
our  disease,  and  that  "  crisis"  shall  result  in  a  glorious  resuscitation 
or  a  glorious  death. 

What !  of  all  the  nations  that  form  the  map  of  Europe,  shall 
we  alone  respect  the  law  that  imposes  servitude — stifling  the  dic- 
tates of  nature — of  God — to  pay  our  homage  to  the  whims  and 
maxims  of  privy  councillors,  law  agents — the  mean,  the  timid,  and 
the  vicious  ? 

Every  nation,  save  our  own,  has  rent  its  shroud,  and  upon  the 
fragments  of  its  sepulchre,  through  which  it  has  burst  like  a  flame 
from  the  centre  of  the  earth,  the  Angel  sits,  and  says  to  those  who 
seek  the  dead — "  He  is  not  here — he  hath  arisen  I" 

That  island,  too,  from  the  dust  of  which  we  have  sprung,  has 
been  touched  with  a  miraculous  hand — there,  too,  the  dead  moves 
within  the  sepulchre — and  the  arm,  that  was  worn  and  wasted, 
shall  strike  against  the  stones  until  the  sepulchre  gives  way — to 
free  or  crush  us  ! 


PRESENTATION  OF  THE  IRISH  TRICOLOR. 

Music  Hall^  Dublin^  \ith  April^  1848. 

[The  return  of  the  Deputation  from  France  was  celebrated  by  a  banquet, 
at  which  two  thousand  of  the  ISTationalists  of  Dublin  attended.  Several 
members  of  the  '82  Club  were  also  present  in  their  uniform.  One  of  the 
regimental  colors  of  the  old  Dublin  Volunteers  was  presented  to  Mr.  Smith 
O'Brien.  Mr.  Meagher  presented  a  Tricolor,  through  the  President  of  the 
banquet,  to  the  citizens  of  Dublin.] 

I  went  to  France  animated  with  a  love  of  freedom,  and  glorying 
in  its  service.  I  have  returned  from  France  with  this  love  deep- 
ened in  my  soul — worshipping  no  other  object  on  this  earth  save 
that  one  radiant  and  stately  image,  to  which,  in  Paris,  in  Vienna, 
in  Palermo,  the  breath  of  the  people  has  imparted  life,  vigor,  and 
immortal  beauty. 

For  any  fate  to  which  this  love  and  worship  may  impel  me,  I 
am  not  only  willing  but  ambitious. 

Mingling  in  the  crowds  that  gathered  round  the  trees  of  liberty, 
which  the  brave  hands  that  built  the  barricades  have  planted,  to 
commemorate  the  virtue,  the  invincibility  of  the  people — contem- 
plating those  simple  ceremonies,  in  which  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
most  gifted  and  gallant  nation  in  the  world  displays  itself  so 
gently  and  so  grandly — turning  from  these  scenes,  and  lookino- 
upon  the  wounded  of  the  24th  of  February — sufferers  over  whose 
features  the  consciousness  of  having  played  a  glorious  part  had 
diffused  a  glow  of  health  and  rapture,  and  from  whose  lips  there 
escaped  no  selfish  penitence  for  the  blood  which  their  hearts  had 
offered  up — finding  those  sick-beds  resorted  to  by  the  fairest  and 


PRESENTATION    OF    THE    IRISH    TRICOLOR.  2G3 

liigliest  of  the  land,  and  the  sufferers  honored  more  loyally  than 
ever  kings  were  honored — following,  then,  the  coffin  of  some  poor 
fellow  who  had  died  of  his  sacred  wounds,  and  round  whose  pall 
the  waving  palm-leaf  mingled  with,  and  mellowed,  the  glittering 
of  the  bayonet  and  the  golden  cross — beholding  there  the  holy 
homage  which  a  free  state  is  sure  to  render  those  whose  blood  has 
made  her  free — a  witness  of  all  these  scenes,  I  have  become  reck- 
less of  that  life  which  cautious  legal  men — grand  jurors  of  the  city 
— Attorney  Generals  of  the  English  Crown — solemn  judges  in  red 
cloth  and  ermine — men  of  withered  hearts  and  cunninor  brain — 
would  exhort  you  to  preserve,  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  place,  the 
gold  dust  of  the  Crown,  and  all  the  other  perquisites  of  enlightened 
slavery. 

From  Paris,  the  city  of  the  tricolor  and  the  barricade,  this  flag 
has  been  proudly  borne.  I  present  it  to  my  native  land,  and  I 
trust  that  the  old  country  will  not  refuse  this  symbol  of  a  new  life 
from  one  of  her  youngest  children. 

I  need  not  explain  its  meaning.  The  quick  and  passionate 
intellect  of  the  generation  now  springing  into  arms  will  catch  it 
at  a  glance. 

The  white  in  the  centre  signifies  a  lasting  truce  between  the 
"  orange"  and  the  "  green  " — and  I  trust  that  beneath  its  folds,  the 
hands  of  the  Irish  Protestant  and  the  Irish  Catholic  may  be 
clasped  in  generous  and  heroic  brotherhood. 

Should  this  flag  be  destined  to  fan  the  flames  of  war,  let  Eng- 
land behold  once  more,  upon  that  white  centre,  the  Red  Hand 
that  struck  her  down  from  the  hills  of  Ulster — and  I  pray  that 
Heaven  may  bless  the  vengeance  it  is  sure  to  kindle ! 


VINDICATION  OF  SEDITION. 
Limericic,  29th  April,  1848. 

[On  the  evening  of  March  21st,  Messrs.  O'Brien,  Mitchel,  and  Meagher, 
were  arrested  on  a  charge  of  sedition.  The  next  day,  bail  was  accepted  for 
their  appearance  before  the  Court  of  Queen's  Bench,  on  the  first  day  of 
the  approaching  term.  The  nationalists  of  nearly  every  town  in  Ireland 
availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  express  their  approval  of  the 
condiict  of  the  arrested  parties.  In  Limerick,  the  members  of  the  Con- 
federate Clubs  invited  them  to  a  banquet.  In  consequence  of  ^an  article  in 
the  United  Irishman  reflecting  on  Mr.  O'Connell,  "  certain  parties  "  made  it 
the  pretext  of  creating  a  disturbance  and  assailing  the  meeting.  A  very 
violent  attack  was  directed  against  the  house,  and  a  scene  of  the  most  dis- 
graceful and  tumultuous  uproar  ensued.  It  was  not  until  some  shots  were 
fired  from  the  interior  of  the  building  that  the  mob  desisted.  The  mayor, 
arriving  with  the  police  and  military,  the  mob  was  finally  dispersed.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies,  and  Gentlemen — The  occurrences  of  this 
evening  do  not  dishearten  me.  I  am  encouraged  by  your  sympa- 
thy, and  can,  therefore,  forgive  the  rudeness  of  the  rabble. 

Nor  do  I  conceive  that  our  cause  is  injured  by  these  manifesta- 
tions of  ignorance  and  immorality.  The  mists  from  the  marshes 
obscure  the  sun — they  do  not  taint — they  do  not  extinguish  it. 

Enough  of  this.  The  wrongs  and  perils  of  the  country  must 
exclude  from  our  minds  every  other  subject  of  consideration. 

From  the  summer  of  1846,  to  the  winter  of  1848,  the  wing  of 
an  avenging  angel  swept  our  soil  and  sky.  The  fruits  of  the  earth 
died  as  the  shadow  passed,  and  they  who  had  nursed  them  into 
life,  read  in  the  withered  leaves  that  they,  too,  should  die  ;  and, 
dying,  swell  the  red  catalogue  of  carnage  in  which  the  sins  and 


\ 


VINDICATION    OF    SEDITION.  265 

splendors  of  tliat  empire — of  which  we  are  the  prosecuted  foes — 
have  been  immortahzed.  And,  whilst  death  thus  counted  in  his 
spoils  by  the  score,  we,  who  should  have  stood  up  between  the 
destroyer  and  the  doomed — we,  who  should  have  prayed  together, 
marched  together,  fought  together,  to  save  the  people — we  w^ere  in 
arms — drilled  and  disciplined  into  factions — striking  each  other 
across  the  graves  that  each  day  opened  at  our  feet,  instead  of  join- 
ing hands  above  them,  and  snatching  victory  from  death. 

The  cry  of  famine  was  lost  in  the  cry  of  faction,  and  many  a 
brave  heart,  flying  from  the  scene,  bled  as  it  looked  back  upon 
the  riotous  profanation  in  w^hich  the  worst  passions  of  the  country 
"were  ena'ao^ed. 

You  know  the  rest — you  know  the  occurrences  of  the  last  i^w 
weeks.  At  the  very  hour  when  the  feud  was  hottest,  a  voice  from 
the  banks  of  the  Seine  summoned  us  to  desist.  That  voice  has 
been  obeyed— ^we  have  trampled  upon  the  whims  and  prejudices 
that  divided  us — and  it  is  this  event  that  explains  the  sedition  in 
which  we  glory.  The  sudden  reconstruction  of  the  regenerative 
power  which,  in  1843,  menaced  the  integrity  of  the  empire,  and 
promised  liberty  to  this  island,  dictated  the  language  which  has 
entitled  us  to  the  vengeance  of  the  minister,  and  the  confidence  of 
the  people. 

Nor  this  alone.  It  is  not  in  the  language  of  the  lawyer,  or  the 
police  magistrate,  that  the  wrongs  and  aspirations  of  an  oppressed 
nation  should  be  stated.  For  the  pang  with  which  it  writhes — for 
the  passion  wdth  which  it  heaves — for  the  chafed  heart — the  burn- 
ing brain — the  quickening  pulse — the  soaring  soul — there  is  a  lan- 
guage quite  at  variance  with  the  grammar  and  the  syntax  of  a 
government.  It  is  generous,  bold,  and  passionate.  It  often  glows 
with  the  fire  of  genius — it  sometimes  thunders  with  the  spirit  of 
the  prophet.  It  is  tainted  with  no  falsehood — it  is  polished  with 
no  flattery.  In  the  desert — on  the  mountain — within  the  city — 
everywhere — it  has  been  spoken,  throughout  all  ages.     It  requires 

12 


266  ENGLISH    LEGISLATIOX. 

no  teaching — it  is  tlie  inherent  and  imperishable  language  of 
humanity.  Kings,  soldiers,  judges,  hangmen,  have  proclaimed  it. 
In  pools  of  blood  they  have  sought  to  cool  and  quench  this  fiery 
tongue.  They  have  built  the  prison — they  have  launched  the  con- 
vict-ship— they  have  planted  the  gallows  tree — to  warn  it  to  be 
still.  The  sword,  the  sceptre,  the  black  mask,  the  guillotine — all 
have  failed.  Sedition  wears  the  crown  in  Europe  on  this  day,  and 
the  scaffold,  on  which  the  poor  scribes  of  royalty  had  scrawled  her 
death-sentence,  is  the  throne  upon  which  she  receives  the  homage 
of  humanity,  and  guarantees  its  glory. 

Therefore  it  is,  I  do  not  blush  for  the  crime  with  which  I  have 
been  charged.  Therefore  it  is,  you  have  invited  a  traitorous  trium- 
virate to  your  ancient  and  gallant  city,  and  have  honored  them  this 
evening. 

In  doing  so,  you  have  taken  your  stand  against  the  government 
of  England,  and  I  know  of  no  sj)ot  in  Ireland  where  a  braver  stand 
should  be  made  than  here,  by  the  waters  of  the  Shannon,  wheue 
the  sword  of  Sarsfield  flashed.  Whilst  that  old  Treaty  stone, 
without  the  Thomond  gate,  attests  the  courage  and  the  honor  of 
your  fathers,  the  nerve  and  faith  of  Limerick  shall  never  be  mis- 
trusted. 

'No,  there  could  be  no  coward  born  within  those  walls,  which,  in 
their  old  age,  instruct  so  thrillingly  the  young  hearts  that  gaze 
upon  them  with  reverence — whispering  to  them,  as  they  do,  memo- 
ries that  drive  the  blood,  in  boiling  currents,  through  the  veins — 
telling  those  young  hearts,  not  to  doubt,  not  to  falter,  not  to  fear 
■ — that  in  a  sunnier  hour  the  Wild  Geese  shall  yet  return  from 
France ! 

These  sentiments  are,  no  doubt,  seditious,  and  the  expression  of 
them  may  bring  me  within  the  provisions  of  this  new  felony  bill 
— the  bill,  mind  you,  that  is  to  strike  the  nation  dumb. 

Yes,  from  this  day  out,  you  must  lie  down,  and  eat  your  words ! 
Yes,  you — you  starved  wretch,  lying  naked  in  that  ditch,  with 


VINDICATION    OF    SEDITION.  267 

clenched  teeth  and  starting  eye,  gazing  on  the  clouds  that  redden 
with  the  flames  in  which  your  hovel  is  consumed — what  matters  it 
that  the  claw  of  hunger  is  fastening  in  your  heart — what  matters 
it  that  the  hot  poison  of  the  fever  is  shooting  through  your  brain 
— what  matters  it  that  the  tooth  of  the  lean  dog  is  cutting  through 
the  bone  of  that  dead  child,  of  which  you  were  once  the  guardian 
— what  matters  it  that  the  lips  of  that  spectre  there,  once  the 
pride  and  beauty  of  the  village,  when  you  wooed  and  won  her  as 
your  bride,  are  blackened  with  the  blood  of  the  youngest  to  whom 
she  has  given  birth — what  matters  it  that  the  golden  grain,  which 
sprung  from  the  sweat  you  squandered  on  the  soil,  has  been  torn 
from  your  grasp,  and  Heaven's  first  decree  to  fallen  man  be  con- 
travened by  human  law — what  matters  it  that  you  are  thus  pained 
and  stung — thus  lashed  and  maddened — hush ! — beat  back  the 
passion  that  rushes  from  your  heart — check  the  curse  that  gurgles 
in  your  throat — die  ! — die  without  a  groan  ! — die  without  a  strug- 
gle ! — die  without  a  cry  ! — for  the  government  which  starves  you, 
desires  to  live  in  peace  ! 

Shall  this  be  so  ? 

Shall  the  conquest  of  Ireland  be  this  year  completed  ?  Shall 
the  spirit  which  has  survived  the  pains  and  penalties  of  centuries 
— which  has  never  ceased  to  stir  the  heart  of  Ireland  with  the 
hope  of  a  better  day — which  has  defied  the  sword  of  famine  and 
the  sword  of  law — which  has  lived  through  the  desolation  of  the 
last  year,  and  kept  the  old  flag  flying,  spite  of  the  storm  which 
rent  its  folds — what !  shall  this  spirit  sink  down  at  last — tamed  and 
crippled  by  the  blow  with  which  it  has  been  struck — muttering  no 
sentiment  that  is  not  loyal,  legal,  slavish,  and  corrupt  ? 

Why  should  I  put  this  question  ? 

Have  I  not  been  already  answered  by  that  flash  of  arms,  which 
purifies  the  air  where  the  pestilence  has  been  ?  Have  I  not  already 
caught  the  quick  beating  of  that  heart,  which  many  men  had  said 
was  cold  and  dull,  and,  in  its  strong  pulsation,  have  we  not  heard 


268  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

the  rushing  of  that  current,  which,  for  a  time,  may  overflov/  the 
land — overflow  it,  to  fertilize,  restore,  and  beautify  ? 

The  mind  of  Ireland  no  longer  wavers.  It  has  acquired  the 
faith,  the  constancy,  the  heroism  of  a  predestined  martyr.  It 
foresees  the  worst — prepares  for  the  worst.  The  cross — as  in 
Milan — glitters  in  the  haze  of  battle,  and  points  to  eternity  ! 

"We  shall  no  longer  seek  for  liberty  in  the  bye-ways.  On  the 
broad  field,  in  front  of  the  foreign  swords,  the  soul  of  this  nation, 
grown  young  and  chivalrous  again,  shall  clothe  herself,  like  the 
Angel  of  the  Resurrection,  in  the  white  robe,  and  point  to  the 
sepulchre  that  is  void  ;  or  shall  mount  the  scaffold — that  eminence 
on  which  many  a  radiant  transfiguration  has  taken  place — and 
bequeath  to  the  crowd  below,  a  lesson  for  their  instruction,  and  an 
idol  for  their  worship  ! 


TRANSPORTATION    OF    MITCHEL. 
Music  Hall^  Dublin^  6tli  of  June,  1848. 

[On  Friday,  April  10th,  Sir  George  Grey  introduced  the  "Treason-Felony 
bill"  into  the  House  of  Commons,  for  the  "security  of  the  crown  and  govern- 
ment of  the  United  Kingdom."     On  the   25th,  it  passed  the  Lords.     The 
nature  of  the  bill  was  to  visit  sedition  with  the  responsibility  of  treason, 
and  to  make  treasonable  acts,    mere  felony.     "At  present,"  said   Sir  G. 
Grey,  "it  is  held  by  persons  in  Ireland,  that   addressing  inflammatory 
speeches  from  platforms  in  Dublin,  or  in  any  portion  of  the  country,  in  a 
strain  to  lead  those  who  are  addressed  into  acts  of  violence,  is  not  treason, 
but  sedition.     I  think  the  House  will  agree  with  me  in  thinking  that  we 
are  right  in  not  allowing  such  persons  a  loop-hole  to  escape  an  ignominious 
punishment."     Lord  J.   Eussell  said — "  My  honorable   friend  is  right  in 
saying  that  we  propose  to  mitigate  the  punishment  in  some  cases,  and 
rendering  that  which  is  now  felony,  an  offence  subject  only  to  the  punish- 
ment of  felony.     Some  of  the  act  is  new,  but  as  regards  compassing  the 
death  of,  or   levying  war,  or  encouraging   foreign  nations   to  levy  war 
against   her  Majesty,   if  done   openly  and   advisedly,  it  does  amount   to 
felony."   Mr.  W.  J.  Fox  considered  the  bill  an  infringement  upon  the  liberty 
of  the  subject.     "  Once  let  it  be   the  law  of  the  land,"  said  he,   "  that 
spoken  words  may  subject  the  speaker  to  transportation  for  seven  years, 
or  life,  and  no  man  would  be  safe  in   addressing  a  meeting  in  times  of 
political  excitement.     In  such  times  it  was  morally  impossible  to  weigh  and 
measure  every  word  and  syllable  so  as  to  stand  secure  against  the  misre- 
presentation of  an  ignorant  reporter,  or  the  perversion  of  a  malignant  spy. 
'Spoken  language   tended  to  overawe  the  deliberations  of  either  House 
of  Parliament.'     "What  indignant  attack  on  a  corrupt  or  profligate  min- 
ister— what   honest   opposition  to    an   unconstitutional   legislature   could 
escape  such  language  as  this  ?     He  had  heard,  in  the  times  of  the  reform 
agitation  over  and  over  again,  language  from  gentlemen  who  had  become 
honorable  members  of  the  House   on   account  of  the   boldness  of  their 


270  -~  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

expressing  their  opinions,  which  might  well  have  been  set  down  as  tending 
to  overawe  the  Houses  of  Parliament."  The  bill  enacted,  that  whoever 
should  levy  war  against  the  Queen,  compass,  imagine,  devise,  or  endeavor 
to  deprive  her  of  her  style,  title,  and  dignity,  or  who  should,  by  open  and 
advised  speaking,  printing  or  publishing,  incite  others  to  do  so,  was  guilty 
of  felony,  and  was  liable  to  transportation  beyond  sea  for  the  term  of  his 
or  her  natural  life,  or  for  a  period  not  less  than  seven  years.  This  enact- 
ment also  embodied  an  act  of  the  25th  Edward  III.,  by  which  every  prin- 
cipal in  the  second  degree  and  every  accessary  before  the  fact  came  under 
the  liabilities  of  the  principal,  and  every  accessary  after  the  fact  was  made 
punishable  by  imprisonment — with  or  without  hard  labor  for  two  years. 
On  the  evening  of  Saturday,  May  13th,  Mr.  Mitch  el  was  arrested  and 
committed  to  Newgate  on  two  charges  of  "  felony  "  under  the  provisions 
of  the  new  act.  He  was  brought  to  trial  on  the  26th,  and  at  seven  o'clock 
in  the  evening  a  verdict  of  "guilty"  was  returned.  On  the  next  morning 
sentence  was  pronounced — fourteen  years  transportation.  Immediately,  he 
was  hurried  off  in  irons  to  a  steamer  in  waiting,  and  before  the  echo  of  the 
sentence  had  died  in  the  court-house,  he  was  on  the  waters  bound  for  his 
destination.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Confederation,  June  6th,  the  following 
statement  in  reference  to  the  jury -packing  system,  by  which  Mr.  Mitchel 
was  convicted,  was  brought  up  by  Mr.  John  B.  Dillon. 

"trial    by    JUPwY    I>f    IRELAND. 

"  Let  those  who  would  learn  the  true  value  of  British  institutions  in 
Ireland  read  and  digest  the  following  facts: — 

"John  Mitchel,  an  open  and  powerful  enemy  of  British  government  in 
Ireland,  being  put  upon  his  trial  for  inciting  his  fellow-countrymen  to 
resist  and  eradicate  that  government,  has  been  convicted  of  that  offence, 
and  transported  for  fourteen  years. 

*'  His  holy  hatred  of  British  tyranny  being  manifestly  shared  in  by  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  the  citizens  ot  Dublin,  it  became  necessary  for 
the  servants  of  the  government  to  exercise  extreme  care  that  none  but  an 
ENEMY  OF  ms  PRINCIPLES  should  be  found  upon  his  jury. 

"  With  that  view  there  was  a  panel  or  list  of  hostile  jurors  carefully 
selected  from  the  jurors'  book  by  the  sheriff,  who  is  an  officer  ap]3ointed 
by  the  government. 

"  That  the  sheriff  selected  chiefly  the  names  of  persons  hostile  to  the 
prisoner,  from  the  jurors'  book,  is  evidenced  by  the  following  facts ; — 


TRANSPORTATION    OF    MITCHEL.  27l 

"  1st.  Before  Mr.  Mitchel's  arrest,  and  therefore  before  the  sheriff  knew 
that  he  would  be  tried  at*  the  late  commission,  several  jurors  had  been 
sumbaoned  to  serve  at  that  commission.  Several  of  those  who  had  been  thus 
summoned,  previous  to  the  arrest,  did  not  afterwards  appear  on  the  panel. 
Mr.  Mitchel  was  arrested  on  the  thirteenth.  Two  persons  swore  at  the 
trial  that  they  had  been  summoned  as  jurors,  one  on  the  11th,  the  other  on 
the  13th,  and  produced  the  summonses  signed  by  the  sheriflPs  officer.  On 
reference  to  the  panel  it  was  found  that  their  names  had  been  omitted. 
They  were  both  Roman  Catholics.  From  this  fact,  it  is  plain  that  the 
sheriff  changed  the  panel  subsequently  to  the  arrest. 

*'  The  purpose  for  which  he  made  that  change  is  evident  from  the  panel 
itself  as  compared  with  the  general  list  of  jurors  from  which  it  was 
selected. 

"  The  list  (which  is  called  the  Jurors'  Book),  contains  in  all,  4,5Y0  names, 
of  which  number,  2,935  are  Catholics,  and  1,635  are  Protestants. 

*'  Out  of  this  list  the  sheriff  selected  150  persons  to  serve  as  jurors  at  the 
commission,  and  amongst  those  150,  there  were  only  28  Catholics. 

'*  On  the  Jurors'  Book  there  are  nearly  two  Catholics  to  one  Protestant. 

*'  On  the  panel  selected  from  that  book  there  is  not  one  Catholic  to 
every  four  Protestants, 

"  If  further  evidence  were  wanting  of  the  sheriff's  guilt,  the  position 
"which  the  Catholics  held  upon  the  panel  would  supply  that  evidence. 

"Amongst  the  first  twenty-eight  names,  there  appears  but  one  Catho- 
lic— viz.,  Mr.  Nicholas  Walsh,  of  42  Lower  Sackville  street;  and  it  is 
notorious  of  him  that  he  always  declined  to  attend  when  summoned  as 
a  juror. 

"  Amongst  the  first  eighty  names,  there  are,  in  all,  only  eight  Catholics. 

"All  the  remaining  Catholics,  amounting  to  tiventy,  were  distributed 
amongst  the  last  seventy  names. 

"The  sheriff,  no  doubt,  calculated  that  the  jury  would  probably  be 
formed  out  of  the  first  twenty-eight  names,  amongst  which  there  was  only 
ONE  Catholic  who  never  served  ;  or,  if  not,  that  it  would  certainly  be  formed 
out  of  the  first  eighty,  so  that  at  the  worst  there  would  be  ten  chances  to 
one  that  no  Catholic  would  turn  up  on  the  jury. 

"  One  fact  ie  worthy  of  remark.  There  are  two  gentlemen  of  the  name 
of  Moore  on  the  panel.  They  are  both  silk  mercers,  both  residing  in  the 
same  street,  and  almost  next  door  neighbors,  one  living  24,  the  other  at 


272  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

26  Dame  street.  One  is  a  Protestant,  the  other  a  Catholic.  The  Protestant 
stands  number  12  upon  the  panel,  the  Catholic  number  126. 

"  There  is  not  the  slightest  pretence  for  alleging  that  the  Protestant  was 
placed  higher  on  the  panel  on  account  of  his  superior  *  respectability.' 

"  The  sheriff  and  his  agent,  Mr.  Hamilton,  were  examined  at  the  trial. 
The  former  swore  that  he  himself  framed  the  panel  from  the  juroFs'  book, 
with  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  having  regard,  in  the  selection  of 
names,  to  the  respectability  of  the  j^arties  alone.  Mr.  Hamilton,  on  his 
cross-examination,  admitted  that  100  names  out  of  the  150  upon  the  panel, 
were  furnished  by  a  person  of  the  name  of  Wheeler,  a  clerk  in  the  sheriffs 
office,  and  a  notorious  partisan. 

"  The  agent  for  the  prisoner  desired  to  have  this  Wheeler  examined  on 
the  trial,  with  respect  to  the  construction  of  the  jury — as  also  a  Mr. 
Stephen  Monahan,  who  is  a  clerk  in  the  Attorney  General's  office.  Imme- 
diately after  a  day  had  been  fixed  for  the  trial,  subpoenas  were  issued  for 
both  these  parties ;  but,  on  inquiry,  it  was  found  that  both  had  simultaneously 
disappeared.  An  application  for  a  postponement  of  the  trial  was  made, 
grounded  on  the  absence  of  the  last  mentioned  person,  who,  by  the  affi- 
davit of  the  prisoner's  agent,  was  stated  to  be  an  indispensable  witness  in 
the  case.     This  application  was  refused,  by  the  Court. 

"It  was  not  enough  that  a  panel  should  be  packed  by  a  partisan  sheriff 
and.  his  subordinates — the  jury  was  further  packed  from  the  panel.  The 
Crown  Solicitor,  in  open  court,  and  with  the  sanction  of  the  Attorney 
Genera],  excluded  from  the  jury  every  man  about  whose  hostility  towards 
the  principles  of  the  prisoner  there  was  the  slightest  doubt.  The  num- 
ber of  those  so  excluded  amounted  to  39,  being  more  than  half  of  the 
jurors  who  answered.  And  of  the  thirty-nine  so  excluded,  nineteen 
were  Catholics — there  being  only  nine  remaining  Catholics  on  the  whole 
panel. 

"  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add,  that  amongst  the  jurors  sworn  there  was 
not  a  single  Catholic. 

"  Such  are  the  expedients  on  which  British  power  has  ever  relied,  and 
does  still  rely  for  its  maintenance  in  Ireland.  Such  the  expedients  by 
which  John  Mitchel,  a  brave  and  true  patriot,  has  been  torn,  a  chained 
captive,  from  his  country  and  his  home.  And  by  the  same  expedients, 
any  Irishman  may  be  cut  off,  whenever  it  pleases  an  Attorney  General  and 
a  Sheriff  to  conspire  for  his  destruction." 


TRANSPORTATION    OF    MITCHEL.  273 

The  illegality  and  infamj  of  the  Government  proceedings  against  Mr. 
Mitchel,  may  be  inferred  not  only  from  the  foregoing  document,  but  the 
following  opinions  of  the  English  press. 

"  It  is  utterly  intolerable,  that  we  should  go  on,  from  year  to  year, 
alternately  feeding  and  coercing  Ireland,  and  having  nothing  for  our  pains 
but  a  load  of  debt,  a  discontented  people,  and  a  government  upheld  by 
sheer  force — the  whole  finished  off  by  an  occasional  snatched  conviction, 
degrading  to  law,  and  offensive  to  justice," — Manchester  Examiner. 

"But  when  from  an  ill-balanced  list  of  150,  the  jury  to  try  Mr.  Mitchel 
came  to  be  struck,  it  would  have  been  but  decent  and  seemly  that  every 
care  should  be  taken — we  "do  not  say  to  make  amends  for  the  inequality 
which  on  all  sides  was  felt  to  bear  hard  against  the  prisoner — but  at  all 
events,  to  repel  the  insinuation  that  such  inequality  was  the  result  of  any 
suggestion  or  design.  After  three  or  four  Protestants  had  been  successively 
sworn  as  jurors,  the  name  of  one  of  the  Catholics  on  the  panel  was  called 
— '  here ' — and  the  copy  of  the  New  Testament  was  placed  in  hi-s  hand. 
At  this  moment,  the  Crown  Solicitor  pronounced  the  ominous  veto,  and  the 
sacred  volume  was  transferred  to  the  next  orthodox  hand  that  appeared  ; 
and  this  revolting  process  was  repeated  again,  and  again,  and  again,  imtil 
— we  record  it  with  pain — until  every  Catholic  juror  on  the  panel  was  set 
aside," — London  Daily  News. 

"By  what  marvellous  chance  was  it  that  Catholics  being  to  Protestants 
on  the  Dublin  jury  list  as  3  to  1,  the  former  were  to  the  latter  on  the  panel 
as  1  to  5,  and  upon  the  jury,  Otol2?  *  *  *  But  substantial  justice  has 
been  done,  albeit  by  the  help  of  jugglery,  it  will  be  said  ;  but  is  there  not 
much  discredit  in  such  a  recourse  ?  and  should  we  be  more  reconciled  to  it 
in  the  case  of  Mr,  Mitchel,  than  we  were  in  that  of  Mr,  O'Connell  ?  We 
think  not.  The  sentence,  which  the  judge  prefaced  with  some  remarks 
preparing  us  for  mildness  on  the  ground  of  the  first  offence  under  a  new 
law,  is  of  a  severity  which  we  deem  adverse  to  the  true  policy  of  justice." 
— London  Examiner. 

"  An  Irish  jury,  in  such  a  case,  is  not  for  judgment,  but  for  condemna- 
tion, and  the  formal  legal  process  is  altogether  the  surplusage,  that  might 
as  well  be  reduced  to  the  fiat  of  a  despot.  The  jury  law  never  contem- 
plated Protestantism  against  Catholicism,  or  Anti-Repeal  against  Repeal. 
This  may  be  Toryism,  or  Whiggism,  or  both,  but  it  is  not  trial  by  jury  in 
its  integrity." — Bath  Joicrnal.'\ 

12* 


■  *.    ~-..  ■    1^. 


274  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

Citizens  of  Dublin,  since  we  last  assembled  in  tliis  Hall,  an 
event  has  occurred  which  decides  our  fate. 

We  are  no  longer  masters  of  our  lives.  -  They  belong  to  our 
country — to  liberty — to  vengeance.  Upon  the  walls  of  Newgate 
a  fettered  hand  has  inscribed  this  destiny.  We  shall  be  the 
martyrs  or  the  rulers  of  a  revolution. 

"  One,  two,  three — ay,  hundreds  shall  follow  me  !"  exclaimed 
the  noble  citizen  who  was  sentenced  to  exile  and  'immortality 
upon  the  morning  of  the  29th  of  May. 

Such  was  his  prophecy,  and  his  children  will  live  to  say  it  has 
been  fulfilled. 

Let  no  man  mistrust  these  words.  Whilst  I  speak  them,  I  am 
fully  sensible  of  the  obligation  they  impose.  It  is  an  obligation 
from  which  there  is  no  exemption  but  through  infamy. 

Claiming  your  trust,  however,  I  well  know  the  feelings  that 
prevail  amongst  you — doubt — depression — shame.  Doubt,  as  to 
the  truth  of  those  whose  advice  restrained  your  daring.  De- 
pression, inspired  by  the  loss  of  the  ablest  and  the  boldest  man 
amongst  us.  Shame,  excited  by  the  ease,  the  insolence,  the 
impunity  with  which  he  was  hurried  in  chains  from  the  island  to 
whose  service  he  had  sacrificed  all  that  he  had  on  earth — all  that 
made  life  dear,  and  honorable,  and  glorious  to  him — his  home, 
his  genius,  and  his  liberty. 

In  those  feelings  of  depression  and  shame  I  deeply  share  ;  and 
from  the  mistrust. with  which  some  of  you,  at  least,  may  regard 
the  members  of  the  late  Council,  I  shall  not 'hold  myself  exempt. 
If  they  are  to  blame,  so  am  I.  Between  the  hearts  of  the  people 
and  the  bayonets  of  the  government,  I  took  my  stand,  with  the 
members  of  the  Council,  and  warned  back  the  precipitate  devotion 
which  scoffed  at  prudence  as  a  crime.  I  am  here  to  answer  for 
that  act.  If  you  believe  it  to  have  been  the  act  of  a  dastard,  treat 
me  with  no  delicacy — treat  me  with  no  respect.  Vindicate  your 
courage  in  the  impeachment  of  the  coward.     The  necessities  and 


TRANSPORTATION    OF    MITCHEL.  27o 

perils  of  the  cause  forbid  tlie  interchange  of  courtesies.  Civilities 
are  out  of  place  in  the  whirl  and  tumult  of  the  tempest. 

Do  not  fear  that  the  forfeiture  of  your  confidence  will  induce  in 
me  the  renunciation  of  the  cause.  In  the  ranks — by  the  side  of 
the  poorest  mechanic — I  shall  proudly  act,  under  any  executive 
you  may  decree.  Summon  the  intellect  and  heroism  of  the 
democracy,  from  the  work-shop,  the  field,  the  garret — bind  the 
brow  of  labor  with  the  crown  of  sovereignty — place  the  sceptre  in 
the  rough  and  blistered  hand — and,  to  the  death,  I  shall  be  the 
subject  and  the  soldier  of  the  plebeian  king ! 

The  address  of  the  Council  to  the  people  of  Ireland — the  address 
signed  by  William  Smith  O'Brien — bears  witness  to  your  deter- 
mination. It  states  that  thousands  of  Confederates  had  pledged 
themselves  that  John  Mitchel  should  not  leave  these  shores  but 
through  their  blood.  We  were  bound  to  make  this  statement — 
bound  in  justice  to  you — bound  in  honor  to  the  country.  What- 
ever odium  may  flow  from  that  scene  of  victorious  defiance,  in 
which  the  government  played  its  part  without  a  stammer  or  a 
check,  none  falls  on  you.  You  would  have  fought,  had  we  not 
seized  your  hands,  and  bound  them. 

Let  no  foul  tongue,  then,  spit  its  sarcasms  upon  the  people. 
They  were  ready  for  the  sacrifice ;  and  had  the  word  been  given, 
the  stars  would  burn  this  nio-ht  above  a  thousand  crimsoned 
graves.     The  guilt  is  ours — let  the  sarcasms  fall  upon  our  heads. 

We  told  you  in  the  Clubs,  four  days  previous  to  the  trial,  the 
reasons  that  compelled  us  to  oppose  the  project  of  a  rescue.  The 
concentration  of  10,000  troops  upon  the  city — the  incomplete 
organization  of  the  people — the  insufiiciency  of  food,  in  case  of  a 
sustained  resistance — the  uncertainty  as  to  how  far  the  the  country 
districts  were  prepared  to  support  us — these  were  the  chief  reasons 
that  forced  us  into  an  antagonism  with  your  generosity,  your 
devotion,  your  intrepidity.  Night  after  night  we  visited  the  Clubs, 
to  know  your  sentiments,  your  determination — and  to  the  course 


276  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

we  instructed  you  to  adopt,  you  gave,  at  length,  a  reluctant 
sanction. 

Now,  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  candid  in  me  to  conceal  the 
fact,  that  the  day  subsequent  to  the  arrest  of  John  Mitchel,  I  gave 
expression  to  sentiments  having  a  tendency  quite  opposite  to  the 
advice  I  have  mentioned.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Grattan  Club,  I 
said  that  the  Confederation  ought  to  come  to  the  resolution  to 
resist  by  force  the  transportation  of  John  Mitchel,  and  if  the  worst 
befel  us,  the  ship  that  carried  him  away  should  sail  upon  a  sea 
of  blood. 

I  said  this,  and  I  shall  not  now  conceal  it.  I  said  this,  and  I 
sliall  not  shrink  from  the  reproach  of  having  acted  otherwise. 

Upon  consideration,  I  became  convinced  they  were  sentiments 
which,  if  acted  upon,  would  associate  my  name  with  the  ruin  of 
the  cause.  I  felt  it  my  duty,  therefore,  to  retract  them — not  to 
disown,  but  to  condemn  them — not  to  shrink  from  the  responsi- 
bility which  the  avowal  of  them  might  entail,  but  to  avert  the 
disaster  which  the  enforcement  of  them  would  insure. 

You  have  now  heard  all  I  have  to  say  on  that  point,  and  with 
a  conscience  happy  in  the  thought  that  it  has  concealed  nothing, 
I  shall  exultingly  look  forward  to  an  event — the  shadow  of  which 
already  encompasses  us — for  the  vindication  of  my  conduct,  and 
the  attestation  of  my  truth. 

Call  me  coward — call  me  renegade.  I  will  accept  these  titles 
as  the  penalties  which  a  fidelity  to  my  convictions  has  imposed. 
It  will  be  so  for  a  short  time  only.  To  the  end  I  see  the  path  I 
have  been  ordained  to  walk,  and  upon  the  grave  which  closes  in 
that  path,  I  can  read,  no  coward's  epitaph. 

Bitterly,  indeed,  might  the  wife  and  children  of  our  illustrious 
friend  lament  the  loss  they  have  sustained,  if  his  example  failed  to 
excite  amongst  us  that  defiant  spirit  which,  in  spite  of  pains  and 
penalties,  will  boldly  soar  to  freedom,  and  from  the  dust,  where  it 
has  fretted  for  a  time,  return  in  rapturous  flight  to  ihe  source  from 


TRANSPORTATION    OF    MITCHEL.  277 

whence  it  came.  ISTot  till  then — not  till  the  cowardice  of  the 
country  has  been  made  manifest — let  there  be  tears  and  mourning 
round  that  hearth,  of  which  the  pride  and  chivalry  have  passed 
away. 

I  said,  that  in  the  depression  which  his  loss  inspired,  I  deeply 
shared.  I  should  not  have  said  so.  I  feel  no  depression.  His 
example — his  fortitude — his  courage — forbid  the  feeling.  All 
that  was  perishable  in  him — his  flesh  and  blood — are  in  the 
keeping  of  the  privileged  felons  who  won  his  liberty  with  their 
loaded  dice.  But,  his  genius,  his  truth,  his  heroism — to  what 
penal  settlement  have  these  immortal  influences  been  condemned  ? 

Oh  !  to  have  checked  the  evil  promptly — to  have  secured  their 
crown  and  government  against  him  and  his  teachings — to  have 
done  their  treacherous  business  well — they  should  have  read  his 
mission  and  his  power,  in  the  star  which  presided  at  his  birth,  and 
have  stabbed  him  in  his  cradle.  They  seized  him  thirty  years  too 
late — they  seized  him  when  his  steady  hand  had  lit  the  sacred 
fire,  and  the  flame  had  passed  from  soul  to  soul. 

Who  speaks  of  depression,  then  ? 

Banish  it !  Let  not  the  banners  droop — let  not  the  battalions 
reel — when  the  young  chief  is  down  ! 

You  have  to  avenge  that  fall.  Until  that  fall  shall  have  been 
avenged,  a  sin  blackens  the  soul  of  the  nation,  and  repels  from  our 
cause  the  sympathies  of  every  gallant  people. 

For  one,  I  am  pledged  to  follow  him.  Once  again  they  shall 
have  to  pack  their  jury  box — once  again,  exhibit  to  the  world  the 
frauds  and  mockeries — the  tricks  and  perjuries — uj^on  which  their 
power  is  based.  In  this  island,  the  English  never — never,  shall 
have  rest.  The  work,  begun  by  the  Norman,  never  shall  be 
completed. 

Generation  transmits  to  generation  the  holy  passion  which 
pants  for  liberty — which  frets  against  oppression.     From  the  blood 


278  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

whicli  drenched  tlie  scaffolds  of  1798,  tlie  "felons"  of  this  year 
have  sprung. 

Should  their  blood  flow — peace,  and  loyalty,  and  debasement 
may  here,  for  a  time,  resume  their  reign — the  snows  of  a  winter, 
the  flowers  of  a  summer,  may  clothe  the  proscribed  graves — but 
from  those  graves  there  shall  hereafter,  be  an  armed  resurrection. 

Peace,  loyalty,  and  debasement,  forsooth !  A  stagnant 
society — breeding  in  its  bosom,  slimy,  sluggish  things,  which  to 
the  surface  make  their  way  by  stealth,  and  there,  for  a  season, 
creep,  cringe,  and  glitter  in  the  glare  of  a  provincial  royalty ! 
Peace,  loyalty,  and  debasement !  A  mass  of  pauperism — shovelled 
off  the  land,  stocked  in  fever  sheds  and  poorhouses,  shipped  to 
tIJanadian  swamps — rags,  and  pestilence,  and  vermin  !  Behold 
the  rule  of  England — and  in  that  rule,  behold  humanity  dethroned, 
and  Providence  blasphemed ! 

To  keep  up  this  abomination,  they  enact  their  laws  of  felony. 
To  sweep  away  the  abomination,  we  must  break  through  their 
laws. 

Should  the  laws  fail,  they  will  hedge  in  the  abomination  with 
their  bayonets  and  their  gibbets.  These,  too,  shall  give  way 
before  the  torrent  of  fire  which  gathers  in  the  soul  of  the  people. 
The  question  so  long  debated — debated,  years  ago,  on  fields  of 
blood — debated  latterly  in  a  venal  senate,  amid  the  jeers  and  yells 
of  faction — the  question,  as  to  who  shall  be  the  owners  of  this 
island,  must  be  this  year  determined.  The  end  is  at  hand,  and  so, 
unite  and  arm ! 

A  truce  to  cheers — to  speeches — to  banquets — to  "important 
resolutions "  that  resolve  nothing,  and  "  magnificent  displays," 
that  are  little  else  than  preposterous  deceptions.  Ascertain  your 
resources  in  each  locality — consolidate,  arrange  them — substitute 
defined  action  for  driftless  passion — and,  in  the  intelligent  distribu- 
tion and  disciplined  exercise  of  your  powers,  let  the  mind  of  the 


TRANSPORTATION    OF   MITCHEL.  279 

country  manifest  its  purpose,  and  give  permanent  effect  to  its 
ambition. 

In  carrying  out  this  plan,  the  country  shall  have  the  services  of 
the  leading  members  of  the  Council,  and  from  this  great  task — 
the  organization  of  the  country — we  shall  not  desist,  until  it  has 
been  thoroughly  accomplished.  When  it  is  accomplished,  the 
country  shall  resume  its  freedom  and  its  sovereignty.  To  the 
work,  then,  with  high  hope  and  impassioned  vigor ! 

There  is  a  black  ship  upon  the  southern  sea  this  night.  Far 
from  his  own,  old  land — far  from  the  sea,  and  soil,  and  sky,  which, 
standing  here,  he  used  to  claim  for  you  with  all  the  pride  of  a 
true  Irish  prince — far  from  that  circle  of  fresh,  young  hearts,  in 
whose  light,  and  joyousness,  and  warmth,  his  own  drank  in  each 
evening  new  life  and  vigor — far  from  that  young  wife,  in  whose 
heart  the  kind  hand  of  Heaven  has  kindled  a  gentle  heroism — sus- 
tained by  which  she  looks  with  serenity  and  pride  upon  her 
widowed  house,  and  in  the  children  that  girdle  her  with  beauty,  be- 
holds but  the  inheritors  of  a  name  which,  to  their  last  breath,'  will 
secure  to  them  the  love,  the  honor,  the  blessing  of  their  country 
— far  from  these  scenes  and  joys,  clothed  and  fettered  as  a  felon, 
he  is  borne  to  an  island,  whereon  the  rich,  and  brilliant,  and  rapa- 
cious power  of  which  he  was  the  foe,  has  doomed  him  to  a  dark 
existence.  That  sentence  must  be  reversed— reversed  by  the 
decree  of  a  nation,  arrayed  in  arms  and  in  glory ! 

Till  then,  in  the  love  of  the  country,  let  the  wife  and  children  of 
the  illustrious  exile  be  shielded  from  adversity. 

True — when  he  stood  before  the  judge,  and  with  the  voice  and 
bearing  of  a  Roman,  told  him,  that  three  hundred  were  prepared 
to  follow  him — true  it  is,  that,  at  that  moment,  he  spoke  not  of 
his  home  and  children — he  thought  only  of  his  country — and,  to 
the^  honor  of  her  sons,  bequeathed  the  cause  for  which  he  was  con- 
demned to  suffer.  But  in  that  one  thought,  all  other  thoughts 
were  embraced.     Girt  by  the  arms  and  banners  of  a  free  people, 


trj*''^-  --' •^•'■^ — -  -  •>r«a»<'^^»*.v>i 


280  ENGLISH    LEGISLATION. 

he  saw  his  home  secure — his  wife  joyous — his  children  prosperous 
and  ennobled. 

This  was  the  thought  which  forbade  his  heart  to  blench  when 
he  left  these  shores — this  the  thought  which  calls  up  to-night,  as 
he  sleeps  within  that  prison-ship,  dreams  full  of  light  and  raptur- 
ous joy — this  the  thought  which  will  lighten  the  drudgery,  and 
reconcile  his  proud  heart  to  the  odious  conditions  of  his  exile. 

Think  ! — oh,  think  !  of  that  exile — the  hopes,  the  longings, 
which  will  grow  each  day  more  anxious  and  impatient ! 

Think  ! — oh,  think  !  of  how,  with  throbbing  heart  and  kindling 
eye,  he  will  look  out  across  the  waters  that  imprison  him,  search- 
ing in  the  eastern  sky  for  the  flag  that  will  announce  to  him  his 
liberty,  and  the  triumph  of  sedition  ! 

Think  ! — oh,  think !  of  that  day,  when  thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands  will  rush  down  to  the  water's  edge,  as  a  distant  gun 
proclaims  his  return — mark  the  ship  as  it  dashes  through  the 
waves  and  nears  the  shore — behold  him  standing  there  upon  the 
deck — the  same  calm,  intrepid,  noble  heart — his  clear,  quick  eye 
runs  along  the  shore,  and  fills  with  the  light  which  flashes  from 
the  bayonets  of  the  people — a  moment's  pause !  and  then — amid 
the  roar  of  cannon,  the  fluttering  of  a  thousand  flags,  the  pealing 
of  the  cathedral  bells — the  triumphant  felon  sets  his  foot  once  more 
upon  his  native  soil — hailed,  and  blessed,  and  worshipped  as  the 
first  citizen  of  our  free  and  sovereign  state  ! 


LETTERS  ON  THE  BELGIAN  REVOLUTION. 


-»^->- 


LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY  — THE    BELGIAN 

REVOLUTION. 

[These  papers  were  published  in  the  Dublin  Nation,  at  different  dates, 
between  December  '46  and  March  '4*7.  The  following  letter  explains  the 
object  with  which  thej  were  written : — 

TO    THE   EDITOR   OF   THE   EVENING   PACKET. 

Reform  Chch,  20th  Jan.,  1848. 

Sir — In  the  last  number  of  your  paper,  I  find  it  stated  that  I  hare 
endeavored,  in  my  letters  on  the  Belgian  Revolution,  "to  perpetuate 
and  embitter  the  dissensions  which  have  so  long  been  the  bane  of  this 
country ;"  and  further  on,  that  I  have  sought  to  enlist  the  "  warmest 
sympathies  throughout  in  behalf  of  the  Romanists — the  strongest  indig- 
nation,against  the  Protestants." 

I  read  this  statement  with  sincere  regret. 

In  writing  the  letters  to  which  you  have  alluded,  nothing  was '  more 
distant  from  my  intentions,  than  to  excite  sectarian  passions.  I  hate  the 
strife  of  religionists,  and  have  felt  it  to  be  the  severest  curse  with  which 
tliis  country  has  been  visited.  Had  that  strife  ceased  some  years  since,  the 
fate  of  Ireland  would  be  bright  to-day.  She  would  now  possess  the  strength 
that  would  raise  her  equally  above  the  scourge  of  famine  and  the  charity 
of  England. 

Holding  these  opinions,  it  would,  indeed,  be  strange  in  me  to  seek  the 
perpetuation  of  our  religious  feuds.  If,  for  an  instant,  I  thought  that 
my  letters  on  the  Belgian  Revolution  had  such  a  vicious  tendency,  I  should 
cease  to  write  them. 

I  wrote  those  letters,  not  to  preach  up  an  odious  ascendancy.     I  had  a 


V      Si. 


282  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

worthier  object  in  view — to  preach  down  the  supremacy  of  England  over 
Ireland. 

The  Belgian  Revolution  was  not  a  Catholic  movement.  De  Potter, 
the  giriding  spirit  of  the  revolution,  was  a  Protestant ;  and  no  one  feature 
in  that  splendid  movement  is  more  striking — no  one  feature  pleased  me 
more — than  the  junction,  in  1818,  of  the  ultra-Protestants  with  the  ultra- 
Catholics. 

This  union  of  sects  planted  a  power,  that  could  not  be  shaken,  in  the 
arms  of  the  revolutionists.  Thus  Belgium  ceased  to  be  an  "integral 
portion  "  of  Holland,  and  became  a  distinct  European  State.  Let  there  be 
a  similar  union  in  Ireland,  and,  I  think,  the  English  Channel  would  soon 
divide  two  free  nations. 

To  bring  about  this  union  I  have  written,  and  will  continue  to  write, 
the  letters  on  the  Belgian  Revolution.  You  maj  call  me  a  "rebel,"  if  you 
please.  Many  bright  memories  have  given  a  nobility  to  that  title.  But 
to  be  styled  a  "  bigot,"  is  a  deep  disgrace ;  and,  in  this  country,  to  act 
as  one,  is  to  perpetuate  misrule,  and  be  the  steadiest  supporter  of  the 
Union. 

I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

Thomas  F.  Meagher.] 

PART  I. 

The  History  of  Revolutions  is  a  fit  study  for  a  nation  in  the 
progress  of  revolution. 

There  are  virtues,  essential  to  success,  common  to  the  revolu- 
tions of  opinion  and  the  revolutions  of  arms.  Truth,  perseverance, 
industry,  liberality,  endurance,  courage — these  are  the  agents  of  a 
revolution — directed  by  genius,  they  become  the  weapons  of 
liberty. 

From  the  military  revolutions  of  Europe,  we,  in  this  our  unarmed 
struggle,  may  learn  many  of  those  fine  virtues  which  give  strength 
to  public  men,  and  freedom  to  communities. 

A  second  reason — in  the  struggles  of  other  nations,  we  find  the 
justification  of  our  own,  and  learning  that  even  the  vengeance  of 
the  sword  has  been  called  forth  by  grievances  less  severe  than 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  283 

those  whicb  we  endure,  we  are  encouraged  to  proceed  boldly  in  a 
contest  that  demands  neither  the  destruction  of  institutions  nor 
the  sacrifice  of  life. 

With  these  views  before  me,  I  undertake  to  write  something 
concerning  the  Belgian  Revolution  of  1830. 

At  the  conference  of  the  AlHed  Powers,  held  at  Chaumont, 
March ^Ist,  1814,  the  union  of  Belgium  with  Holland  was  first 
arranged. 

Francis  II.,  Emperor  of  Austria,  at  once  surrendered  his  claims 
to  the  country.  Their  eflforts  to  tranquillize  it  into  a  sensible 
Austrian  province,  had  cost  his  predecessors  too  much  blood  and 
gold,  and  he  had  no  desire  to  incur  a  like  expense  by  a  fresh 
attempt  at  the  imperial  scheme.  To  unite  it  with  Prussia,  would 
surely  give  the  cabinet  of  Berlin  too  serious  a  preponderance  in 
European  councils.  To  cut  it  up  between  the  neighboring  powers 
— giving  one  portion  to  Holland,  a  second  to  Prussia,  and  a  third 
to  France — is  incompatible  with  the  interests  of  England  :  for, 
by  such  an  arrangement,  the  bayonets  of  France  might  bristle 
too  near  the  citadel  of  Antwerp — and  England  requires  certain 
securities  against  the  encroachments  of  France. 

To  incorporate  it  with  Holland  seems,  therefore,  the  best  thing 
to  be  done ;  and  it  is  arranged,  that  "  an  intimate  fusion"  of  the 
two  countries  shall  take  place  forthwith. 

Intimate  fusion  of  the  two  countries  !  Belgium  must  become 
an  "  integral  portion "  of  the  Dutch  swamps — Utrecht  and 
Brabant  shall  have  equal  laws  and  franchises,  for  the  conference 
of  Chaumont,  and  the  congress  of  Vienna,  and  the  treaty  of 
London  have  so  arranged  it,  and  national  prejudices,  traditions, 
instincts,  will  surely  conform  to  the  arrangement. 

A  rebel  against  Spain,  a  rebel  against  Austria,  a  rebel  against 
France,  Belgium  will,  no  doubt,  become  a  most  loyal  subject  of 
Holland.  Forgetful  that  the  merchant  of  Antwerp  was  once  the 
rival  of  the  Venetian,  when  the  Venetian  was  the  king-merchant 


284  ■    LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

of  Europe — or,  looking  upon  tlie  history  of  its  ancient  commerce 
merely  as  a  dazzling  legend — the  new  province  will  consider  it 
an  advantage  to  be  subject  to  the  Custom-house  of  The  Hague. 
Forgetful  of  its  ancient  chivalry,  the  service  it  rendered  to  Spain, 
the  power  it  contributed  to  the  Italian  States,  the  conscripts  it 
devoted  to  the  "  Grand  Army " — of  necessity  it  will  rest  satisfied, 
that  it  has  been  gifted  with  no  military  resources,  and  must  seek 
protection  for  its  interests  in  the  extinction  of  its  name. 

We  will  soon  perceive  in  what  manner  the  Dutch  ministers 
applied  themselves  to  the  task  of  incorporation,  and  how  wisely 
they  sought  to  accomplish  this  "  intimate  fusion."  Spain,  as  M. 
Nothumb  writes,  in  his  Essai  Historique  et  Politique  sur  la 
Uevolution  JBel^e,  having  failed  to  convert  the  Belgians  into 
Spaniards,  Austria  having  failed  to  convert  them  into  Austrians, 
France  having  failed  to  convert  them  into  Frenchmen,  it  will  be 
instructive  to  all  Unionists  to  learn  by  what  means  Holland 
attempts  to  convert  them  into  Dutch. 

The  two  people  must  speak  the  same  language.  An  edict — 
"  a  simple  cabinet  order" — is  issued  on  the  15th  September,  1815, 
to  this  effect.  The  Dutch  language  has  the  royal  preference. 
The  Antwerp  merchant  lays  aside  his  ledger,  and  takes  to  the 
Dutch  grammar  ;  the  hotel-keepers  of  Brussels  set  forth  their  bills- 
of-fare  in  Dutch  ;  the  Belgian  lawyers,  too,  must  plead  in  Dutch  ; 
and  in  the  barracks  of  Ghent,  and  Liege,  and  all  other  towns, 
guards  mount  at  the  Dutch  word  of  command. 

The  question  is  now  very  seriously  asked, — why  should  four 
millions  of  Belgians  change  their  old  tongue  for  the  sake  of  an 
"  intimate  fusion  ?"  For  centuries  their  good  fathers  had  trans- 
acted business  extremely  well  in  that  old  tongue,  and  whatever 

» 

might,  in  centuries  to  come,  eventuate  from  the  adoption  of  a 
new  one,  they  now  saw  that,  by  this  change,  they  were  virtually 
excluded  from  the  courts  of  law,  the  public  offices,  and,  in  every 
way,  from  the  government  of  the  Union. 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  285 

Their  old  tongue  !  It  is  the  last  treasure  that  a  people  consents 
to  part  with. 

Their  commerce  they  may  yield.  The  deep  river  and  the 
mighty  sea  will  roll  on  until  the  earth  is  summoned  to  destruc- 
tion. The  oak  will  grow,  and  the  iron  will  be  forged,  and  as  nerve, 
and  spirit,  and  power  dwells  ever  in  the  heart  of  man,  that  com- 
merce may  be  won  back  in  coming  days,  and  in  better  times  be 
bravely  guarded. 

And  so  with  other  treasures.  Cities  can  be  built  up,  and  ancient 
laws  restored,  and  national  arms  resumed. 

But  the  language  of  a  people,  once  effaced,  will  never  be 
revived.  On  the  broken  monument  it  may  be  found,  or  dimly 
traced  on'treasured  scrolls.  In  the  traditional  song,  it  may  awake 
for  an  hour,  to  die  away  again  ;  but  once  surrendered  by  the 
people,  it  ceases  for  ever  to  be  the  language  of  the  people,  the 
language  of  their  shops,  their  fields,  their  schools  and  courts. 

Right  nobly,  then,  did  the  Belgian  patriot  protest  against  the 
forfeiture  of  his  native  tongue.  It  was  God's  precious  gift  to 
him,  and  God  alone  should  take  it  from  him. 

The  next  step  taken  to  make  this  Union  a  real  Union,  and  not 
a  parchment  Union,  was  to  patronise  the  Dutch  and  disqualify  the 
Belgians. 

And  therefore  it  was,  that,  of  the  seven  cabinet  ministers,  five 
were  Dutch,  and  two  were  Belgian  ;  of  the  forty-five  privy  coun- 
cillors, twenty-seven  were  Dutch,  eighteen  were  Belgian  ;  of  thirty- 
nine  diplomatists,  nine  were  Belgian.  In  the  home  department, 
one  hundred  and  six  were  Dutch,  eleven  were  Belgian.  In  the 
finance  department,  fifty-four  were  Dutch,  four  were  Belgian.  In 
the  war  department,  ninety-nine  were  Dutch,  three  were  Belgian. 
In  the  army,  the  Dutch  commissioned  officers  were  six  to  one 
over  the  Belgian  officers. 

And  thus  it  was  that  Dutch  ministers  gave  Belgium  to  the 
Belgians  and  Holland  to  the  Dutch. 


286  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

Belgium,  thus  sliaring  in  tlie  patronage  of  the  Crown,  mus 
hkewise  participate  in  the  responsibilities  of  the  State  ;  and  the 
Dutch  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Van  Gobleschroy,  determines  upon 
a  consolidated  fund.  Belgium  forthwith  contributes  to  the  pay- 
ment of  Dutch  debts  incurred  before  the  Union.  And  not 
without  a  precedent,  truly — for  Ireland  was  equally  generous  to 
England,  in  1816. 

The  consolidated  fund,  however,  appears  not  to  consolidate  the 
Union.     Something  else  must  be  done. 

The  government  impose  the  most  oppressive  taxes  upon  distil- 
leries and  other  sources  of  Belgian  industry — they  refuse  to  place 
high  duties  on  coffee,  tea,  and  tobacco,  lest  these  duties  might 
interfere  with  Dutch  commerce. 

Then  came  the  moutre  and  the  ahhatage  taxes  A  bread  tax, 
producing  5,500,000  florins  per  annum — a  meat  tax,  producing 
2,500,000  per  annum.  The  first  was  a  most  distressing  tax  upon 
the  Belgians,  inasmuch  as  the  food  of  the  great  mass  of  the 
Belgians  consisted  chiefly  of  bread,  whilst  the  Dutch  lived  prin- 
cipally on  potatoes  and  other  cheap  vegetables. 

Two  further  steps  are  still  necessary  to  secure  this  "intimate 
fusion  "  of  the  two  countries — an  event  so  much  desired  by  the 
Friendly  Powers,  and  "the  paternal  government" — as  the  Dutch 
King  cordially  designates  his  ministers. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  Justice  is  established  at  The  Hague,  and 
in  all  cases  of  appeal,  Belgian  htigants  must  leave  Belgium  to  get 
justice  done  them  in  the  Dutch  capital. 

It  is  found,  after  a  little  experience,  not  very  convenient  to  get 
justice  done  at  such  a  distance,  and  Belgian  litigants  begin  to 
think  that  it  might  be  as  cheaply  done  at  home.  The  market  is 
somewhat  dearer  at  The  Hague  than  Brussels  ;  and  Belgian 
lawyers,  juniors  and  seniors,  find  that  these  trials  of  appeal  draw 
largely  on  their  fees. 

Of  two  fates  they  have  their  choice — they  must  either  remove 


THE  BELGIAN  REVOLUTION-.  287 

to  Holland,  or  stay  at  home  altogether.  Tliey  stop  at  home, 
and  the  Dutch  lawyers  monopolise  the  practice  of  the  Supreme 
Court. 

Catholic  seminaries  are  now  suppressed — the  ministerial  journals 
calumniate  the  Catholic  laity,  and  satirise  the  Catholic  clergy — the 
enlightened  Abbe  de  Foere  is  sentenced  to  imprisonment,  for  an 
alleged  libel,  by  a  "  special  extraordinary  court " — the  Prince  De 
Broglie  and  his  vicars-general  are  "  absolved  "  from  their  spiritual 
jurisdiction — religious  festivals  and  processions  are  prohibited — 
the  Philosophic  College  is  established  at  Louvain — in  a  word, 
religious  persecution  is  declared  essential  to  the  prosperity  of 
Protestantism,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  Union. 

These  were  the  principal  measures  talc  en  by  the  Government  of 
Holland  to  realize  the  project  of  the  Chaumont  conference,  and 
these  the  chief  grievances  that  woke  the  spirit  of  resistance  in  the 
beautiful  cities  of  Old  Flanders,  and  bade  the  trammelled  Province 
arm,  and  be  a  Nation. 


LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY— THE    BELGIAN 

REVOLUTION. 


PART    II. 


Fifteen  years  of  pains  and  penalties,  of  loyalty  and  debasement, 
had  gone  by.  The  Union  had  been  fairly  tried.  The  Govern- 
ment had  experienced  the  toleration  of  the  people — the  people 
must  now  experience  the  liberality  of  the  Government.  If  not, 
the  Government  shall  learn,  at  much  expense,  the  power  of  the 
people. 

There  must  be  petitions  against  this  Supreme  Court  at  the 
Hague — petitions  against  these  gross  taxes  that  make  the  common 
food  so  costly — petitions  against  these  bigot  laws  that  fetter  the 
Priesthood  and  insult  religion — petitions  against  these  swarms  of 
Dutch  stipendiaries  that  eat  the  Belgians  out  of  house  and  home 
— petitions,  above  all,  against  this  suppression  of  the  native 
tongue. 

The  161st  section  of  the  Fundamental  Law  guarantees  the 
right  of  Petition,  and  the  Belgians  will  stand  by  the  Fundamental 
Law  until  they  lose  all  faith  in  the  utility  of  public  petitions. 
When  this  has  come  to  pass,  it  will  be  necessary  for  them  to  write 
their  demands  upon  an  insurgent  flag,  and  address  themselves  no 
longer  to  Dutch  deputies,  but  to  Dutch  battalions. 

The  Leaders  of  the  people,  MM.  Bartels,  De  Potter,  Rodenback, 
the  Abbe  de  Haerne,  the  Barons  Secus  and  Stassart,  draw  up 
these  petitions.  They  are  left  for  signature  at  the  offices  of  the 
Spectateur  and  the  Courrier  de  la  Muse — at  the  offices  of  the 
Catholique  and  Politique — likewise  in  the  Clubs  and  Cafes. 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  289 

In  a  few  weeks,  a  mass  of  petitions,  containing  several  hundred 
thousand  signatures,  covers  the  table  of  the  States-General.  Like 
most  petitions,  they  are  httle  else  than  dead-letters,  and  might  as 
well  have  never  been  signed,  sealed,  and  delivered. 

If  petitions  avail  not,  something  else  will. 

The  National  Press  speaks  out — speaks  the  true  dialect  of 
freedom — arraigns  the  Government — defies  the  Law. 

This  splendid  press  is  edited,  for  the  most  part,  by  young 
lawyers.  They  are  mere  newspaper  scribblers,  these  young  men. 
In  a  short  time  it  appears,  however,  that  the  compositors'  room  is 
somewhat  stronger  than  the  States-General — nay,  somewhat 
stronger  than  the  Antwerp  Citadel — with  its  six  bastions  and 
ditches  by  Paciotti — with  all  its  great  modern  improvements  by 
Carnot. 

Pamphlets,  letters,  reports,  addresses  in  every  shape,  fly  in 
swift  succession  through  the  towns  and  villages — teaching  the  people 
the  crimes  of  Government,  the  necessity  of  reform — t6::*vhing 
them  the  venality  of  submission,  the  virtue  of  resistance. 

This  is  the  true  way  to  revolutionise. 

The  English  Democracy  won  Free  Trade  by  this  laborious 
tract  system.  The  passionate  appeals  of  the  political  speaker  may 
influence  the  actions  of  the  hour — the  deliberate  lessens  of  the 
political  writer  will  influence  the  movements  of  the  age.  Facts 
will  operate  upon  the  public  mind  long  after  its  fiery  impulses 
have  sunk  to  rest,  and  in  good  time  will  work  out,  deeply  and 
thoroughly,  the  wisest  changes  in  the  ideas,  the  resolves,  the 
destinies  of  a  people. 

Nor  did  the  Catholic  Clergy  forget  the  duties  of  citizenship — 
from  the  carved  pulpits  of  the  glorious  old  churches  of  Bruges, 
and  Liege,  and  Brussels,  they  called  upon  the  people  to  sign  the 
demand  for  national  redress.  Within  those  stately  Gothic  aisles 
the  Gospel  of  Liberty  was  preached  by  holy  tongues.     The  grand 

13 


290  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

mission  has  been  fulfilled — the  free  Flag  of  Belgium  flies  this  day 
from  the  towers  of  St.  Gudule  ! 

Meanwhile,  it  is  no  easy  task  to  rouse  the  Belgian  masses — the 
workmen,  the  merchants  of  the  nation.  The  "  million  of  industry  " 
is  a  strong  preservative  of  "  order  "  Vithin  the  factories  and  ware- 
houses, and  thought  to  be  a  fair  price  for  the  loyalty  of  commer- 
cial men.  Thus  it  is  that  neither  Ghent  nor  Antwerp  mingle  much 
in  the  politics  of  the  day.  They  have  "  business  "  to  attend  to. 
Likewise,  the  Nobihty. 

The  patricians  shrink  from  public  meetings,  preferring  to  discuss 
Belgian  grievances  in  the  fine  mansions  of  the  Rue  de  la  JRoi  and 
the  Rue  Royale. 

Yet,  the  Nobility  is  not  altogether  ignoble.  The  Prince  Auguste 
d'Aremberg,  the  Prince  de  Ligne,  the  Duke  d'Ursel,  the  Counts 
Robiano,  De  Merode,  and  D'Aerschot,  assert  the  dignity  of  their 
order  by  an  association  with  the  friends  of  Liberty. 

Despite  all  diiBculties,  the  end  is  at  hand.  The  cloud  thickens 
over  the  palace  of  the  Hague.  M.  Van  Gobelschroy  becomes 
alarmed,  and  justly  so.  He  has  been  told,  very  distinctly  indeed, 
that  "  an  era  of  liberty  and  justice  in  Belgium  is  assured,  or  to 
speak  the  language  of  office,  is  inevitable.''''  The  prophet  of  Revo- 
lution and  Liberty  is  M.  de  Potter,  and  thus  he  prophesied  on  the 
15th  of  November,  1829. 

Dutch  Ministers  will  surely  be  swamped  if  they  make  not  some 
strong  effort.  They  establish  a  press  to  defend  their  characters — 
they  institute  state  prosecutions  to  enforce  their  authority,  and 
maintain  the  Union. 

An  Italian  slave,  christened  Libry  Bagnano,  is  hired  to  conduct 
the  leading  Ministerial  paper,  and  this  paper  is  called  Le  National ; 
for  the  same  reason,  we  must  conclude,  that  the  Government  was 
styled  "  the  paternal."  The  Italian  resides  in  Brussels,  at  the 
Polymathick  Library,  and   makes   money  by  his  fetters.      The 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  291 

gifted  villain  grows  rich  in  the  service  of  despotism.  In  successive 
instalments  he  receives  100,000  florins,  and  this  sum  is  thieved  by 
the  Government  from  the  "  million  of  industry.*" 

The  edict  of  April,  1815,  is  now  in  full  play.  The  liberty  of  the 
press  is  violently  assailed,  and  De  Potter,  Tielmans,  Ducpetiaux, 
and  the  Abbe  de  Foere,  experience  fully  the  rigor  of  Dutch  justice. 
The  Italian  scribe  recommends  the  Government  "  to  muzzle  the 
malcontents,  and  scourge  them  like  dogs."  Government  seems 
disposed  to  act  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  National.  But, 
Liberty,  though  it  may  be  scourged,  cannot  be  muzzled.  Liberty 
is  no  dog.  Of  this  fact  MM.  Van  Gobelschroy  and  Van  Maanen, 
in  a  little  time,  had  conclusive  proof. 

The  prosecutions,  as  Government  measures,  were  sad  failures. 
They  swelled  the  torrent  they  were  designed  to  check.  The  trials 
were  published — the  libels,  of  course,  reprinted — the  accused  were 
worshipped  as  Martyrs — the  State  prison  became  the  temple  of 
Liberty,  and  won  the  homage  of  the  people. 

A  Royal  Message  issues  from  the  Hague  on  the  11th  December, 
1829.  In  this  Message  the  malconterits,  as  M.  Libry  Bagnano 
calls  them,  are  described  as  "  a  few  misguided  men,"  whose  crime, 
the  Message  states,  has  been  "  to  forget  the  benefits  they  enjoyed," 
and  who,  reckless  of  all  future  perils,  as  they  have  been  insensible 
to  all  past  favors,  had  "  risen  up  in  an  alarming  and  scandalous 
manner  against  a  paternal  Government." 

Strange  it  is,  the  patriots  of  every  struggling  country  have 
been  "  a  few  misguided  men."  Strange  it  is,  that  every  distressed 
country  has  been  blessed  with  "  a  paternal  Government" — even 
to  this  day. 

Further  on,  the  Message  denounces  the  Petitioners  as  "fanatics" 
— the  national  press  as  the  organ  of  "religious  hatred  and  factious 
revolt." 

*  The  "  million  of  industry  "  was  annually  voted  by  the  States-General  for  the  purpose 
of  assisting  distressed  manufacturers,  encouraging-  commercial  speculations,  &c.,  &c. 


292  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

On  that  llth  day  of  December,  1829,  the  Independence  of 
Belgium  was  secm-ed.  The  Koyal  Message  contained  the  death- 
sentence  of  the  Union.  The  scheme  of  the  Chaumont  Conference 
is  doomed.  Be  assured  of  it,  there  shall  be  no  "intimate  fusion" 
— save  that  of  Dutch  and  Belgian  blood  in  the  streets  of  Brussels 
and  the  ditches  of  Antwerp. 

A  ministerial  circular  accompanies  the  Message,  announcing  that 
all  Government  officers,  servants,  sutlers,  (fee,  who  had  been  in  any 
way  connected  with  the  "  Petitioners,''  shall  be  dismissed.  The 
result  is,  many  functionaries  are  dismissed,  being  quite  satisfied 
that  the  redress  of  Belgian  grievances  is  no  "  open  question^ 

So  far  for  royal  coercion.     ISTow  for  royal  nonsense. 

The  Dutch  King  is  advised  to  make  a  tour  through  his  Belgian 
province.  His  gracious  presence  will  rally  the  popular  sympathies 
in  favor  of  the  Union  ;  and  "  the  few  misguided  men  "  will  have 
to  capitulate  on  bended  knees. 

Festivities  at  Brussels  will  banish  the  grim  idea  of  grievances. 
Fireworks  in  the  Park,  balls  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  will  enchant 
society  and  tranquillize  the  province.  MM.  Bartels,  De  Potter, 
Ducpetiaux,  and  Tielmans,  will  sink  very  low  in  public  opinion — 
weighed  down  by  the  prancing  Aides-de-camp,  the  laced  and 
feathered  Chasseurs,  the  amiable  private  secretaries,  and  the  rest 
of  the  Palace  furniture,  with  all  its  scent,  and  gold,  and  purple. 
The  sceptre  of  the  Hague,  like  the  golden  branch  of  Avernus,  will 
conduct  the  king — so  the  Sibyls  of  the  Cabinet  predict — through 
many  troubles,  into  the  most  tranquil  Elysium. 

The  King  arrives  at  Liege.  The  utmost  respect  is  paid  him  by 
the  authorities — M.  le  Maire  is  very  busy,  pompous,  and  loyal. 
Were  it  not  for  one  circumstance,  the  visit  to  Liege  would  be  truly 
delightful. 

Amid  the  sunshine  of  royal  pageantries  there  appears  a  cloud 
of  petitions.  The  Guards  of  Honor  do  their  duty — the  excellent 
Mayor  improves  his  activity,  and  becomes  indefatigably  loyal. 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  293 

To  no  purpose.        ^ 

The  petitions  still  sweep  on.    Egyptian  locusts  could  not  possibly^ 
give  the  Dutch  King  more  annoyance  than  these  petitions  do. 
He  seizes  one — reads  it  rapidly — throws  it  from  him — exclaiming 
rashly,  "  it  is  infamous  ! " 

The  "  Petitioners  "  treasure  up  this  yojbI  sentiment,  and  forth- 
with resolve  themselves  into  "  The  Order  of  Infamy." 

Glorious  thought  !  "When  tyrants  fling  a  nickname  on  the 
oppressed,  the  oppressed  should  ever  sanctify  it  as  their  battle 
cry. 


LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY— THE    BELGIAN 

REVOLUTION. 

PART   III. 

The  Silversmitlis  are  busy  at  Liege.  Medals  are  being  struck  to 
decorate  the  "  Order  of  Infamy."  The  motto  on  these  medals  is 
a  noble  one — "  Fideles  jusqu'a  Vinfamiey 

The  patriot  of  our  day  should  adopt  that  motto.  He  should 
act  as  that  motto  bids  him  act.  To  his  country  he  should  be 
faithful — even  unto  infamy. 

Let  the  hired  journalist  ply  his  stinging  pen — the  vassal  orator 
his  venomed  tongue — let  the  vipers  of  society  hiss  their  falsehoods 
round  the  social  board — let  the  populace  shout  their  curses  in  the 
public  forum — still,  faithful  even  unto  infamy,  let  the  patriot  perse- 
vere— "  Fidele  jusqu^a  Vinfamier 

A  little  while,  and  this  infamy  will  be  his  glory.  The  scaffold 
is  a  sordid  piece  of  mechanism — it  is  infamous — until  a  Russell 
or  an  Emmet  dies  upon  it.  It  is  then  the  honored  altar  on  which 
a  costly  sacrifice  is  offered  up,  and  from  which  a  Spirit  ascends 
and  becomes  a  star  in  Heaven. 

In  a  few  weeks  the  Order  spread  widely  through  the  country, 
and  did  efficient  service  in  the  day  of  struggle. 

Public  dinners  take  place.  In  Bruges,  the  Count  Villain  XIV. 
and  M.  de  Menlenaere  are  sumptuously  entertained  by  the  patriot 
citizens — the  Government  party  having  thrown  them  out  of  the 
representation  in  1829. 

At  this  dinner,  plans  are  laid  down,  for  an  effective  movement 
against  the  Ministry.     The  result  is,  a  strong  opposition  in  the 


THE   BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  295 

States-General  during  tlie  session  of  '29  and  '30.  Moreover,  a 
great  popular  demonstration  in  Brussels  is  announced. 

The  announcement  is  followed  by  a  change  of  ministerial  policy. 
Parties  are  not  now  what  they  used  to  be — there's  a  tertium  quid 
in  power — a  crisis  has  arrived — "something  will  be  done."  In 
fact,  the  Ministers  have  alreadv  found  that  "  concession  has  not 
reached  its  limits,"  and  that  it  is  well  to  rescind  the  edicts 
relating  to  public  education  and  the  imposition  of  the  Dutch 
tongue. 

These  concessions  come  too  late — fortunately  for  the  independ- 
ence of  Belgium.  The  Belgians  have  ceased  to  be  petitioners — 
they  no  longer  whine  about  "justice  to  Belgium" — they  insist 
upon  one  simple  right — they  have  sworn  that  the  Dutch  province 
shall  be  a  European  state. 

The  prosecution  of  the  press,  still  continuing,  confirms  the  oath 
of  Liberty. 

It  is  the  month  of  August.  The  last  days  of  July  had  wit- 
nessed a  crimson  pageant  in  the  streets  of  Paris — the  Tricolor 
had  been  planted  on  the  parapet  of  the  Tuilleries — across  the 
frontier  came  the  shout,  "  France  has  crowned  a  Citizen  Kjng  " — 
they  heard  that  shout  in  Brussels,  and  bold  hearts  panted  to 
exclaim,  "  Belgium,  too,  has  given  her  sceptre  to  a  Citizen." 

And  with  that  shout  came  many  of  the  young  heroes  of  July — 
the  beardless  boys  of  the  ^cole  de  Droit  and  the  Ecole  Poly- 
technique — proud  of  having  usurped  the  privileges  of  age,  and  led 
the  people  to  victory.  On  the  Promenade  du  Boulevard^  in  these 
bright  evenings  of  August,  is  heard  the  Marseillaise ;  and,  in  the 
theatres  and  cafes,  tongues  are  eloquent  on  the  triumph  of  Demo- 
cracy. 

There  is  a  Swiss  Guard  in  this  beautiful  old  city  of  Brussels 
■which  must  be  speedily  swept  out — there  is  a  Flag  on  that  square 
tower  of  St.  Gudule  which  must  share  the  fate  of  the  Fleur-de-lis 
— this  is  the  prevailing  sentiment. 


296  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

The  cloud  we  spoke  of,  a  short  time  since,  is  thicker  and 
darker  to-day.  It  is,  therefore,  necessary  to  illuminate.  Besides, 
it  is  the  King's  birthday,  and  people  should  manifest  their  loyalty. 
And  so  there  are  festivities  on  the  24th  instant — towards  evening, 
much  singing  in  the  streets,  the  songs  being  somewhat  more 
patriotic  than  loyal — and  later,  enthusiastic  cries  of  "  Vive  la 
Liberte^^ — "  Vive  la  Belgique.^''  A  few  windows-  are  broken, 
and  the  fact  is  notified  by  a  vehement  cry  of — "  down  with  the 
Dutch !" 

Next  evening  there  is  a  political  manifestation  in  the  Theatre. 
The  Muette  de  Portici  suggests  many  liberal  sentiments,  and,  by 
midnight,  the  Polymathic  Library,  the  residence  of  M.  Libry  Bag- 
nano,  is  a  complete  wreck. 

Now  for  the  Minister  of  Justice. 

The  mansion  of  this  gentleman  shares  the  fate  of  the  Polyma- 
thic Library,  and,  subsequently,  the  house  of  Mr.  Knyff,  the 
superintendent  of  police,  is  added  to  the  list  of  casualties.  A 
gunsmith's  shop  is  ransacked,  and  supplies  the  insun-ectionists 
with  arms.  The  authorities  appear  nowhere.  Not  till  the  morn- 
ing breaks,  is  there  an,  arm  raised  to  assert  the  supremacy  of 
Holland. 

Even  then,  the  people  yield  rather  to  the  counsels  of  their 
friends  than  to  the  bayonets  of  their  foes.  A  Burgher  Guard  is 
organized — a  proclamation  is  issued,  announcing  the  dismissal 
of  M.  Van  Maanen,  the  abolition  of  the  moutre  tax,  the  with- 
drawal of  the  troops  from  the  city. 

Public  order  is  somewhat  restored  by  this  public  lie. 

The  leaders  of  the  people  have  not  as  yet  made  up  their  minds 
for  the  worst.  They  still  adhere  to  their  peace  policy — they  will 
make  another  experiment  at  The  Hague.  With  this  view,  a 
deputation  of  five  citizens  is  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  King  with 
a  respectful  statement  of  grievances. 

People  in  Louvain,  and  Bruges,  and  Mons,  murmur   about 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  297 

this — ^being  strongly  of  opinion  that  a  deputation  of  five  citizens, 
however  respectable,  is  an  awkward  instrument  for  the  achieve- 
ment of  Liberty. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  the  deputation  arrives  at  The  Hague. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  takes  offence  at  that  tricolored  ribbon  of 
Brabant,  which  the  Count  D'Hoogvorst  exhibits  in  his  coat.  He 
calls  it  the  emblem  of  Revolt.  The  Count  D'Hoogvorst  replies 
that  it  is  the  emblem  of  his  country. 

Tyrants  hate  these  emblems — they  dread  them — they  send 
their  sea-captains  to  tear  them  from  the  ships  of  the  province — 
they  proclaim  them  seditious,  for  they  incite  to  Liberty. 

This  interview  perfectly  satisfies  the  deputation  that  justice  will 
not  be  done  to  Belgium — otherwise  than  by  herself. 

Another  Royal  visit ! 

The  Prince  of  Orange  will  visit  Brussels  at  once.  They  are 
sensible  men  in  that  city — men  who  prefer  the  smiles  of  a  prince 
to  the  blessings  of  freedom.  A  few  viceregal  compliments  will 
change  the  policy  of  the  popular  leaders,  and  ratify  the  Union. 
Assurances  of  a  fair  distribution  of  patronage,  will  conciliate  the 
scribblers  of  the  Courrier  de  la  Meuse  ;  and  these  young  gentle- 
men, satisfied  of  the  benevolent  intentions  of  government,  will 
"  throw  away  the  sword."     We  shall  see. 

Arriving  at  the  Laaken  gate,  his  Royal  Highness,  William, 
Prince  of  Orange,  is  saluted  by  a  patriot  corps  of  5,000  citizens — 
well  equipped  with  scythes,  long  knives,  pikes,  and  rusty  muskets. 
He  is  anxious  to  proceed  to  the  Royal  Palace.  The  Life  Guards, 
with  which  he  is  honored,  direct  him  in  a  peremptory  tone  of 
voice — "  To  the  Palace  of  the  People — to  the  Hotel  de  Ville." 

"  Cursed  be  this  Liberty,"  exclaims  the  Prince,  "  that  will  not 
permit  a  man  to  go  to  his  own  house." 

In  a  few  weeks,  his  Royal  Highness  will  have  to  curse  the 
Liberty  that  drives  him  out  of  Belgium — back  to  his  legitimate 
residence  in  the  Swamps. 

13* 


298  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

On  the  tliird  clay  of  September,  tlie  leaders  of  the  people  have 
an  interview  with  the  Prince — he  has  requested  them  to  state 
their  opinions  frankly.  M.  Moyard,  very  frankly,  tells  him  that 
there  is  but  one  thing  that  will  satisfy  all  parties — a  separation. 
The  Prince  desires  M.  Moyard  to  explain. 

"  Separation  "  is  an  offensive  word  to  Royal  ears,  and  requires 
an  explanation. 

It  is  thus  M.  Moyard  explains — "  I  mean,  sir,  such  a  separation 
as  exists  between  Norway  and  Sweden."  M.  Moyard  seems  to 
have  read  an  instructive  lesson  from  Foreign  History. 

Having  received  this  explanation,  the  Prince  informs  the  Leaders 
of  the  people  that  he  is  not  his  own  master — cannot  satisfy 
their  demands — will  communicate  them  to  the  King — is  sure  the 
King  will  do  all  in  his  power  for  his  excellent  people  of  Belgium. 
Next  day,  he  bids  farewell  to  Brussels. 

Liege,  Mons,  Ath,  Namurs,  Louvain,  now  loudly  call  for 
"  separation,"  and  will  be  content  with  nothing  less.  Ghent  and 
Antwerp  are  still  attending  to  their  "  business."  The  nobles  are 
still  idling  in  their  chateaux. 

It  matters  not.  Coronets  contribute  something  to  the  embel- 
lishment of  a  State — they  contribute  little  to  its  power. 

Let  not  a  people,  in  battle  for  their  freedom,  despair  of  triumph 
because  no  gentle  blood  mingles  with  their  own  upon  the  field. 

True  it  is,  the  noble  lends  a  grace  and  lustre  to  the  struggle 
in  which  he  serves  as  the  confederate  of  the  people.  Should  he  be 
the  inheritor  of  an  ancient  name — a  name  that  is  written  in  the 
annals,  marked  on  the  battle-sites,  treasured  in  the  traditions 
of  the  people — his  title  is  a  spell  that  wins  the  gay,  the  gifted, 
and  the  gallant  to  the  banner  of  Revolution — communicating  to 
the  people  the  chivalry  by  which  that  title  was  won  in  former 
days. 

But  genius,  thrift,  truth,  heroism,  belong  not  to  a  class.  These 
gifts  are  distributed  through  society  at  large — for  the  most  part 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  299 

are  found  amongst  those  whom  the  court  has  not  favored,  the 
rich  caressed,  or  the  schools  informed — and  these  are  the  agencies 
through  which  a  nation  wins  its  freedom,  and  mounts  to  power. 

Yet,  let  no  nation,  winning  its  freedom  by  the  rough  but  mighty 
arm  of  Democracy,  revenge  the  sloth  or  recreancy  of  the  Nobility 
by  the  destruction  of  the  order.  In  every  state  where  they  exist, 
the  titled  are  the  patrons  of  the  arts,  the  sciences,  the  amusements, 
of  the  people.  Their  tastes,  accomplishments,  and  resources  render 
them  the  fit  guardians  of  the  sculptor,  the  poet,  and  the  painter. 
To-day  we  recognise  them  as  the  graceful  missionaries  of  educa- 
tion in  the  Athenaeums  of  the  manufacturers — we  find  them  the 
kindly  companions  of  the  laborer  in  the  old  games  and  pastimes 
of  the  field. 

A  manly  people  will  hail,  with  just  respect,  the  noble  to  their 
ranks — a  craven  people  will  despair  of  liberty  when  the  noble 
stands  aloof.  A  wise  and  virtuous  people  will  preserve  the 
aristocracy  of  the  country — a  vulgar  and  a  vicious  people  will 
destroy  it. 

In  Belgium,  the  People  won  the  independence  of  the  nation — 
preserving  the  Nobility  from  the  ruin,  which  they  themselves  were 
too  fastidious  or  too  servile  to  avert. 


LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY— THE    BELGIAN 

REVOLUTION. 

PART   IV.  , 

The  holiest  cause  round  wliicli  the  truth,  the  genius,  the  heroism 
of  a  nation  may  be  called  upon  to  minister,  is  sure  to  be  soiled,  in 
its  progress  amongst  men,  by  the  contact  of  the  coarse,  the  false, 
and  vicious.  More  than  once,  indeed,  have  unclean  hands  pro- 
faned the  Arh  that  held  the  laws  and  hberties  of  a  pilgrim  tribe, 
as  that  tribe  marched  on  to  found  a  nation  ;  but  once  only  have 
these  hands  been  withered  by  the  Power,  whose  wings  protect  the 
tents  and  tabernacles  of  the  People. 

From  this  evil  the  Belgian  revolution  was  not  exempt. 

Robbers,  poachers,  outcasts  of  every  class  swept  through  the 
country  on  their  crusade  of  plunder  and  incendiarism — laying  siege 
to  the  chateaux  of  the  nobility — hewing  down  the  most  valuable 
timber  on  the  estates  of  the  gentry — shooting  the  most  approved 
game — and  doing  all  this  in  the  name  of  Liberty,  and  for  the 
greater  glory  of  Belgium.  Houses  are  plunged  in  flames — trees 
come  crashing  down — pheasants  are  bagged,  and  family  plate 
packed  up — amid  the  most  amazing  shouts  of  "  Vive  la  Liberie.''^ 

Yet,  who  would  say  that  these  sins  had  blotted  out  from  history 
the  generous  virtues  of  the  Revolution — smearing  the  ancient  tri- 
color of  Brabant  with  a  vulgar  guilt  which  nothing  could  efface  ? 

Vices,  like  those  I  have  mentioned,  should  be  scouted  down  by 
every  true  Patriot,  and  it  is  the  sacred  duty  of  the  Revolutionist 
to  punish  with  a  bold  hand  the  excesses  of  the  people  whose  ener- 
gies he  demands  for  freedom.     But,  doubtless,  it  is  a  grievous 


,• 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  301 

error  to  denounce  a  Revolution  for  the  accidents  of  a  Revolution, 
and  to  protest  against  a  great  effort  for  good  government,  because 
that  effort  may  disturb  the  gross  passions  of  the  community — 
driving  them,  for  a  while,  to  froth  and  whirl  upon  the  surface. 

No  Revolution  can  be  wholly  pure — as  all  the  world  knows — 
and  yet,  shall  I  not  assert  that  Freedom,  as  she  treads  down  the 
laws,  and  weapons,  and  citadels  of  Despotism,  and  makes  her 
stately  march  through  the  arms,  and  banners,  and  laurels  of  her 
chosen  people — to  open  a  new  Senate  and  consecrate  a  new 
Throne — is  not  the  less  brilliant,  the  less  beautiful,  the  less  noble 
for  those  stains  which,  here  and  there,  some  ruffian  hand  has  flung 
upon  her  battle-robe  ? 

Freedom  must  suffer  from  within  and  from  without  her  camp — 
as  well  from  those  who  cry  out,  "plant  her  flag,  and  guard  it, 
citizens  I" — as  from  those  who  cry  out,  "down  with  her  flag,  and 
trample  on  it,  soldiers  !"  The  good  citizen  will  stand  by  that  Flag 
through  all  trials — stand  by  it  spite  of  the  vices  that  creep  and 
sting  beneath  its  shadow — stand  by  it  in  spite  of  the  penalties  and 
perils  that  thicken  round  it.  In  no  conceit  of  piety  will  he  aban- 
don the  public  cause,  to  reprove  the  public  crimes. 

There  was  none  of  this  conceit — this  hypocrisy  in  Belgium. 
No  citizen  of  Brussels  threw  down  his  scythe  or  musket  in  the 
Grande'Place — disgusted,  as  they  say,  with  public  life- — because 
there  were  a  score  or  two  of  villains  in  the  direction  of  Hainault, 
feasting  sumptuously,  and  making  money,  by  the  movement. 
Beside,  there  was  no  time  to  be  fastidious — the  enemy  was  up  ! 

The  Arnheim  Journal  insists  upon  the  "rebels"  being  "put 
down,"  and  begs  leave  to  inform  the  government — lest  it  might 
have  any  scruples  upon  the  subject — that  "  blood  of  rebels  is  not 
brothers'  blood."  The  Nederlanche  Gedachten  writes  in  the  same 
excellent  and  forcible  strain — insisting  upon  "  war  to  the  rebels — 
war  to  the  knife." 

The  people,  however,  are  in  very  good  spirits ;  and  since  it  is 


302  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

evident  to  them  that  a  change  is  at  hand,  they  consider  it  advis- 
able to  appoint  a  "  Committee  of  Public  Surety."  A  very  admir- 
able move  in  truth,  for  in  Brussels,  at  this  precise  moment,  affairs 
wore  a  frowning  aspect — bank  notes  were  checked  in  circulation 
— volunteer  drums  gave  much  annoyance  in  the  streets — pikes 
and  rusty  muskets  were  on  the  increase. 

iSTor  did  the  reception  of  the  Belgian  Deputies  at  the  Hague, 
on  the  13th  of  September,  tend,  in  the  least  degree,  to  diminish 
the  responsibility  of  this  Committee  of  Public  Surety.  What 
was  still  more  fortunate  for  Belgium,  it  did  not,  in  the  remotest 
way,  conduce  to  the  peaceful  adjustment  of  the  differences  between 
the  two  countries  ;  on  the  contrary,  very  forcibly  tended  towards 
the  utter  destruction  of  that  Chaumont  scheme — "  the  intimate 
fusion." 

The  most  patient,  drowsy,  constitutional  Deputy  from  the 
"  sister  country,"  finds  it  a  moral  impossibility  to  dream  any 
longer  of  "  justice "  from  the  States-General,  amid  those  vehe- 
ment cries  that  ring  from  the  galleries  and  all  parts  of  the 
House — cries  of  "  down  with  the  Eebels  ! — down  with  the  incendi- 
aries ! " 

Then  the  King's  speech  to  his  "  Noble  and  Puissant  Sirs  "  has 
nothing  new  in  it — nothing  at  all  suited  to  the  times.  It  is  the 
old  formula  used  upon  all  such  occasions — the  common  property 
and  commonplace  of  all  thrones,  insular  and  continental. 

The  Dutch  Deputies,  it  must  be  confessed,  speak  out  much 
more  frankly  than  their  King — insisting  that  "justice  to  Belgium" 
shall  consist  in  a  profuse  supply  of  shot  and  steel. 

Indeed,  this  visit  to  the  Hague — positively  the  last ! — is  any- 
thing but  agreeable  to  the  Deputies  of  the  disaffected  province. 
The  police  have  frequently  to  protect  them  in  the  streets,  and 
some  of  them  have  found  it  exceedingly  difficult  to  procure  lodg- 
ings.    It  is  impossible,  therefore,  as  we  said  before,  for  the  most 


THE    BELGIAN    REVOLUTION.  303 

patient,  the  most  drowsy,  tlie  most  constitutional  amongst  them, 
to  dream  any  longer  of  "justice  to  Belgium." 

Everything  taken  into  consideration,  it  was  full  time  for  one 
of  these  outcast  Deputies  to  write  a  letter  to  Brussels,  calling 
upon  the  Belgians  to  prepare  themselves  for  "  combat  or  slavery." 

A  letter  to  this  effect  was  written  and  published  in  the  national 
papers.  The  advice  was  zealously  obeyed.  The  King's  speech 
was  torn  to  pieces  in  Brussels.  In  other  places  it  met  with  a  like 
fate,  or  was  burned  to  ashes. 

Daring  and  desperate  men  now  started  up  from  every  quarter — 
from  the  collieries  of  Hainault — from  the  foundries  of  Liege. 
The  pick,  the  loom,  the  plough,  were  flung  away.  Belgium 
needed  now  some  sharper  tools,  and  she  received,  for  her  protec- 
tion and  her  glory,  the  scythe,  the  pike,  the  musket.  Emanuel 
d'Hoogoorst — a  man  of  sound  sense  and  bold  honesty — devoid  of 
genius  and  ambition — is  elected  chief  of  the  Insurrectionists. 

I  think  it  well  to  pass  by  the  scenes  of  blood,  through  which 
the  old  Flag  of  Flanders  was  borne  to  the  tower  of  St.  Gudule. 
There  is  little  to  be  learned  from  the  mere  fighting-chapters  of  a 
Eevolution.  Blows  are  struck  by  nations  for  theu-  freedom,  much 
in  the  same  style  all  over  the  world. 

In  a  mihtary  nation,  certainly,  these  blows  are  struck  less 
awkwardly  than  elsewhere.  Yet,  I  do  believe,  that  where  a  people 
have  not  acquired  a  military  attitude  and  spirit  from  the  laws 
and  duties  of  the  State,  God  himself  will  direct  their  untutored 
blow  for  Freedom  ;  and  a  passionate  heroism — kindled  by  his 
hand — will  supply  the  place,  and  work  the  wonders  of  deliberate 
skill. 

For  us,  it  will  be  more  useful  to  turn  to  the  less  dazzling  and 
exciting  chapters — to  contemplate  the  morality  of  the  Revolution 
— to  follow  these  armed  citizens  in  their  resolute  resistance  to  all 
compromise — in  their  bold  fight  against  all  the  sympathies,  bribes, 
and  factions  of  the  foreign  government. 


304  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

This  is  the  more  heroic  fight.  When  the  strugghng  nation  is 
poor,  and  hungry,  and  in  rags,  it  is  the  noblest  fight  of  all. 

Before  the  2 2d  of  October,  the  Orange  flag  had  been  burned  in 
the  citadels  of  Namour,  Liege,  Ghent,  Ypres,  and  Menin.  From 
Antwerp  citadel  it  was  flying  still.  Everywhere — everywhere — 
these  Dutch  Unionists  were  struck  and  levelled — though  the  law, 
the  sceptre,  and  the  Vienna  treaty  were  on  their  side — struck  and 
levelled,  spite  of  their  seventy-seven  battalions  of  infantry,  their 
seventy-two  squadrons  of  cavalry,  their  sixty  troops  of  artillery, 
their  pontoon  brigade,  their  sappers,  and  miners,  and  gensdarmes, 
with  the  dukes  and  princes  at  their  head. 

And  now,  it  being  quite  evident  that  the  "  malcontents  could 
not  be  whipped  and  muzzled  like  dogs  " — quite  evident  that  con- 
siderably more  thap  "  a  few  misguided  men  had  risen  up  in  an 
alarming  manner  against  a  paternal  government " — quite  evident 
that  the  rebels  could  not  be  "put  down" — quite  evident  that 
Royal  visits  were  utterly  useless — quite  evident  that  the  Belgians 
had  a  firm  grasp  of  Belgium,  and  were  likely  to  retain  it — all  this 
being  quite  evident,  the  Government  decided  that  "  concession  had 
not  reached  its  limits." 

So,  there  is  a  Royal  decree  issued  forthwith,  in  which  William, 
King  of  the  United  Kingdoms  of  Holland  and  Belgium,  informs 
his  loyal  subjects  of  the  "  Southern  provinces  "  that  his  "  well- 
beloved  son,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  will  fix  his  residence  at 
Antwerp  " — furthermore,  "  that  he  will  second  and  support,  as 
far  as  possible,  by  conciliatory  means,  the  efibrts  of  the  well- 
disposed  inhabitants  to  re-establish  order,  wherever  it  may  be 
troubled." 

Cabinets  are  most  "conciliatory,"  when  the  people  convince 
them  they  are  in  earnest  about  their  freedom. 

This  decree  is  immediately  followed  by  a  proclamation,  dated 
from  Antwerp,  signed  by  "  our  well-beloved  son,"  William 
Frederick,  Prince  of  Orange. 


THE    BELGIAN    REYOLUTION.  305 

This  proclamation  is  worth  reading. 

In  the  first  place,  the  "  inhabitants  of  the  southern  provinces  of 
the  Netherlands  Kingdom  "  are  assured  that  his  Royal  Highness" 
has  arrived  in  Antwerp,  with  a  view  to  "  conciliate  " — which  means, 
to  enslave — and  to  "ameliorate" — which  means,  to  debase.  In 
the  next  place,  they  are  told  that  the  royal  heart  "  bleeds  at  the 
ills  they  have  endured."     This  is  a  very  affectionate  assurance. 

But,  it  appears,  the  people  think  proper  to  inquire,  how  it  came 
to  pass  that  the  royal  heart  was  so  long  without  bleeding — why, 
in  fact,  it  did  not  bleed  before  the  Brabant  Flag  was  planted  on 
that  square,  black  tower  of  St.  Gudule — why  it  did  not  bleed 
before  the  Dutch  sceptre  was  splintered  in  those  stout  citadels  of 
Namour,  and  Liege,  and  Ghent. 

Let  us  proceed. 

There  will  be  a  "distinct  administration  accorded  to  the  southern 
provinces — to  be  composed  entirely  of  Belgians."  Furthermore, 
"  affairs  will  be  discussed  in  the  language  of  the  country — all 
places  in  the  gift  of  the  government  will  be  given  to  those 
Belgians  who  have  been  most  distinguished  for  their  patriotism — 
and  then  the  utmost  liberty  will  be  left  to  the  instruction  of 
youth." 

The  "  infamous  petitions "  of  Liege  are  about  to  be  complied 
with.     The  "  Order  of  Infamy  "  is  now  in  high  repute. 

Besides  these  conciliatory  means — thus  distinctly  specified — for 
restoring  order  and  happiness  to  the  country,  there  will  be  "  other 
ameliorations  that  will  accord  with  the  views  of  the  nation  and 
the  exigencies  of  the  times."  The  Proclamation  concludes — 
"  Belgians  !  it  is  by  these  means  that  we  hope  to  concur  with  you 
in  saving  this  beautiful  country  that  is  so  dear  to  us." 

Assuredly  they  must  have  had  rare  merriment  in  Brussels,  in 
Namour,  in  Liege — in  every  place  that  had  been  purified  from 
Dutch  asthma — reading  this  proclamation.  And  how  wisely  and 
how  manfully  these  "  inhabitants  of  the  southern  provinces "  look- 


308  LESSONS    FROM    FOREIGN    HISTORY. 

ing  up  to  tlieir  fine  old  flag — flying  proudly  and  brilliantly  from 
barrack-wall  and  catbedral-spire — bow  wisely  and  manfully  must 
tbey  not  bave  said,  one  to  anotber — "  tbis  beautiful  country  is 
most  dear  to  us,  and  since  we  bave  won  it  back  witbout  tbeir 
conciliatory  means — witbout  tbeir  Royal  decrees  and  Proclama- 
tions— witbout  tbeir  places  "in  tbe  gift  of  government " — witbout 
tbeir  kindly  beart-bleeding — witbout  tbeir  well-beloved  son,  and 
all  otber  ameliorations — so,  witbout  tbem,  and  spite  of  tbem — let 
Us  keep  it — now  and  for  ever.  Amen  ! " 

Concession  migbt  not  bave  reacbed  its  limits,  but  endurance  bad, 
and  tbe  day  of  reckoning  was  come. 

jN"otbing  could  tempt  tbe  nation  back  to  a  new  experiment  for 
"justice."  Royal  decrees  and  proclamations — all  tbese  soft  and 
seductive  romances  of  a  despairing  government — were  spurned  by 
tbe  people — spurned  passionately,  proudly — and,  on  tbe  25tb  of 
October,  tbe  Prince  of  Orange  embarked  for  Rotterdam — bis  pre- 
cious beart  bleeding,  no  doubt,  at  tbe  tbougbt  tbat  be  was 
"  unable  to  attain  tbe  noble  object  towards  wbicb  all  bis  efforts 
tended — tbe  pacification  of  tbe  beautiful  province." 

Wise  and  glorious  lesson  !  Instructive  and  inspiring  lesson  ! 
No  cancerous  credulity — eating  away  tbe  firm  purpose  of  tbe 
beart — bere  bade  a  nation  bait,  and  give  ber  beaten  foe  anotber 
trial.  No  scullion  craving  for  tbe  dregs  and  droppings  of  a  foreign 
court  bere  lulled  tbe  voice  tbat  bad  once  defied,  or  tamed  tbe 
spirit  tbat  bad  stormed. 

Still  tbe  same  loud  voice !  Still  tbe  same  proud  spirit ! — 
neitber  to  be  bougbt  nor  sabred  into  peace — mounting  step  by 
step,  to  a  New  Destiny — breaking  tbrougb  tbe  migbty  mecbanism 
of  war — breaking  tbrougb  tbe  more  costly  and  crafty  mecbanism 
of  a  capitulating  court — beeding  neitber  compliments  nor  curses — 
sworn  to  be  grateful  for  ber  freedom,  from  bencefortb,  to  no  King 
save  Him,  wbose  kingdom  lies  above  tbe  cedars  and  tbe  stars  ! 


"THE  RED  ABOVE  THE  GREEN." 
[Tms  paper  "was  published  in  the  Nation,  as  an  editorial,  in  April,  184Y.] 

On  last  Good  Friday,  the  English  flag  was  flying  from  the 
balustrade  of  Nelson's  Pillar.  It  was  the  anniversary  of  the 
battle  of  Copenhagen. 

An  agreeable  sight,  no  doubt,  to  the  English  garrison — to  the 
English  Archbishop — to  the  English  Chief  Secretary — to  the  Eng- 
lish Poor  Law  Commissioner — to  all  Englishmen  who  make  out 
their  living  here,  and  hold  the  Irish  capital  for  the  great  Northern 
Austria,  called  England. 

And,  no  doubt,  it  was  a  pleasing  sight  to  some  of  our  Irish 
citizens  likewise. 

All  those  accomplished  and  sensitive  people  who  think  the  Irish 
tongue  a  vulgar  jargon — who  consider  Ireland  a  most  wretched 
place  to  live  in,  and  imagine  it  the  "  height  of  respectability " 
to  have  a  pair  of  English  epaulettes  glittering  in  their  ball-rooms 
— who  so  loyally  stand  up  in  the  theatre  when  "  God  save  the 
Queen"  is  being  played,  and  so  fashionably  sit  down  when  "  Patrick's 
Day "  begins — who  are  enchanted,  beyond  measure,  with  Cum- 
berland Lakes,  and  Welsh  Mountains,  and  Leamington  Spas, 
and  know  nothing,  and  care  less,  about  Killarney  Punch-bowls, 
and  Blackwater  Castles,  and  Holycross  Ruins — all  who,  on  levee- 
days  or  audience-days,  take  a  view  of  Ireland  from  the  windows 
of  the  Castle,  or  learn  the  state  of  the  country  from  the  cashier 
of  the  Treasury — all  these  well-aflfected  people  were,  no  doubt, 
highly  pleased  with  the  commemoration  aforesaid. 


308  THE  RED  ABOVE  THE  GREEN. 

N'ot  SO  with  others.  Thousands  passed  beneath  the  ensign  of 
St.  George,  and  cursed  it  as  they  passed. 

The  ragged  and  breadless  mechanic  from  the  Coombe  passed 
by,  and,  looking  up,  cursed  it  as  he  passed. 

The  outcast  peasant,  from  the  rich  fields  of  Roscommon  and  of 
Meath,  hurrying  to  the  emigrant  ship  at  Eden  quay,  passed  by, 
and,  looking  up,  cursed  it  as  he  passed. 

The  broken  shop-keeper,  whose  bankruptcy  was  that  day  pla- 
carded on  his  window-shutter,  passed  by,  and  looking  up,  cursed 
it  as  he  passed. 

And  then  came  the  old  citizen,  who  had  seen  the  Irish  cannon — 
labelled  with  "  Free  Trade  or  speedy  Revolution," — mounted  in 
College-green,  and  had  stood  beside  them  with  sword  and  musket, 
commissioned  by  the  country — ^he,  too,  passed  by,  and,  looking 
up,  cursed  the  Union-flag,  and  went  his  way. 

What  was  that  flag  to  them,  or  the  victories  of  which  it  was  the 
crimson  title-page  ?  What  cared  they  for  the  sailor-chief,  from 
whose  stately  monument  it  was  flying  ? 

True,  he  had  swept  the  Italian  waters  with  that  flag — had  fixed 
it  on  the  walls  of  Bastia — had  drubbed  the  Spaniard  at  Cape  St. 
Vincent — had  drubbed  the  Frenchman  at  the  Nile — had  clipped 
the  raven  wing  of  Denmark  under  the  guns  of  Cronenburgh — yet, 
what  was  all  this  to  Ireland  ? 

East  India  Companies  voted  him  their  thanks  in  bags  of  gold — • 
Turkish  Companies  their  jewelled  swords  and  massive  plate — 
and  London  Common  Councils  the  freedom  of  their  ancient  city. 
They  did  well.  Horatio  Nelson  was  a  generous,  gallant  English 
sailor,  and  did  brave  service  for  Old  England. 

But  what  was  this,  and  more  than  this,  to  Ireland  ?  Was  not 
Sarsfield  nearer  to  her  heart  ?  Was  not  Hugh  O'Neill  her  own 
heroic  son  ?  Was  not  the  epitaph  of  Emmet  still  unwritten  ? 
And  where,  in  her  public  places,  were  the  sculptured  recollections 
of  the  old  Brigade  i 


THE  RED  ABOVE  THE  GREEN.  309 

Yesterday,  the  ICth  of  April,  was  the  anniversary  of  an  Irish 
victory — the  Declaration  of  Irish  Rights. 

And  yesterday  there  was  no  flag  flying  above  the  city.  You 
walked  through  the  streets  yesterday,  and  there  was  not  a  sound, 
not  a  sign,  to  tell  you,  that  precisely  that  day,  sixty-five  years  ago, 
there  was  an  Irish  Parliament  sitting  in  Dublin,  renouncing  the 
supremacy  of  England — with  an  Irish  soldiery  outside,  oflScered  by 
the  nobles  and  the  gentry  of  the  land,  prepared  to  back  the 
declarations  of  the  Senate. 

Where  was  his  Irish  Excellency  yesterday  ?  Where  were  his 
Aides-de-camp,  his  brilliant  retinue,  his  secretaries — all  the  ladies 
and  gentlemen — who  so  lately  figured  in  the  new  version  of  the 
Beggars'  Opera,  on  the  banks  of  the  Lifiey  ? 

There  was  a  time  when  there  were  other  sights  and  festivals  for 
the  citizens  of  Dublin. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  ladies  of  our  city  went  forth  to 
grace  a  nobler  spectacle  than  the  poverty  of  their  country — when, 
from  the  balconies  of  Dame  street,  they  looked  with  flushed  and 
exulting  beauty  upon  the  battalions  of  Charlemont,  and  waved 
their  kerchiefs  as  the  artillery  of  Napper  Tandy  echoed  through 
the  city  the  sublime  defiances  of  Grattan. 

There  was  a  time  when,  from  the  galleries  of  the  Irish  Commons, 
they  looked  down  upon  the  Senators  of  the  island,  and,  beholding 
there,  its  genius,  its  chivalry,  and  its  heroism,  proudly  felt  that  it 
was  a  noble  privilege  to  be  the  daughters  of  such  a  land. 

And  shall  they  look  upon  those  scenes  no  more  ?  Shall  the 
memory  of  those  scenes  be  efiaced  for  ever  ?  Shall  the  anniver- 
saries of  the  island  come,  and  pass  away,  without  a  festival  ?  Shall 
the  solemn  feasts  and  sabbaths  be  forgotten  in  Zion  ? 

What  say  you,  citizens  ! — shall  we  have  no  national  holidays  ? 
No  national  monuments  ?  Shall  these  drowsy  eflSgies  of  the  royal 
fools  of  Brunswick  be  sacred  here — and,  in  the  public  squares, 
shall  we  have  no  enduring  testimonials  of  our  statesmen,  our 


310  THE  RED  ABOVE  THE  GREEN. 

soldiers,  and  our  martyrs  ?  What  brings  that  Enghsh  sailor  up 
there,  when  the  Irish  Charlemagne  has  no  monument  on  his  native 
soil  ?  Shall  Copenhagen  be  remembered  here,  and  Clontarf  be 
forgotten  ? 

Aye,  whilst  our  municipal  government  is  without  its  civic  guard 
— whilst  their  Woolwich  batteries  and  field-pieces  encumber  Irish 
soil — whilst  Irishmen  are  disunited — the  victories  and  the  lessons 
of  our  fathers  will  be  forgotten — and  the  Red  will  fly  above  the 
Green ! 


APPENDIX. 


■♦*»■ 


REPLY  TO  THE   COMMON  COUNCIL  OF  THE   CITY  OP 

NEW  YORK. 

Astor  House,  lOih  June,  1852. 

[On  the  7th  of  June — the  first  night  of  the  monthly  session — the 
Common  Council  of  the  City  of  New  York  passed  the  following 
resolutions : — 

"  Whereas, — Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  the  intrepid,  eloquent,  and 
faithful  champion  of  freedom,  having  happily  escaped  to  the  United 
States  from  the  imprisonment  inflicted  upon  him  and  other  illustrious 
patriots,  for  their  devoted  exertions  to  effect  the  independence  of  their 
native  land — therefore, 

^^  Resolved — That,  sympathizing  with  the  people  of  Ireland  in  the 
wrongs  inflicted  by  the  British  government,  and  highly  estimating  the 
eloquence  and  devotion  of  its  patriotic  son,  we  cordially  tender  to  him  a 
Public  reception,  the  hospitalities  of  the  City,  and  offer  for  his  use  the 
Governor's  room. 

"  Resolved — That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  to  carry  these 
resolutions  into  effect,  and  that  they  be  directed  to  present  him  with  a 
copy  of  the  preamble  and  resolutions,  duly  authenticated." 

The  above  resolutions  passed  unanimously  both  Boards  of  the  Com- 
mon Council.  In  the  Board  of  Assistant  Aldermen,  the  followmg 
additional  resolutions  were  offered  by  Assistant  Aldermen  Breadan, 
Bouton,  and  Wheelan : — 


312  APPENDIX. 

•'  Whereas,  information  having  been  received  in  this  city,  that  the  dis- 
tinguished patriot,  Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  has,  after  nearly  four  years 
of  banishment,  fortunately  escaped  from  a  forced  abode,  in  a  den  of 
murderers  and  thieves,  in  her  Britannic  Majesty's  penal  colony  of  Van 
Diemen's  Land,  and  that  he  comes  tO'  us  v^^ith  the  view  to  make  his 
future  home  in  this  country;  and  whereas,  this  illustrious  man  has 
perilled  his  life,  property,  home,  freedom,  and  all  that  is  dear  and  sacred, 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  liberty  to  his  country,  and  elevating  the  Irish 
people  in  the  scale  of  nations — to  rid  them  from  the  abominable  tyranny 
under  which  they  have  labored,  and  by  which  they  have  been,  for  seven 
centuries,  borne  down,  and  avowedly  to  establish  in  Ireland  a  free 
and  independent  government,  similar  to  our  own — and  whereas,  it  is 
eminently  proper  that  the  City  of  New  York,  the  chief  city  of  the 
Republic,  should  extend  to  Thomas  Francis  Meagher  a  kind  and 
hospitable  welcome  to  this  city,  in  order  to  show  to  the  world  our 
admiration  of  the  man,  and  of  the  ennobling  principles  for  which  he 
struggled ; — therefore, 

"  Resolved — That  his  Honor  the  Mayor,  Ambrose  C.  Kingsland,  be, 
and  he  is  hereby  requested  to  tender  to  Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  the 
hospitalities  of  the  City ;  and  that  he  be  received  by  the  Common 
Council  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the  man,  and  of  the  cause  he  espoused ; 
and  that  the  day  of  his  public  reception  should,  if  possible,  be  fixed  for 
Thursday,  the  10th  of  June,  instant.     Also — 

"  Resolved — That,  if  the  Board  of  Aldermen  concur,  a  committee  of 
five  be  appointed  to  carry  out  that  part  of  the  preamble  and  resolutions 
relating  to  the  public  reception  of  Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  as  far  as 
it  refers  to  the  Common  Council. 

"  Whereas,  the  sympathy  of  the  American  people  is  deeply  enlisted 
in  the  cause  of  all  who  have  sought,  on  our  shores,  a  safe  refuge  from 
persecution ;  and  Whereas,  the  illustrious"  exile,  Thomas  Francis 
Meagher,  having  escaped  from  the  prison  in  which  he  was -confined  for 
his  devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty  in  Ireland,  has  come  among  us  to 
participate  in  the  blessings  of  our  free  institutions  ;  therefore — 

"  Resolved — If  the  Board  of  Aldermen  coucur,  that  a  committee  of 
three  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  each  Board,  to  wait  upon  Thomas 
Francis  Meagher,  to  congratulate  him  upon  his  arrival,  and  to  extend  to 
him  the  hospitalities  of  the  city. 

"  Whereas,  one  of  Ireland's  noblest  sons,  and  Freedom's  boldest 
champions,  is  now  in  our  midst,  it  becomes  us  to  manifest  the  will  and 


APPENDIX.  313 

express  the  sentiments  of  our  patriotic  people,  by  making-  suitable 
arrangements  to  give,  at  an  early  day,  a  public  welcome  to  Thomas 
Francis  Meagher ;  therefore — 

"  Resolved — That,  if  the  Board  of  Aldermen  concur,  a  committee  of 
five  be  appointed  by  this  Board  to  make  suitable  arrangements  for 
tendering  a  public  reception  to  the  exiled  patriot  and  apostle  of  liberty, 
Thomas  Francis  Meagher ;  and  that  said  committee  of  arrangements  be 
instructed  to  invite  a  concert  of  action  among  the  various  Military  and 
Civic  organizations  of  this  city." 

Next  evening,  the  committees  of  the  Civic  and  Military  bodies  met 
the  committees  of  the  Common  Council  and  of  the  Irish  Directory,  to 
make  the  necessary  arrangements  for  a  public  procession  and  banquet. 

On  Thursday  afternoon,  June  10th,  Aldermen  Oakley,  Cornell,  Rogers, 
Ring,  Barr,  Mabbett,  Sturtevant,  and  O'Brien,  waited  upon  Mr.  Meagher, 
at  the  Astor  House,  and  presented  him  with  the  joint  resolutions  adopted 
by  the  Boards  of  Aldermen  and  Assistant  Aldermen,  on  the  7th  of  June. 
Alderman  Oakley,  Chairman  of  the  joint  Committee  of  the  two  Boards, 
was  formally  introduced  to  Mr.  Meagher,  and  handed  him  a  copy  of 
the  Resolutions,  with  the  Seal  of  the  City  attached  thereto.  He 
accompanied  the  presentation  with  the  following  remarks  : — 

"  Sir — The  pleasing  duty  has  been  assigned  to  me,  as  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  of  the  Common  Council  of  the  City  of  New  York,  to 
congratulate  you  cordially  upon  your  arrival  in  this  country,  and  libera- 
tion from  the  tyranny  and  thraldom  to  which  you  were  doomed. 

"We  recognise  in  you,  sir,  the  young,  fearless,  and  eloquent 
expounder  of  the  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Sympathizing, 
as  we  do,  with  the  people  of  Ireland,  in  the  struggles  which  they  have 
made  to  achieve  their  independence,  we  are  proud,  under  all  circum- 
stances and  upon  all  occasions,  to  testify  our  respect  and  admiration  for 
her  sons,  who  have  been  ready  to  sacrifice  their  liberties  and  their  lives, 
to  remove  the  oppressive  yoke  of  despotism  which  has  for  centuries  held 
them  in  subjection. 

"  Therefore,  in  behalf  of  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  New  York,  I 
tender  to  you  a  certified  copy  of  their  Resolutions,  with  the  Seal  of  our 
City  attached,  and  solicit  you  most  respectfully  to  accept  a  public 
reception,  and  the  hospitalities  of  our  City."] 

14 


S14  APPENDIX. 

Mr.  Meagher  replied  : — 

Gentlemen  : — Had  the  effort  in  which  I  lost  my  freedom  been  suc- 
cessful, the  honors  now  tendered  would  not  surprise  me. 

But  it  was  otherwise.  Far  from  realizing,  it  obscured  the  hopes 
which  accompanied  and  inspired  it — ending  suddenly  in  discouragement 
and  defeat. 

This  the  wide  world  knows.  This  you  yourselves  must  inwardly 
admit,  though  the  goodness  of  your  nature  will  seal  your  lips  to  the 
admission,  being  fearful  of  the  disparagement  it  would  imply. 

The  gratitude  of  a  people  is  most  bounteous.  It  is  quick  to  appre- 
ciate, to  encourage,  to  reward.  Never  slow  or  stinted  in  the  measure  it 
pours  out,  its  fault  is  to  be  too  precipitate  and  profuse.  Estimating 
merit  not  by  the  severe  standard  of  success,  it  takes  motives  into  con- 
sideration, regardless  of  the  fortune  which  attends  them ;  and  for  what- 
ever sacrifices  they  have  entailed,  awards  a  great  equivalent. 

In  this,  the  gratitude  of  a  people  differs  from  the  gratitude  of  kings. 

With  the  latter,  success  is  an  essential  condition  of  excellence. 
Pensions,  knightly  decorations,  orders  of  nobility,  these  are  given  by 
kings  in  exchange  only  for  the  trophies  which  decorate  their  halls,  or  the 
acquisitions  which  widen  the  surface  of  their  dominion. 

Not  so  with  the  people,  as  I  have  said.  They  do  not  barter  and 
economize  their  gifts. 

Whatever  the  result,  be  the  motive  upright,  be  the  deed  honorable, 
and  their  favors  are  forthcoming.  Moreover  it  sometimes  happens  that 
where  disaster  has  most  grievously  befallen,  there  their  sympathies  are 
most  evoked,  and  their  treasures  most  plenteously  bestowed. 

This  it  is  which  explains  the  proceedings,  in  my  regard,  of  the  noble 
city  you  represent. 

I  have  sought  to  serve  my  country,  and  been  anxious  to  contribute 
to  her  freedom.  This,  I  shall  not  assume  the  modesty  to  deny.  Long 
before  I  mingled  in  the  strife  of  politics,  it  was  my  ambition  to  be 
identified  with  the  destiny  of  my  country — to  share  her  glory,  if  glory 
were  decreed  to  her — to  share  her  suffering  and  humiliation,  if  such 
should  be  her  portion. 


APPENDIX.  315 

For  the  little  I  have  done  and  suffered,  I  have  had  my  reward  in  the 
penalty  assigned  me. 

To  be  the  last  and  humblest  name  in  the  litany  which  contains  the 
names  of  Tone,  Emmet,  and  Fitzgerald — ^names  which  waken  notes 
of  heroism  in  the  coldest  heart,  and  stir  to  lofty  purposes  the  most 
sluggish  mind — is  an  honor  which  compensates  me  fully  for  the  priva- 
tions I  have  endured.  Any  recompense  of  a  more  joyous  nature,  it 
would  ill  become  me  to  receive. 

Whilst  my  country  remains  in  sorrow  and  subjection,  it  would  be 
indelicate  of  me  to  participate  in  the  festivities  you  propose.  When  she 
lifts  her  head,  and  nerves  her  arm  for  a  bolder  struggle — when  she  goes 
forth,  like  Miriam,  with  song  and  timbrel  to  celebrate  her  victory — I,  too, 
shall  lift  up  my  head,  and  join  in  the  hymn  of  freedom.  Till  then,  the 
retirement  I  seek,  will  best  accord  with  the  love  I  bear  her,  and  the 
sadness  which  her  present  fate  inspires. 

Nor  do  I  forget  the  companions  of  my  exile.  The  freedom  that  has 
been  restored  to  me  is  embittered  by  the  recollection  of  their  captivity. 
My  heart  is  with  them  at  this  hour,  and  shares  the  solitude  in  which  they 
dwell.  Whilst  they  are  in  prison,  a  shadow  rests  upon  my  spirit,  and 
the  thoughts  that  otherwise  might  be  free,  throb  heavily  within  me.  It 
is  painful  for  me  to  speak.  I  should  feel  happy  in  being  permitted  to 
be  silent. 

For  these  reasons,  you  will  not  feel  displeased  with  me  for  declining 
the  honors  you  solicit  me  to  accept. 

Did  I  esteem  them  less,  I  should  not  consider  myself  so  unworfliy, 
nor  decline  so  conclusively,  to  enjoy  them.  The  privileges  of  so  emi- 
nent a  city  should  be  sacred  to  those  who  personify  a  great  and  li\ing 
cause — a  past  full  of  fame,  and  a  future  full  of  hope — and  whose  names 
are  prominent  and  imperishable. 

It  pains  me  deeply  to  make  this  reply,  being  sensible  of  the  enthu- 
siasm which  glows  around  me,  and  the  eagerness  with  which  a  public 
opportunity  of  meeting  me  has  been  awaited,  I  know  it  will  disappoint 
a  generous  anxiety,  but  the  propriety  of  the  determination  I  have  come 
to,  is  proved  by  the  inefficiency  even  of  this  consideration  to  overcome 
me. 

I  know,  too,  that  as  it  gi-ieves  me,  it  will  grieve  others,  and  that, 


316  APPENDIX. 

perhaps,  the  motives  that  have  led  to  it  may  be  misunderstood,  mis- 
construed, and  censured.  But  I  am  confident  that,  after  a  little  while, 
the  public  judgment  will  sanction  the  act,  which  a  due  regard  to  what  I 
owe  my  country,  my  companions,  and  myself,  seriously  dictates. 

Yet,  so  far  as  your  invitation  recognises  the  fidelity  with  which  I 
adhered,  and  still  adhere,  to  a  good  and  glorious  cause,  be  assured  that 
it  has  not  been  exaggerated  or  misplaced.  The  feelings  and  convictions 
which  influenced  my  career  in  Ireland,  have  undergone  no  change.  Still, 
as  ever,  I  perceive  within  my  country  the  faculties  that  fit  her  for  a 
useful  and  honorable  position,  and  believing  that  they  require  only  to  be 
set  in  motion  to  prove  successful,  I  still  would  prompt  her  to  put  them 
forth. 

Besides,  there  is  within  me  a  pride  that  cannot  be  subdued — there  is 
within  me  an  ambition  that  cannot  be  appeased. 

I  desire  to  have  a  country  which  shall  work  out  a  fortune  of  her 
own,  and  depend  no  longer  for  subsistence  on  the  charity  of  other 
nations.  I  desire  to  have  a  country  which  I  can  point  to  with  exulta- 
tion— whose  prosperity  shall  be  my  life — whose  glory  shall  be  my 
guerdon.  I  desire  to  have  a  country  which  shall  occupy  a  beneficent 
position  in  the  world,  and  by  her  industry,  intellect,  integrity,  and 
courage,  shall  contribute,  in  community  with  all  free  nations,  to  the  com- 
mon happiness  and  grandeur  of  humanity.  Hopes  may  have  darkened, 
but  the  destiny,  to  which  I  would  see  my  country  lifted,  is  before  me 
still — a  height,  like  that  of  Tabor,  crowned  with  an  eternal  sun ! 

It  is  a  bold  ambition,  but  in  this  fine  country  I  could  have  none 
other. 

The  moment  we  set  our  foot  upon  her  shore,  we  behold  the  oflfspring 
of  Freedom — the  energy,  the  thrift,  the  opulence  to  which  she  has  given 
"bii'th — and,  at  a  glance,  we  comprehend  her  fruitfulness,  utility,  and 
splendor.  We  behold  the  wonders  she  has  wrought — the  deformed 
transformed — ^the  crippled  colony  springing  into  the  robust  proportions 
of  an  empire,  which  Alexander  might  well  have  sighed  to  conquer — the 
adventurous  spirit  of  her  sons  compensating  by  its  rapidity,  in  little  more 
than  half  a  century,  for  the  thousands  of  years  in  which  the  land  lay  still 
in  the  shadow  of  the  ancient  forests — we  behold  all  this,  and  the  wor- 
ship of  our  youth  becomes  more  impassioned  and  profound. 


APPENDIX.  317 

To  this  land  I  have  come  as  an  outcast,  to  seek  an  honorable  home 
— as  an  outlaw,  to  claim  the  protection  of  a  flag  that  is  inviolable. 

By  one  of  the  wisest  and  mildest  of  the  ancient  legislators,  it  was 
decreed,  that  all  those  who  were  driven  for  ever  from  their  own  country, 
should  be  admitted  into  the  citizenship  of  Athens.  On  the  same  ground, 
in  virtue  of  the  sentence  of  perpetual  banishment  which  excludes  me 
from  my  native  land,  I  seek  a  quiet  sanctuary  in  the  home  of  Washing- 
ton. To  no  other  land  could  the  heart,  which  has  felt  the  rude  hand  of 
tyranny,  so  confidently  turn  for  a  serene  repose. 

Long  may  she  prosper — continuing  faithful  to  the  inheritance  left 
her  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic  !  Long  may  she  prosper — gathering 
into  the  bosom  of  her  great  family  the  children  of  all  nations — adding  to 
her  territory,  not  by  the  sword  of  the  soldier,  or  the  subtlety  of  the 
statesman,  but  by  the  diffusion  of  her  principles,  and  the  consonance  of 
her  simple  laws  and  institutions  with  the  good  sense  and  purer  aspira- 
tions of  mankind !  Long  may  she  prosper — each  year  adding  to  her 
stock  of  strength,  and  dignity,  and  wisdom — and  high  above  her  count- 
less fleets  and  cities,  even  to  the  last  generation,  may  the  monument  of 
her  liberty  be  descried !  In  the  darkest  storm  which  shakes  the  thrones 
and  dynasties  of  the  old  world,  may  it  stand  unscathed!  In  the 
darkest  night  which  falls  upon  the  arms  of  a  struggling  people,  may  it 
shine  forth  like  the  cross  in  the  wilderness,  and  be  to  them  an  emblem 
of  hope  and  a  signal  of  salvation ! 


J.  S.  REDFIELD, 

110  km  112  NASSAU  STREET,  NEW  YORK, 

HAS  JTJST  PUBLISHED : 


EPISODES  OF  INSECT  LIFE. 

By  A<!HETA  DoMESTicA.  Ill  Three  Series  :  I.  Insects  of  Spring. — 
II.  Insects  of  Summer. —  III.  Insects  of  Autumn.  Beautifully 
illustrated.  Crown  8vo.,  cloth,  gilt,  price  $2.00  each.  The  same 
beautifully  colored  after  nature,  extra  gilt,  $4.00  each. 

"  A  book  elegant  enough  for  the  centre  table,  witty  enough  for  after  dinner,  and  wise 
enough  for  the  study  and  the  school-room.  One  of  the  beautiful  lessons  of  this  work  ia 
the  kindly  view  it  takes  of  nature.  Nothing  is  made  in  vain  not  only,  but  nothing  ia 
made  ugly  or  repulsive.  A  charm  is  thrown  around  every  object,  and  life  suffused 
through  all,  suggestive  of  the  Creator's  goodness  and  wisdom." — TV.  Y.  EvaJigelist 

"  Moths,  glow-worms,  lady-birds,  May-flies,  bees,  and  a  variety  of  other  inhabitants  of 
the  insect  world,  are  descanted  upon  in  a  pleasing  style,  combining  scientific  information 
with  romance,  in  a  manner  peculiarly  attractive." — Commercial  Advertiser. 

"  The  book  includes  solid  instruction  as  well  as  genial  and  captivating  mirth.  The 
scientific  knowledge  of  the  writer  ia  thoroughly  reUable." — Examiner. 


^ 


MEN  AND  WOMEN  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

By  Arsene  Houssate,  with  beautifully  Engraved  Portraits  of 
Louis  XV.,  and  Madame  de  Pompadour.  Two  volume  12mo. 
450  pages  each,  extra  superfine  paper,  price  $2.50. 

Contents. — Dufresny,  Fontenelle,  Marivaux,  Piron,  The  Abbe  Prevost,  Gentil-Bemard, 
Florian,  BoufHers,  Diderot,  Gretry,  Riverol,  Louis  XV.,  Greuze,  Boucher,  The  Van- 
loos,  Lantara,  Watteau,  La  Motte,  Dehle,  Abbe  Trublet,  Buffon,  Dorat,  Cardinal  da 
Bemis,  Crebillon  the  Gay,  Marie  Antoinette,  Made,  de  Pompadour,  Vade,  Mile.  Ca- 
margo.  Mile.  Clairon,  Mad.  de  la  Popeliniere,  Sophie  Amould,  Crgbillon  the  Tragic, 
Mile.  Guimard,  Three  Pages  in  the  Life  of  Dancourt,  A  Promenade  in  the  Palais-Royal, 
the  Chevalier  de  la  Clos. 

"A  more  fascinating  book  than  this  ra^ply  issues  from  the  teeming  press.  Fascina- 
ting in  its  subject ;  fascinating  in  its  style :  fascinating  in  its  power  to  lead  the  reader  into 
castle-building  of  the  most  gorgeous  and  bewitching  description." — Courier  6f  E^igiiirer. 
"This  is  a  most  welcome  book,  full  of  information  and  amusement,  in  the  form  of 
memoirs,  comments,  and  anecdotes.  It  has  the  style  of  light  literature,  with  the  use- 
fulness Df  the  gravest.  It  should  be  in  every  library,  and  the  hands  of  every  reader." 
Boston  Commonwealth. 

*»  A  Book  of  Books. — Two  deliciously  spicy  volumes,  that  are  a  perfect  honne  boucfu 
for  sn  epicure  in  reading."' — Home  Journal. 


redfield's  new  and  popular  publications. 


PHILOSOPHERS  AND  ACTRESSES. 

By  Arsene   Houssate.     AVith  beautifully-engraved  Portraits  of 
Voltaire  and  Mad.  Parabere.     Two  vols.,  12rao,  price  ^2.50. 

"We  have  here  the  most  charming  book  we  have  read  these  many  days,— so 
powerful  in  its  fascination  that  we  have  been  held  for  hours  from  our  imperious  labors., 
■or  needful  slumbers,  by  the  entrancing  influence  of  its  pages.  One  of  the  most  desira- 
ble fruits  of  the  prolific  field  of  literature  of  the  present  season." — Pornand  Eclectic. 

"  Two  brilliant  and  fascinating — we  had  almost  said,  bewitching— volumes,, combi- 
ning information  and  amusement,  the  lightest  gossip,  with  solid  and  serviceable  wis- 
dom."—  Yankee  Blade. 

"  It  is  a  most  admirable  book,  full  of  originality,  wit,  information  and  philosophy. 
Indeed,  the  vividness  of  the  book  is  extraordinary.  The  scenes  and  dn*criptions  are 
absolutely  life-hke." — Southern  Literary  Gazette. 

"  The  works  of  the  present  writer  are  the  only  ones  the  spirit  of  who«e  rhetoric  doea 
justice  to  those  times,  and  in  fascination  of  description  and  style  equal  the  fascinations 
they  descant  upon." — New  Orleans  Commercial  Bulletin. 

"The  author  is  a  brilliant  writer,  and  serves  up  his  sketches  in  a  sparkling  manner." 
Christian  Freeman. 


ANCIENT  EGYPT  UNDER  THE  PHARAOHS. 

By  John  Kendrick,  M.  A.     In  2  vols.,  12rao,  price  $2.50. 

"  No  work  has  heretofore  appeared  suited  to  the  wants  of  the  historical  student, 
which  combined  the  labors  of  artists,  travellers,  interpreters  and  critics,  during  the 
pei'iods  from  the  earliest  records  of  the  monarchy  to  its  final  absorption  in  the  empire 
of  Alexander,     This  work  supplies  this  deficiency." — Olive  Branch. 

"  Not  only  the  geography  and  political  history  of  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs  are 
given,  but  we  are  furnished  with  a  minute  account  of  the  domestic  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  inhabitants,  their  language,  laws,  science,  religion,  agi'iculture,  navigation 
and  commerce." — Commercial  Advertiser. 

"  These  volumes  present  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  results  of  the  combined  labors 
of  travellers,  artists,  and  scientific  explorers,  which  have  effected  so  much  during  the 
present  century  toward  the  development  of  Egyptian  archaeology  and  history." — Jour' 
oial  of  Commerce. 

"■  The  descriptions  are  very  vivid  and  one  wanders,  delighted  with  the  author,  through 
the  land  of  Egypt,  gathering  at  every  step,  new  phases  of  her  wondrous  history,  and 
ends  with  a  more  intelligent  knowledge  than  he  ever  before  had,  of  the  land  of  the 
Pharaohs." — American  Spectator. 


COMPARATIVE  PHYSIOGNOMY; 

Or  Resemblances  between  Men  and  Animals.  By  J.  W.  Redfield, 
M.  D.  In  one  vol.,  8vo,  with  several  hundred  illustrations, 
price,  $2.00. 

"  Dr.  Redfield  has  produced  a  very  curious,  amusing,  and  instructive  book,  curious 
in  its  originality  and  illustrations,  amusing  in  the  comparisons  and  analyses,  and  in- 
structive because  it  contains  very  much  useful  information  on  a  too  much  neglected 
subject.    It  will  be  eagerly  read  and  quickly  appreciated." — National  ^gis. 

"  The  whole  work  exhibits  a  good  deal  of  scientific  research,  intelligent  observation, 
and  ingenuity." — Daily  Union. 

"  Highly  entertaining  even  to  those  who  have  little  time  to  study  the  science." — 
Detroit  Daily  Advertiser. 

'•  This  is  a  remarkable  volume  and  will  be  read  by  two  classes,  those  who  study  for 
information,  and  those  who  read  for  amusement.  For  its  originality  and  entertaining 
character,  we  commend  it  to  our  readers." — Albany  Express. 

"  It  is  overflowing  with  wit,  humor,  and  originality,  and  profusely  illustrated.  The 
whole  work  is  distinguished  by  vast  research  and  knowledge." — Knicherbocher. 

"  The  plan  is  a  novel  one  ;  the  proofs  striking,  and  must  challenge  the  attention  of  the 
curious." — Daily  Advertiser. 


REDFIELD  S  NEW  AND  POPULAR  PUBLICATIONS. 


POETICAL   WORKS  OF  FITZ-GREENE  HALLECK. 

New  and  only  Complete  Edition,  containing  several  New  Poems, 
together  with  many  now  first  collected.  One  vol.,  12mo.,  price 
one  dollar. 

*•  Halleck  is  one  of  the  brightest  stars  in  our  American  literature,  and  his  name  is 
like  a  household  word  wherever  the  English  language  is  spoken." — Albany  Express. 

"There  are  few  poems  to  be  found,  in  any  language,  that  surpass,  in  beauty  of 
thought  and  structure,  some  of  these." — Boston  Commonwealth. 

"  To  the  numerous  admirers  of  Mr.  Halleck,  this  will  be  a  welcome  book  ;  for  it  is  a 
characteristic  desire  in  human  nature  to  have  the  productions  of  our  favorite  authors 
in  an  elegant  and  substantial  form." — Christian  Freeman. 

"  Mr.  Halleck  never  appeared  in  a  better  dress,  and  few  poets  ever  deserved  a  better 
one." —  Christian  Intelligencer. 


THE  STUDY  OF  WORDS. 
By  Archdeacon  R.  C.  Trench.     One  vol.,  12mo.,  price  75  cts. 

"  He  discourses  in  a  truly  learned  and  lively  manner  upon  the  original  unity  of  lan- 
guage, and  the  origin,  derivation,  and  history  of  words,  with  their  morality  and  sep- 
arate spheres  of  meaning." — Evening  F-st 

"  This  is  a  noble  tribute  to  the  divim  faculty  of  speech.  Popularly  written,  for  use 
as  lectures,  exact  in  its  learning,  and  ^.oetic  in  its  vision,  it  is  a  book  at  once  for  the 
scholar  and  the  general  reader." — New  lork  Evangelist. 

"  It  is  one  of  the  most  striking  and  original  publications  of  the  day,  with  nothing  of 
hardness,  dullness,  or  dryness  about  it,  but  altogether  fresh,  lively,  and  entertaining.** 
— Boston  Evening  Traveller. 


BRONCHITIS,  AND  KINDRED  DISEASES. 

In  language  adapted  to  common  readers.     By  W.  W.  Hall,  M.  D. 

One  vol.,  12  mo,  price  $1.00. 

"It  is  written  in  a  plain,  direct,  common-sense  style,  and  is  free  from  the  quackery 
which  marks  many  of  the  popular  medical  books  of  the  day.  It  will  prove  useful  to 
those  who  need  it." — Central  Ch.  Herald. 

"  Those  who  are  clergymen,  or  who  are  preparing  for  the  sacred  calling,  and  public 
speakers  generally,  should  not  fail  of  securing  this  work." — Ch.  Ambassador. 

"  It  is  full  of  hints  on  the  nature  of  the  vital  organs,  and  does  away  with  much  super- 
stitious dread  in  regard  to  consumption." — Greene  County  Whig. 

•'  This  work  gives  some  valuable  instruction  in  regard  to  foo^  and  hygienic  infla- 
^ncea."— Nashua  Oasis. 


KNIGHTS  OF  ENGLAND,  FRANCE,  AND  SCOTLAND. 
j6y  Henry  William  Herbert.     One  vol.,  12mo.,  price  $1.25. 

"  They  are  partly  the  romance  of  history  and  partly  fiction,  forming,  when  blended, 
portraitures,  valuable  from  the  correct  drawing  of  the  times  they  illustrate,  and  interest- 
ing from  their  romance." — Albany  Knickerbocker. 

"  They  are  spirit-stirring  productions,  which  will  be  read  and  nflmired  by  all  who 
ere  pleased  with  historical  tales  written  in  a  vigorous,  bold,  and  dashing  style." — Boston 
Journal. 

"  These  legends  of  love  and  chivalry  contain  some  of  the  finest  tales  which  the 
graphic  and  powerful  pen  of  Herbert  has  yet  given  to  the  lighter  hterature  of  the  day." 
-Dfiroit  Free  Fress. 


REDFIELDS    NEW    AND    POPULAR    PITBLlCATIONfl 


LYRA,  AND  OTHER  POEMS. 
By  Alice  Caret.     In  one  volume,  12mo,  cloth,  price  75  cts. 

"Whether  poefay  be  defined  as  the  rhythmical  creation  of  beauty,  as  passion  or  elo- 
quence in  harmonious  numbers,  or  as  thought  and  feeling  manifested  by  processes  of 
the  imagination,  Alice  Carey  is  incontestably  and  incomparably  the  first  living  American 
poetess— fi-esh,  indigenous,  national — rich  beyond  precedent  in  suitable  and  sensuous  im- 
agery— of  the  finest  and  highest  qualities  of  feeling,  and  such  powers  of  creation  as  the 
Almighty  has  seen  fit  to  bestow  but  rarely  or  in  far-separated  countries." — Bost.  Trans. 

"  The  genuine  inspiration  of  poetic  feeling, . . .  replete  with  tenderness  and  beauty, 
earnestness  iind  truthful  simplicity,  and  all  the  attributes  of  a  powerful  imagination  and 
vivid  fancy.  We  know  of  no  superior  to  Miss  Carey  among  the  female  authors  of  this 
country."— iVew  York  Journal  of  Commerce. 

"Alice  Carey's  book  is  full  of  beautiful  thoughts;  there  is  draught  after  draught  o^ 
pure  pleasui-e  for  the  lover  of  sweet,  tender  fancies,  and  imagery  which  captivates 
while  it  enforces  truth." — New  York  Courier  and  Inquirer. 

"  'Lyra  and  other  Poems,'  just  published  by  Ptedfield,  attracts  everywhere,  a  remark- 
able degree  of  attention.  A  dozen  of  the  leading  journals,  and  many  eminent  critics, 
have  pronounced  the  authoress  the  greatest  poetess  Uving." — New  York  Mirror. 


LILLIAN,  AND  OTHER  POEMS. 

By  WiNTHROP  Mackworth  Praed.     Now  first  Collected.     One 
Volume  12rao.      Price  One  Dollar. 

"  A  timely  publication  is  this  volume.  A  more  charming  companion  (in  the  shape  of 
a  book)  can  scarcely  be  fomid  for  the  summer  holydays."— iViezo  York  Tribune. 

"  They  are  amusing  sketclies,  gay  and  sprightly  in  their  character,  exhibiting  great 
facility  of  composition,  and  considerable  powers  of  satire." — Hartford  Courant. 

"  There  is  a  brilliant  play  of  fancy  in  '  LilUan,'  and  a  moving  tenderness  in  '  Josephine,' 
for  which  it  woidd  be  hard  to  find  equals.  We  welcome,  therefore,  this  first  collected 
edition  of  his  works." — Albany  Express. 

'■•  As  a  writer  of  vers  de  societe  he  is  pronounced  to  be  without  an  equal  among  Eng- 
lish authors." — Syracuse  Daily  Journal. 

"  The  author  of  tliis  volume  was  one  of  the  most  fluent  and  versatile  English  poets  that 
have  shone  in  the  literary  world  within  the  last  century.  His  versification  is  astonish- 
ingly easy  and  aiiy,  and  his  imagery  not  less  wonderfully  graceful  and  aerial." — Albany 
State  Register. 


THE  CAVALIERS  OF  ENGLAND; 

Or,  the  Times  of  the  Revolutions  of  1642  and   16B8.     By  Henry 
William  Herbert.     One  vol.,  12mo.,  price  $1.25. 

"  They  are  graphic  stories,  and  in  the  highest  degree  attractive  to  the  imagination  as 
well  as  instructive,  and  can  not  fail  to  be  popular." — Commercial. 

"  These  tales  are  written  in  the  popular  author's  best  style,  and  give  us  a  vivid  and 
thrilling  idea  of  the  customs  and  influences  of  the  chivalrous  acre." — Christian  Freeman. 

"  His  narrative  is  always  full  of  great  interest ;  his  descriptive  powers  are  of  an  un- 
common order ;  the  romance  of  history  loses  nothing  at  his  hands ;  he  paints  with  the 
power,  vigor,  and  effect  of  a  master." — The  Times. 

"  They  bring  the  past  days  of  old  England  vividly  before  the  reader,  and  impress  upon 
the  mind  with  indelible  force,  the  living  images  of  the  puritans  as  well  as  the  cavaliers, 
whose  earnest  character  and  noble  deeds  lend  such  a  hvely  interest  to  the  legends  of 
the  times  in  which  they  lived  and  fought,  loved  and  hated,  prayed  and  revelled."— iVeTV 
ark  Daily. 


REDFIELD  S    NEW    AND    POPULAR    PUBLICATIONS, 


CLOVERNOOK; 


Or,  Recollections  of  our  Neighborhood  in  the  West.  By  Alicb 
Caret.  Illustrated  by  Darlet.  One  vol.,  12mo.,  price  $1.00. 
(Third  edition.) 

•'  In  this  volume  there  is  a  freshness  which  perpetually  charms  the  reader.  You  seem 
to  be  made  free  of  western  homes  at  once." — Old  Colony  Memorial. 

"  They  bear  the  true  stamp  of  genius— simple,  natural,  truthful — and  evince  a  keen 
sense  of  the  humor  and  pathos,  of  the  comedy  and  tragedy,  of  life  in  the  country.**— -J 
Q   WhUtier. 


DREAM-LAND  BY  DAY-LIGHT: 

A  Panorama  of  Romance.     By  Caroline  Chesebro'.     Illustrated 
by  Darlet.     One  vol.,  12mo.,  price  $1.25.      (Second  edition.) 

"  These  simple  and  beautiful  stories  are  all  highly  endued  with  an  exquisite  percep- 
tion of  natural  beauty,  with  which  is  combined  an  appreciative  sense  of  its  relation  to 
the  highest  moral  emotions." — Albany  State  Register. 

"  Gladly  do  we  greet  this  floweret  in  the  field  of  our  literature,  for  it  is  fragrant  with 
8weet  and  bright  with  hues  that  mark  it  to  be  of  Heaven's  own  planting." — Courier  and 
Enquirer. 

"  There  is  a  depth  of  sentiment  and  feeling  not  ordinarily  met  with,  and  some  of  the 
noblest  faculties  and  afiections  of  man's  nature  are  depicted  and  illustrated  by  the  skfl* 
fol  pen  of  the  authoress." — Churchman. 


LAYS  OF  THE  SCOTTISH  CAVALIERS. 

By  William  E.  Attoun,  Professor  of  Literature  and  Belles-Let- 
tres  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh  and  Editor  of  Blackwood's 
Magazine.     One  vol.,  12mo.  cloth,  price  $1.00. 

"  Since  Lockhart  and  Macaulay's  ballads,  we  have  had  no  metrical  work  to  be  com- 
pared in  spirit,  vigor,  and  rhythm  with  this.  These  ballads  imbody  and  embalm  the 
chief  historical  incidents  of  Scottish  history— literally  in  '  thoughts  that  breathe  and 
words  that  burn.'  They  are  full  of  lyiic  energy,  graphic  description,  and  genuine  feel 
ing." — Home  Journal. 

"  The  fine  ballad  of '  Montrose'  in  this  collection  is  alone  worth  the  price  of  the  book.* 
Boston  Transcript. 


Q/^^ 


THE  BOOK  OF  BALLADS. 
By  Bon  Gaultier.     One  volume,  12mo.,  cloth,  price  75  cents. 

"Here  is  a  book  for  everybody  who  loves  classic  fun.  It  is  made  up  of  ballads  of 
all  sorts,  each  a  capital  parody  upon  the  style  of  some  one  of  the  best^yric  writers  of 
the  time,  from  the  thundering  versification  of  Lockhart  and  Macaulay  to  the  sweetest 
and  simplest  strains  of  Wordsworth  and  Tennyson.  The  author  is  one  of  the  first 
scholars,  and  one  of  the  most  finished  writers  of  the  day,  and  this  production  is  but  tiie 
frolic  of  his  genius  in  play-time  " — Courier  and  Enquirer. 

"  We  do  not  know  to  whom  belongs  this  nam  de  plume,  but  he  is  certainly  a  humorist 
of  no  common  power." — Providence  Journal. 


CONTEMPORARY  BIOGRAPHY. 

METoFraF™ 

OE  SKETCHES  OF  LIYHSTG  NOTABLES, 

AUTHORS  ENGINEERS  PHILANTHROPISTS 

ARCHITECTS         JOURNALISTS  PREACHERS 

ARTISTS  MINISTERS  SAVANS 

COMPOSERS  MONARCHS  STATESMEN 

DEMAGOGUES       NOVELISTS  TRAVELLERS 

DIVINES  POLITICIANS  VOYAGERS 

DRAMATISTS  POETS  WARRIORS 

In  One  Vol.,  12mo,  containing  nearly  Niiie  Hundred  Biograph- 
ical  Sketches — Price  $1.50. 

"  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  you  are  publishing  this  work.  *It  is  precisely  that  kind  of 
Information  that  every  public  and  intelligent  man  desires  to  see,  especially  in  reference 
to  the  distinguished  men  of  Europe,  but  which  I  have  found  it  extremely  difficult  to 
obtain." — Extract  from  a  Letter  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  the  publisher. 

"  In  its  practical  usefulness  this  work  will  supply  a  most  important  desideratum." — 
Courier  4-  Enquirer. 

"  It  forms  a  valuable  manual  for  reference,  especially  in  the  American  department, 
which  we  can  not  well  do  without ;  we  commend  it  to  the  attention  of  our  '  reading 
public'  "—T7-ibu?ie. 

*'  Just  the  book  we  have  desired  a  hundred  times,  brief,  statistical  and  biographical 
sketches  of  men  now  living,  in  Europe  and  America." — New  York  Observer. 

"  It  is  a  book  of  reference  which  every  newspaper  reader  should  have  at  his  elbow- 
as  indispensable  as  a  map  or  a  dictionary — and  from  which  the  best-informed  will  de- 
rive instruction  and  Y)\ea.s\iYc."—Eva7igelist. 

"  This  book  therefore  fills  a  place  in  litei-ature  ;  and  once  published,  we  do  not  see 
how  any  one  could  do  without  it." — Albany  Express. 

"It  is  evidently  compiled  with  great  care  and  labor,  and  every  possible  means  seems 
to  have  been  used  to  secure  the  highest  degree  of  correctness.  It  contains  a  great  deal 
of  valuable  information,  and  is  admii-able  as  a  book  of  reference." — Albany  Argus. 

"It  is,  to  our  notion,  the  most  valuable  collection  of  contemporary  biographies  yet 
made  in  this  or  any  other  country.  The  author  acknowledges  that  its  compilation  was 
a  'labor  of  care  and  responsibility.'  We  believe  him,  and  we  give  him  credit  for  hav 
ing  executed  that  labor  after  a  fashion  that  will  command  general  and  lasting  approv- 
al."— Sunday  Times,  and  Noah's  Weekly  Messenger. 

"  This  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  works  lately  issued— valuable  not  only  for  general 
reading  and  study,  but  as  a  book  of  reference.  It  is  certainly  the  fullest  collection  of 
contemporary  Biographies  yet  made  in  this  country." — Troy  Daily  Times. 

"  This  is  emphatically  a  book  worthy  of  the  name,  and  v;ill  secure  an  extended  pop- 
ularity."— Detroit  Daily  Advertiser. 

"A  book  of  reference  unequalled  in  either  value  or  interest.  It  is  indeed  a  grand  sup- 
plement and  appendix  to  the  modern  histories,  to  the  reviews,  to  the  daily  newspapers 
—a  book  which  a  man  anxious  to  be  regarded  as  intelligent  and  well-informed,  can  no 
more  do  without  than  a  churchman  can  do  without  his  prayer  book,  a  sailor  his  navi- 
gator, or  a  Wall  street  man  his  almanac  and  interest  tables." — Neio  York  Day  Book. 

"  The  volume  once  known  will  be  found  indispensable,  and  will  prove  a  constant 
Gource  of  information  to  readers  at  large." — N.  Y.  Reveille. 

"  For  a  book  of  reference,  this  volume  will  recommend  itself  as  an  invaluable  com- 
panion in  the  library,  office,  and  studio*." — Northern  Budget. 

"  It  is  a  living  breathing  epitome  of  the  day,  a  directory  to  that  wide  phantasmagoria 
we  call  the  world." — Wall  Street  Journal. 

"We  know  of  no  more  valuable  book  to  authors,  editors,  statemen,  and  all  who 
would  be  'up  wjth  the  time,'  than  this." — Spirit  of  the  Times. 

"Men  of  all  nations,  creeds  and  parties,  appear  to  be  treated  in  a  kindly  spirit.  The 
work  will  be  found  a  useful  supplement  to  the  ordinary  biographical  dictionaries." — 
Commercial  Advertiser. 

"  The  value  of  such  a  work  can  scarcely  be  over-estimated.  To  the  statesman  and 
philanthropist,  as  well  as  the  scholar  and  business  man,  it  will  be  found  of  gi'eat  con- 
venience as  a  refei-ence  book,  and  must  soon  be  considered  as  indispensable  to  a  library 
as  Webster's  Dictionary." — Lockport  Courier. 


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BOSTON   COLLEGE  LIBRARY 

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